Part 3

Except on rare occasions, such as participation in an occasional public celebration might afford, the average soldier found camp life at Morristown hard, unexciting, and often monotonous. Sometimes his whole existence seemed like an endless round of drill, guard duty, and “fatigue” assignments, the latter including such unpleasant chores as burying the “Dead carcases in and about camp.” What little recreation the line troops could find was largely unorganized and incidental. Washington proclaimed a holiday from work on St. Patrick’s Day 1780, which the Pennsylvania Division observed by sharing a hogshead of rum purchased for that purpose by Col. Francis Johnston, its then commander. Regulations prohibited gambling and drunkenness, however, and the prankster who strayed too far from military discipline “paid the piper” if caught. One soldier, convicted by court martial of “Quitting his Post, and riding Gen. Maxwell’s Horse,” received 150 lashes on his bare back. This war was a stern business; men who enlisted as privates in the Continental Army were not supposed to be looking for amusement.

The officers were somewhat more fortunate. Most of the generals obtained furloughs and went home to their families for part of the winter. Others could escape the tedium of camp life occasionally at least. Writes Lt. Erkuries Beatty, in a letter dated March 13, 1780: “I got leave of absence for three Days to go see Aunt Mills and Uncle Read who lives about 12 Miles from here ... that night Cousin Polly and me set off a Slaying with a number more young People and had a pretty Clever Kick-up, the next Day Polly and I went to Uncle Reads who lives about 4 Miles from Aunts, here I found Aunt Read and two great Bouncing female cousins and a house full of smaller ones, here we spent the Day very agreeably Romping with the girls who was exceeding Clever & Sociable.” Almost at the same time, “the lovely Maria and her amiable sister” were entertaining Capt. Samuel Shaw, of the 3d Artillery Regiment, at Mount Hope. “By heavens,” Shaw confidentially informed a fellow officer on February 29, “the more I know of that charming girl, the better I like her; every visit serves to confirm my attachment, and _I feel_ myself gone past recovery.”

Dancing was another popular diversion among the officers that winter. At least two balls were held in Morristown by subscription, one on February 23 and the other on March 3. Lieutenant Beatty mentioned attending “two or three Dances in Morristown,” and also “a Couple of Dances at my Brother John’s Quarters at Battle [Bottle] Hill.” Many of these events were lively affairs patronized by a goodly proportion of the fair sex. Indeed, the energy displayed by “some of the _dear creatures_ in this quarter” nearly exhausted Captain Shaw, who complained that “three nights going till after two o’clock have they made us keep it up.”

But for all such pleasurable excursions, the average Continental officer had adversities with which to deal. Frequently, he shared the greatest hardships of his men, and from day to day worked unremittingly to improve their lot along with his own. Nor must it be forgotten that, unlike a private, an officer was expected to support and clothe himself largely from his pay or private means, and that he paid for recreation out of his own pocket. Sometimes officers were so deficient in clothing that they could not appear upon parade, much less enjoy visits with the ladies. Even Washington, at his headquarters in the Ford Mansion, often lacked necessities for his table, or experienced some other inconvenience. “I have been at my prest. quarters since the 1st day of Decr.,” he observed to General Greene on January 22, 1780, “and have not a Kitchen to Cook a Dinner in, altho’ the Logs have been put together some considerable time by my own Guard; nor is there a place at this moment in which a servant can lodge with the smallest degree of comfort. Eighteen belonging to my family and all Mrs. Fords are crouded together in her Kitchen and scarce one of them able to speak for the colds they have caught.”

LUZERNE AND MIRALLES.

Among the most interesting events which took place at Morristown in the spring of 1780 were those connected with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, Minister of France, and Don Juan de Miralles, a Spanish grandee who accompanied him, unofficially, on a visit to the American camp. These gentlemen arrived at headquarters on April 19, but Miralles became violently ill immediately afterwards, and it was only Washington’s distinguished French guest who could participate in the celebrations that followed during the next few days.

The highlight of Luzerne’s visit, which occurred on April 24, was eloquently described by Dr. Thacher: “A field of parade being prepared under the direction of the Baron Steuben, four battalions of our army were presented for review, by the French minister, attended by his Excellency and our general officers. Thirteen cannon, as usual, announced their arrival in the field.... A large stage was erected in the field, which was crowded by officers, ladies, and gentlemen of distinction from the country, among whom were Governor Livingston, of New Jersey, and his lady. Our troops exhibited a truly military appearance, and performed the manoeuvres and evolutions in a manner, which afforded much satisfaction to our Commander in Chief, and they were honored with the approbation of the French minister, and by all present.... In the evening, General Washington and the French minister, attended a ball, provided by our principal officers, at which were present a numerous collection of ladies and gentlemen, of distinguished character. Fireworks were also exhibited by the officers of the artillery.” Next day, amid the music of fifes and drums, and with another 13-cannon salute, Luzerne inspected the whole Continental Army encampment. Then he left for Philadelphia, escorted part-way on his journey by an honor guard which Washington provided.

Don Juan de Miralles saw nothing of these parades, entertainments, and reviews. The sickness which had seized him on his arrival at Morristown was to prove fatal. His condition grew steadily worse as the days passed, and on April 28 he died. Final obsequies were held late the following afternoon, and again Dr. Thacher was on hand to describe events: “I accompanied Dr. Schuyler to head quarters, to attend the funeral of M. de Miralles.... The top of the coffin was removed, to display the pomp and grandeur with which the body was decorated. It was in a splendid full dress, consisting of a scarlet suit, embroidered with rich gold lace, a three cornered gold laced hat, and a genteel cued wig, white silk stockings, large diamond shoe and knee buckles, a profusion of diamond rings decorated the fingers, and from a superb gold watch set with diamonds, several rich seals were suspended. His Excellency General Washington, with several other general officers, and members of Congress, attended the funeral solemnities, and walked as chief mourners. The other officers of the army, and numerous respectable citizens, formed a splendid procession, extending about one mile ... the coffin was borne on the shoulders of four officers of the artillery in full uniform. Minute guns were fired during the procession, which greatly increased the solemnity of the occasion. A Spanish priest performed service at the grave, in the Roman Catholic form. The coffin was enclosed in a box of plank, and all the profusion of pomp and grandeur was deposited in the silent grave, in the common burying ground, near the church at Morristown. A guard is placed at the grave, lest our soldiers should be tempted to dig for hidden treasure. It is understood that the corpse is to be removed to Philadelphia.”

THE COMMITTEE AT HEADQUARTERS.

The “members of Congress” mentioned by Dr. Thacher as having attended Miralles’ funeral were undoubtedly Philip Schuyler, John Mathews, and Nathaniel Peabody, who had arrived in Morristown only the day before. These men had been appointed by their colleagues as a “committee at head-quarters” to examine into the state of the Continental Army, and to take such steps, in consultation with the Commander in Chief, as might improve its prospects of winning the war. The committee remained active until November 1, 1780, and during its life rendered valuable service as a liaison body between Congress, on the one hand, and headquarters on the other. Its very first report detailed at length “the almost inextricable difficulties” in which the committee found American military affairs involved. The report also stated, in unmistakeably plain words, what Washington had been saying all along, namely, that Congress itself would have to act quickly if the situation were to be saved.

LAFAYETTE BRINGS GOOD NEWS.

Even as Schuyler and his co-workers penned their report, however, good news was arriving at headquarters. On May 10, 1780, following more than a year’s absence in his native France, the Marquis de Lafayette came to Morristown, fortified with word that King Louis XVI had determined to send a second major armament of ships and men to aid the Americans. This assistance would prove more beneficial, it was hoped, than the first French expedition under the Count d’Estaing, which, after failing to take Newport in the late summer of 1778, had finally sailed away to the West Indies. Washington’s joy at seeing Lafayette again was doubled by this welcome information, and the army as a whole shared his feelings.

The gallant young Frenchman remained a guest of his “beloved and respected friend and general” until May 14, when he left for Philadelphia, carrying with him letters from Washington and Hamilton informing members of Congress about his work in France. Approximately 6 days later he returned to Morristown, and from that time forth until the end of 1780 he continued with the Continental Army in New Jersey and New York State.

TWO BATTLES END THE 1779-80 ENCAMPMENT.

Early in June there was far less cheerful news. Reports reached camp that the enemy had taken Charleston, capturing General Lincoln with his entire army of 5,000 men. Worse still, the British forces under Sir Henry Clinton’s immediate command would now be released, in all probability, for military operations in the North.

This was the dark moment chosen by Lt. Gen. Wilhelm von Knyphausen, then commanding the enemy forces at New York, for an invasion of New Jersey, ostensibly to test persistent rumors that war-weariness among the Americans had reached a point where, suitably encouraged, they might abandon the struggle for independence. Five thousand British and German troops accordingly crossed over from Staten Island to Elizabethtown Point on June 6, and the next morning began advancing toward Morristown. The first shock of their attack was met by the New Jersey Brigade, then guarding the American outposts; but as heavy fighting progressed, local militia came out in swarms to assist in opposing the invader. During the action, which lasted all day, the enemy burned Connecticut Farms. By nightfall, Knyphausen had come to within a half mile of Springfield. Then he retreated, in the midst of a terrific thunderstorm, to Elizabethtown Point.

Word of Knyphausen’s crossing from Staten Island reached Washington in the early morning hours of June 7. There were then but six brigades of the Continental Army still encamped in Jockey Hollow—Hand’s, Stark’s, 1st and 2d Connecticut, and 1st and 2d Pennsylvania—the two Maryland Brigades having left for the South on April 17, and the New York Brigade having marched for the Hudson Highlands between May 29 and 31. The troops at Morristown, ordered to “march immediately” at 7 a. m., reached the Short Hills above Springfield that same afternoon. There the Commander in Chief held them in reserve against any British attempt to advance further toward Morristown.

Except for occasional shifts in advanced outposts on both sides, there was no significant change in this situation for 2 weeks. Knyphausen’s troops continued at Elizabethtown Point, and the Americans remained at Springfield. On June 21, however, having learned positively that Sir Henry Clinton’s forces had reached New York 4 days earlier, Washington decided that the time had come to leave Morristown as his main base of operations. Steps were accordingly taken to remove military stores concentrated in the village to interior points less vulnerable to immediate attack. Stark’s and the New Jersey Brigades, Maj. Henry Lee’s Light Horse Troop, and the militia were left at Springfield, under command of General Greene. The balance of the Continental Army began moving slowly toward Pompton, but was encamped at Rockaway Bridge when Washington, having left his headquarters in the Ford Mansion, joined it on June 23. This dual disposition of the American forces was taken with a view to protecting the environs of both Morristown and West Point, either of which might be the next major British objective.

On June 23, the very day of Washington’s departure from Morristown, the enemy struck once more. This time, with one column headed by General Mathew and the other by Knyphausen, they succeeded in getting through Springfield, where the British burned every building but two. Greene’s command met the assault with such determination, however, that the attackers again retreated to their former position. That night they abandoned Elizabethtown Point and crossed over to Staten Island. Never again during the Revolutionary War was there to be another major invasion of New Jersey.

While this second Battle of Springfield was in progress, Washington moved the main body of the Continental Army “back towards Morris Town five or six miles,” where he would be in a better position to defend the stores remaining there in case the British attack should carry that far. Then, on June 25, with definite assurance that the enemy had retired to Staten Island, he put all the troops under marching orders for the Hudson Highlands. The second encampment at Morristown was ended.

_January 1781: The Story of Two Mutinies_

Early the next winter, which most of Washington’s forces spent at New Windsor, on the Hudson River just north of West Point, the New Jersey Line was assigned to quarters at Pompton. The Pennsylvania Line, consisting of 10 infantry regiments and one of artillery, repaired and occupied the log huts built by Hand’s and the 1st Connecticut Brigades at Jockey Hollow in 1779-80.

Morale was extremely low at this time among all the Continental troops stationed in New Jersey. Not only did the Pennsylvanians lack clothing and blankets, but they were without a drop of rum to fortify themselves against the piercing cold. Moreover, they had not seen even a paper dollar in pay for over 12 months. Many of the soldiers also claimed that their original enlistments “for three years or during the war” entitled them to discharge at the end of 3 years, or sooner in case the war terminated earlier, and that the officers, by interpreting their enlistments to run as long as the war should last, were unjustly holding them beyond the time agreed upon. Still another cause of irritation was that latecomers in the Continental Army, especially those from New England, had been given generous bounties for enlisting, whereas both the New Jersey and Pennsylvania veterans had already served 3 full years for a mere shadow of compensation.

Maj. Gen. Anthony Wayne, then commanding the Pennsylvanians, had known for a long time that trouble was coming if these grievances were not soon remedied, and had repeatedly urged the authorities of his State to do something about them. His entreaties fell on deaf ears. Tired of pleading, the men at last resorted to mutiny. On the evening of New Year’s Day 1781, almost the whole Pennsylvania Line turned out by pre-arrangement, seized the artillery and ammunition, and prepared to leave the camp. Capt. Adam Bettin was killed, and two other officers wounded, in vain attempts to restore order. Wayne himself, popular though he was with both rank and file, could not persuade the mutineers to lay down their arms. At 11 o’clock that night they marched off toward Philadelphia with the announced intention of carrying their case direct to Congress.

The serious character of this revolt, especially the grave danger that it might spread rapidly to other parts of the Continental Army, was fully appreciated by Washington and his principal officers, including Wayne, who followed and caught up with the mutineers, then voluntarily accompanied them to Princeton. Meanwhile, the men preserved their own order, declared they would turn and fight the British should an invasion of New Jersey be attempted in this crisis, and they handed over to Wayne two emissaries dispatched by Sir Henry Clinton to lure them into his lines with lavish promises. This display of loyalty, the firm stand taken by the mutineers, and at the same time the justness of their complaints, all had effect on representatives of Congress and the Pennsylvania State authorities who came to Princeton to negotiate the whole question. An agreement concluded on January 7 stipulated that enlistments for 3 years or the duration of the war would be considered as expiring at the end of the 3d year; that shoes, linen overalls, and shirts would be issued shortly to the men discharged; and that prompt action would be taken in the matter of back pay. Commissioners appointed by Congress went to work at once to settle the details. More than half the mutineers were released from the army, and the rest furloughed for several months, as a result of the final settlement. Their main grievances removed, many of the men later reenlisted for new bounties. The loss was thus not as great in actuality as had been feared at first.

Hardly had the Pennsylvania Mutiny subsided when, on January 20, the New Jersey troops at Pompton also rose in revolt. Although this second insurrection was a comparatively mild affair, Washington took no chances with it. Five hundred men under command of Maj. Gen. Robert Howe were sent to restore order, and early in the morning of January 27, these forces surrounded the camp at Pompton and forced the mutineers to parade without arms. Three ringleaders were condemned to be shot by 12 of their partners in the uprising, but when two had been executed, the third was pardoned. On February 7 following, Washington ordered the chastened New Jersey Brigade to Morristown, there to take up quarters “in the Huts, lately occupied by the Pennsylvanians.” The troops remained so posted until July 8, 1781, when the Brigade marched for Kingsbridge on the Hudson.

_The New Jersey Brigade Encampment of 1781-82_

The last major battles of the Revolutionary War were fought in the South, ending with the Virginia campaign which resulted in the surrender at Yorktown, on October 19, 1781, of the British Army commanded by Lord Cornwallis. Following this event, Washington ordered most of his forces to return northward. Plans were made to establish the main Continental Army encampment at Newburgh, N. Y., during the coming winter, but the New Jersey Brigade was directed to “take Post somewhere in the Vicinity of Morristown, to cover the Country adjacent, and to secure the communication between the Delaware and North [Hudson] River.”

Col. Elias Dayton, soon afterward promoted to brigadier general, was then in command of the New Jersey Brigade, which at that time consisted of two regiments with a combined strength of around 700 men. His troops had arrived at Morristown by December 7, 1781, and they immediately established themselves in its neighborhood, again using log huts for quarters. Local tradition gives the position of their encampment as being in Jockey Hollow, a short distance southeast of the Wick House. Wherever the exact location, the Brigade remained there until August 29, 1782, when Dayton had orders from Washington to march toward King’s Ferry. A few of the sick and some regimental baggage were left behind when the New Jersey troops began their march, but these also were forwarded in the next 2 weeks.

This was the last winter encampment of American forces in Morris County during the Revolutionary War. The period of Morristown’s significance as a base for Washington’s military operations in that conflict had come to a close.

_Guide to the Area_

The following information, supplementing that contained in the narrative section of this handbook, is furnished as a convenient guide to points of special interest in and around Morristown National Historical Park. Numbers and titles in the text correspond to those shown on the Guide Map (pp. 20-21). Another map (p. 35) shows the bridle paths and foot trails in the jockey Hollow Area.

NO. 1. HISTORICAL MUSEUM.

Located in the rear of the Ford Mansion (No. 2), at 230 Morris Street, Morristown, is the historical museum, a fireproof structure erected by the National Park Service in 1935. In the attractive entrance hall and four exhibition rooms of this building may be seen military arms and equipment, important relics of George and Martha Washington, and a large collection of other objects associated with the story of Morristown in Revolutionary War times. Here also are located the park administrative offices, including those of the superintendent, chief clerk, historian, and museum staff.

NO. 2. FORD MANSION, WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS, 1779-80.

Facing Morris Street where it joins Washington Avenue, is the Ford Mansion. This structure, a splendid example of late American colonial architecture, was built about 1772-74 by Col. Jacob Ford, Jr., an influential citizen, iron manufacturer, powder mill owner, and patriot soldier of Morristown. Colonel Ford died on January 10, 1777, from illness contracted during the “Mud Rounds” campaign of late 1776, in which he rendered valuable service to the American cause as commander of the Eastern Battalion, Morris County Militia. He was buried with military honors in the graveyard of the Presbyterian Church at Morristown.

The mansion itself served for a brief period in 1777 as quarters for the Delaware Light Infantry Regiment commanded by Capt. Thomas Rodney. During the Continental Army encampment of 1779-80, all but two rooms in the house were occupied by Washington’s official family, which, besides the Commander in Chief, included his devoted wife, Martha, his aides-de-camp, and some servants (p. 23). Mrs. Ford’s family consisted of herself and her four children: Timothy (aged 17), Gabriel (aged 15), Elizabeth (aged 13), and Jacob, III (aged 8).

Restoration of the Ford Mansion was begun by the National Park Service in 1939. Much of the beautiful old furniture now displayed in the building was there when Washington occupied it. The remaining furnishings are mostly pieces dating from the Revolutionary War period or earlier, such as Mrs. Ford and her distinguished guests might have used.

NO. 3. SITE OF WASHINGTON’S LIFE GUARD CAMP, 1779-80.