Part 6

Their Empire owes the continuance of its being to the severity of the Government, which oftentimes takes place without regard either to Justice or Equity, and to their frequent Wars, which prevent all occasions of Mutiny and Faction among the Soldiers, which happen frequently when unimploy'd. So that tho' Ambition may put a warlike Sultan upon enlarging his Territories by new Conquests, yet reason of State forces a weak and effeminate Prince, such as was _Ibrahim_, to make War for his own Security. Their Politicks are not owing to Books and Study and the Examples of past times, but to Experience and the plain Suggestions of Nature and common Sense: They have Rules of Government, which they firmly adhere to, holding the Reins strait, especially being cruel and inexorable to Criminals of State, who never are to expect any Mercy or Pity. Their Councils formerly were open, and their Designs known, and proclaimed before Hand, as if this had been a Bravery becoming their Greatness, and that they scorned to steal a Conquest. But they have learned since the Art of dissimulation, and can Lie and Swear for their Interest, and seem excessive in their Caresses to the Ministers of those Countries, which they intend to Invade. But their preparations for Arming are made with so much Noise, that an ordinary Jealousie is soon awakened by it to oppose them, in case of an Attack. They seldom or never care to have War at both Extremes of the Empire at the same time, and therefore they are mighty sollicitous to secure a Peace with _Christendom_, when they intend a War upon the _Persians_: And as much as is possible, they avoid quarrelling with two Christian Princes at once, being usually at League either with _Poland_ and _Muscovy_, when they War upon _Hungary_, and so on the contrary; dreading nothing more than an Union of the _Christian_ Princes, bordering upon them, which would prove so fatal to their Empire, and quickly put a Period to their Greatness. For hereby they would be put upon a necessity of making a defensive War to their great Loss and Disadvantage, and at last either be forced to beg a Peace of the _Christians_, or run the hazard of losing all, by a further Prosecution of War.

This they are very sensible of, and therefore as they take all occasion to promote Quarrels and Dissentions in _Hungary_ and _Transylvania_, so they greatly rejoyce, when the Princes of _Christendom_ are at War one with another. This is their great time of Advantage, and they know that it is their true Interest to pursue it, tho' they do not always, by reason of the ill condition of their own Affairs, make use of it. During the Civil Wars of _Germany_, the Bassa's and other Commanders of the Army were very importunate with the grand Signior, to make a War on that side, and to enlarge his Conquests as far as _Vienna_, no conjuncture having been ever so favourable to consummate such a Design, in which _Solyman_ so unhappily miscarried. They promised him an easie Victory, assuring him that the Animosities of the Princes of the Empire were so heightned, that there was no room left for a Reconciliation, that he was but to go in the Head of an Army to take Possession, and that _Austria_ would Surrender at the first News of his March towards it. The Emperor was not to be moved at that time by these Insinuations and plausible Discourses; being continually urged, He as often denied. One day when they came to Renew their advice about the _German_ War, He having given order before, that several Dogs should be kept for some Days without Meat, commanded that they should be brought out, being almost Starved, and Meat thrown among them, whereupon they snarled and bit one another: In the midst of their Noise and Fighting, he caused a Bear to be let loose in the same Area; the Dogs forgetting their Meat, and leaving off their fighting, ran all upon the Bear, ready to Prey upon them singly, and at last killed him. This Diversion the Emperor gave his Bassa's, and left them to make the application.

A certain Prophecy of no small Authority runs in the Minds of all the People, and has gain'd great Credit and Belief among them, that their Empire shall be ruined by a Northern Nation, which has white and yellowish Hair. The Interpretation is as various as their Fansie. Some fix this Character on the _Muscovites_: And the poor _Greeks_ flatter themselves with foolish Hopes, that they are to be their Deliverers, and to rescue them from their Slavery, chiefly because they are of their Communion, and owe their Conversion to the _Christian_ Faith to the Piety and Zeal of the _Grecian_ Bishops formerly. Others look upon the _Swedes_, as the Persons describ'd in the Prophecy, whom they are most to fear. The Ground and Original of this fancy I suppose is owing to the great Opinion, which they have of the Valour and Courage of that Warlike Nation. The great Victories of the _Swedes_ in _Germany_ under _Gustavus Adolphus_ were loudly proclaimed at _Constantinople_, as if there were no withstanding the shock and fury of their Arms: And their continued Successes confirmed the _Turks_ in their first belief, and their Fears and their Jealousies were augmented afterwards, when _Charles Gustave_, a Prince of as heroick a Courage, and as great Abilities in the Art and Management of War as the justly admired _Gustavus_, entred _Poland_ with his Army, and carried all before him, seized upon _Warsaw_ and drove _Casimire_ out of his Kingdom, and had almost made an entire and absolute Conquest, only a few Places holding out. This alarmed the Grand Signior and the Bassa's of the _Port_, as if the Prophecy were then about to be fulfilled, who did not care for the Company of such troublesome Neighbours, who might push on their Victories, and joyning with the _Cossacks_, advance their Arms further, and make their Country the seat of a War, which might draw after it fatal Consequences. To prevent which, Couriers are dispatch'd from _Constantinople_ to _Ragotski_, Prince of _Transylvania_, then in concert with the _Sweeds_, to Command him to retire with his Army out of _Poland_, as he valued the Peace and Safety of his own Country, and the Friendship of the Grand Signior, whose Tributary he was, and by whose Favour he had gain'd that Principality: And the _Crim-Tartars_, the Sworn Enemies of the _Poles_, who at that time lay heavy upon them, were wrought upon by the same Motives and Reasons of State, to clap up a Peace with them, that being freed from these Distractions, they might unite their Forces the better together, and make Head against the _Sweeds_.

The Ambassadors of _Christian_ Princes, when they are admitted by the Grand Signior to an Audience, (their Presents being then of course made, which are look'd upon as due, not to say, as an Homage) are dismiss'd in few Words, and referred by him to his _Wakil_ or Deputy, as he usually stiles the chief _Vizir_: And a small number of their Retinue only permitted the Honour of kissing his Vest, and then rudely enough sent away.

The Grand Signiors keep up the State of the old _Asiatick_ Princes: They do not expose themselves often to the View of the People, unless when they ride in Triumph, or upon some such solemn Occasion; when they go to the Moschs, or divert themselves in the Fields, either in Riding or Hunting, they do not love to be stared upon, or approached. It is highly Criminal to pry into their Sports, such an Insolent Curiosity being often punished with Death. The Story is Famous of _Morad_ the Third, who baiting a Bear in the old Palace with a Mastiff, and espying three Fellows upon the Tower of _Bajazid's_ Mosch, who had planted themselves to see the Sport, commanded their Heads to be struck off immediately, and be brought before him, which was done accordingly. Instances of such Capricio's are frequent in the _Turkish_ History; this following happened during my stay at _Constantinople_.

Upon the return of Vizir _Achmet_ from _Candia_, after the Surrendry of that City, and a happy end put by him to that tedious and bloody War, he acquainting the present Emperor, then at _Adrianople_, with the History of that famous Siege at large, made such terrible Representations of their and the _Venetians_ Mining and Countermining one another, that the Emperor was resolved out of Curiosity to see the Experiment made of a thing, that seemed to him almost Incredible. A Work was soon raised and undermined, and above 30 Murderers and Robbers upon the High-Way and such like Villains were put into it, as it were to defend it. The Grand Signior stood upon an Eminence at some considerable distance, expecting the issue of it; upon a Signal given, the Mine was sprung, and the Fort demolished, and the poor Wretches torn piece-meal to his great Satisfaction and Amazement.

The Moon is the auspicious Planet of the _Turks_: According to the course of which they celebrate their Festivals. They begin their Months from the first appearance of it, at which time they choose, except a delay brings a great Prejudice and Inconvenience with it, to begin their great Actions. The Crescent is the Ensign of the Empire, which they Paint in Banners, and place upon the Spires of their Moschs. Next to the Day of the appearing Moon, they pitch upon _Friday_, to fight upon, to begin a journey, and especially their Pilgrimage toward _Mecca_, or do any thing of great Consequence, as very lucky and fortunate.

A Relation of a Voyage from _Aleppo_ to _Palmyra_ in _Syria_; sent by the Reverend Mr. _William Hallifax_ to Dr. _Edward Bernard_ (late) _Savilian_ Professor of Astronomy in _Oxford_, and by him communicated to Dr. _Thomas Smith. Reg. Soc. S._

_D. Thomæ Smitho Edoardus Bernardus, S._

_Quanquam Epistolas tuas, O cor & medulla amicitiæ nostræ, & alia munera grato animo in finum hunc recipere soleo; eas tamen _Notitias_, quas tuo dono hodie accepi, tanquam germana & famæ nunquam marcescentis pignora, multo chariores habeo, &, dum vivam, reverenter adservabo. Sic enim Asianarum Ecclesiarum Pleiada e tenebris denuo excitas: sic antiquissimorum Episcoporum sedes instauras, ut candelabrum ἑπτάλοφον cum magno Theologo & Apocalypta iterum ardens ac fulgens videre mihi videor. Præterea, in descriptione urbis Constantini Silentiarios, Codinos, Gyllios, cæteros exsuperas. Fruere diu superstes hac laude, quam suam esse maluit Sponius, & præter morem ingenuum aut fas sibi abripere._

_Gaudeo tamen mihi jam novum adesse munus, quod tecum queam impertire volente spero, & læto. Id est Epigrapharum Sylloge, quas a columnis _Palmyrenis_ Charissimus amicus, _Gulielmus Hallifaxius_ pulchro studio descripsit. Utinam _Syriaca_ plura ipse addisset sub Græcis, & Epocham _Palmyrenam_ a _Seleuco_ victore, non ab _Alexandri_ magni obitu incepisset. Historiæ vero _Augustæ_ scriptores qui teruntur, & _Herodianus_ Grammaticus plerasque Inscriptionum istarum multum illustrant. Verum isthæc vix sunt nostri otii. Attamen si hæc commiseris _Philosophicarum Transactionum_, ut nunc loquuntur, conditoribus haud injucundum πρόπομα fuerit, donec vir illustris & adprime doctus _D. Cuperus_ uberiora forte ediderit de urbe _Solomonis_ ejusque reliquiis. Vale vir venerabilis._

Oxoniæ _Nonis_ Octobribus _A. D._ CIↃIↃCXCV.

* * * * *

_Reverend Sir_,

[Sidenote: _Tadmor_ Castle.]

[Sidenote: The Valley of Salt.]

Having promised you an Account of my Voyage to _Tadmor_, I cannot now Excuse my self from being as good as my Word, whatever Censure I may incur of having misspent my Mony and Time in search of such unprofitable Curiosities; or what I more fear, of having made such poor Improvements, of which a Man of larger Reading and Understanding, might have afforded much greater Information. We departed _Aleppo_ on _Michaelmas-day_, 1691. and in six easie Days Travel over a Desart Country, came to _Tadmor_; Journying almost continually to the South, with very little variation to the Eastward. As we rode into the Town, we took notice of a Castle about half an Hours distance from it, and so situated as to Command both the Pass into the Hills, by which we entred, and the City too. But we could easily perceive it was no Old Building, retaining no Footsteps of the exquisite Workmanship and Ingenuity of the Ancients. Upon Enquiry we were informed, that it was built by _Man-Ogle_, a Prince of the _Druces_, in the Reign of _Amurath_ the Third, _Anno D. N._ 1585. But I know not how to give much Credit to this Story, because I find not that either _Man-Ogle_, or any _Drucian_ Prince, was ever Powerful in these Parts, their strength lying on Mount _Libanus_, and along the Coast of _Sydon_, _Berytus_, _&c._ 'Tis a Work of more Labour than Art, and the very Situation alone is enough to render it almost Impregnable; standing on the top of a very high Hill, enclosed with a deep Ditch, cut out of the very Rock, over which there was only one sole Passage by a Draw-Bridge: This Bridge too is now broken down; so that there is no Entrance remaining, unless you will be at the Pains to clamber up the Rock, which is in one place feasible, but withal so difficult hazardous, that a small slip may endanger ones Life. Nor is there any thing within to be seen sufficient to recompence your Trouble of getting up to it, the Building being confused, and the Rooms very ill contrived. Upon the top of the Hill there is a Well of a prodigious depth, as certainly it must be a great way to come at Water from the top of such a Rock, the Ditch that surrounds it, not having the least appearance of moisture therein; which made it therefore seem more strange that a Wild Boar should rush out thence among our Horses, when we rode up to take a more particular View of the Place. This Castle stands on the North side of the Town, and from hence you have the best Prospect of the Country all about. You see _Tadmor_ under you inclosed on three sides with long Ridges of Mountains, which open towards the East gradually to the distance of about an Hours Riding; but to the South stretches a vast Plain beyond the reach of the Eye. In this Plain you see a large Valley of Salt affording great quantities thereof, and lying near about an Hours distance from the City. And this more probably is the Valley of Salt, mentioned 2 _Sam._ 8. 13. where _David_ smote the _Syrians_, and slew 18000 Men, than another which lies but four Hours from _Aleppo_, and has sometimes past for it. The Air is good, but the Soil exceeding barren, nothing green to be seen therein, save some few Palm-Trees in the Gardens, and here and there about the Town. And from these Trees I conceive is obtained its Name, both in Hebrew (_Tadmor_) which signifies a Palm-Tree, and in Latin (_Palmira_;) and the whole Country is thence denominated _Syria Palmirena_; and sometimes _Solitudines Palmirenæ_: So that the Latins did not change but only Translate the old Name, which therefore still obtains in these Eastern Parts, and the more Modern is wholly unknown.

[Sidenote: _Tadmor._]

The City it self appears to have been of a large Extent, by the space now taken up by the Ruins; but there are no Footsteps of any Walls remaining, nor is it possible to judge of the ancient Figure of the Place. The present Inhabitants, as they are a Poor, Miserable, dirty People, so they have shut themselves up, to the Number of about Thirty or Forty Families, in little Huts made of Dirt, within the Walls of a spacious Court, which enclosed a most Magnificent Heathen Temple. Hereinto also we entred, the whole Power of the Village, if I may so call it, being gathered together at the Door, whether to stand upon their Defence, in case we proved Enemies, (for some of them had their Guns in their Hands) or out of meer Curiosity to gaze upon us, I know not. However our Guide, who was an _Arab_, whom _Assyne_[14] their present King had sent to Conduct us through the whole Voyage, being a Man known among them, we had an easie Admittance, and with a great many Welcomes in their Language were led to the _Sheck_'s House, with whom we were to make our Abode. And to mention here what the Place at first View represents. Certainly the World it self cannot afford the like mixture of Remains of the greatest State and Magnificence, together with the Extremity of Filth and Poverty. The nearest Parallel I can think of, is that of the Temple of _Baal_, destroyed by _Jehu_, and converted into a Draught-House, 2 _Kings_ 10. 27. And if, what is not improbable, this very Place was a Temple of _Jupiter Belus_, the Similitude will run upon all Four.

[Sidenote: The Temple.]

Being thus lodged within the Place, I shall begin with a Description thereof, and proceed to what I observed remarkable without. The whole inclosed Space is a Square of 200 Yard each side, encompass'd with a high and stately Wall, built of large square Stone, and adorned with Pilasters within and without, to the number, (as near as we could compute by what is standing of the Wall, which is much the greater part) of 62 on a side. And had not the Barbarity of the _Turks_, Enemies to every thing that is splendid and noble, out of a vain Superstition, purposely beat down those beautiful Cornishes both here and in other Places, we had seen the most curious and exquisite Carvings in Stone which perhaps the World could ever boast of; as here and there a small Remainder, which has escap'd their Fury, does abundantly evidence. The West side, wherein is the Entrance, is most of it broken down, and near the middle of the Square, another higher Wall erected out of the Ruins; which shews to have been a Castle, strong but rude; the old Stones and many Pillars broken or sawn asunder, being rolled into the Fabrick, and ill cemented. Within were to be seen the Foundations of another Wall, which probably might answer this Front, and that the _Mamalukes_, whose Workmanship it seems most likely to have been, built the Castle here for the Security of the Place. Before the whole length of this new Front, except a narrow Passage which is left for an Entrance, is cut a deep Ditch, the ascent whereof on the inner side is fac'd with Stone to the very Foot of the Wall, which must have render'd it very difficult to have assaulted it. The Passage to, and the Door it self is very narrow, not wider than to receive a loaded Camel, or that two Foot-men may well walk abreast. And as soon as you are within the first Door, you make a short turn to the Right, and pass on to another of the like bigness, which leads into the Court. But all this is but a new Building upon an old, and by this outward Wall is quite shrouded that Magnificent Entrance, which belonged to the first Fabrick; of the stateliness whereof we were enabled to judge by the two Stones which supported the sides of the great Gate, each of which is 35 Foot in length, and artificially carved with Vines and clusters of Grapes, exceeding bold and to the Life. They are both standing, and in their Places, and the distance between them, which gives us the wideness of the Gate 15 Foot. But all this is now walled up to the narrow Door before mentioned. Over the little Door there is an Inscription in _Greek_, and also another in another Language and Character, which I never saw till in _Tadmor_, nor understand what to make of it. From that in _Greek_ we hoped for some Information; but it will be evident to any one that reads it, that the Stone was brought from another Place and casually put in there. 'Tis thus:

ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΤΑΦΕΩΝΟΣ ΕΚΤΙΣΕΝ ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΣ ΟΔΑΙΝΑΘΟΣ Ο ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΣ ΣΥΝΚΛΗΤ[ΙΚΟΣ] ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑΣΩΡΟΥΑΥ ΤΩΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙΣ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΩΝΟΙΣ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΠΑΝΤΕΛΕΣ ΑΙΩΝΙΟΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΝ.

Under this was the unknown Characters, which I shall here give you a Specimen of, it being as well as it could be taken, thus. _Vide Figuram._

The Letters between these [] Marks were not Legible, but I have ventured to supply the defect, as also you will see in some others following. Neither was the Ε in ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ upon the Stone, but was doubtless omitted by mistake; and the Inscription is nothing else but the Inscription of a Sepulchre, the like to which we saw several, as I shall have occasion to mention some of them hereafter. And as for the other Character, it being added almost under every _Greek_ Inscription we saw, and rarely found alone, I am apt to believe it the Native Language and Character of the Place, and the Matter it contains nothing else but what we have in the _Greek_.