Part 16

In the early part of 1645, the correspondence between the leaders on both sides was constant. Sir William Brereton, however, seems to have been indisposed to treat with commissioners from the other side for a surrender, which apparently he would only accept on his own terms, which were set forth in a letter thrown over the walls. In March the advent of Prince Maurice and Prince Rupert into Cheshire caused some diversion of the besieging forces; and in May Sir William Brereton retreated from his position before Chester to Nantwich, and on the 22nd the city was relieved. This movement was no doubt due to the report that the King himself was advancing with a powerful army. He did not, however, at that time come further than Drayton, from which place he marched to Uttoxeter. The city, however, was not left without anxiety, as the outworks may be said to have been still in the possession of the enemy. In September intelligence was received that the King had left Hereford with his forces, and was on his way to Chester. Coming from Chirk Castle, he sent most of his horse over Holt or Farndon Bridge into Cheshire, and himself, with his guards and Lord Gerard and the rest of his troops, entered the city by the old Dee Bridge on September 23rd, and lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s, in Lower Bridge Street. It is interesting to know that a portion of this house still remains, though its external appearance has been absolutely changed. It was on the following day that the battle of Rowton Heath, so disastrous to the King’s cause, took place. The defeat was in great measure due to misunderstandings, and the fact that the soldiers of the garrison did not know the situation in which Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in command of the Royalist cavalry, was placed. The result of this was that Sir Marmaduke was surrounded and overpowered, and forced to retire towards Chester. Some of his horse were scattered over the country, crossing the river at Boughton Ford, or making for Holt Bridge, whilst those who accompanied him became entangled in the narrow lanes leading to the city, and there was a general rout. The King, attended by Sir Francis Gamul and Alderman Cowper, had the mortification of witnessing the disaster from the leads of the Phœnix Tower, at the north-east angle of the city walls. In this battle many gentlemen and officers of distinction lost their lives, or were taken prisoners; and it is computed that not less than 600 men were killed on both sides, and amongst the slain was Bernard Stuart, the young, gallant Earl of Lichfield, whilst Sir Philip Musgrave was taken prisoner. On the following day the King, accompanied by Sir Francis Gamul, Captain Thropp, and others, and with 500 horse, marched over Dee Bridge into Wales, and so to Denbigh Castle. Before his departure he gave orders to Lord Byron and his commissioners, “if after ten days they saw no prospect of relief to treat for their own preservation.” It will be seen from this that he judged that the city was in great danger, and that it could hardly be expected to hold out much longer.

Sir Francis Gamul and his companions remained with the King for a couple of days, took a sad and final farewell of their Sovereign, and then returned to Chester. They found the city in an even more distressed condition, for the enemy had again forced the works at Boughton, and were close up to the walls, and in possession of the part of the town just outside the Eastgate. For at least a week the daily onslaught of the besieging forces was of the most determined character. They planted their cannon at close quarters, and effected a breach in the walls near the Newgate, and in many parts destroyed the battlements. At night time the damage was repaired as far as was possible. The several assaults of the enemy were met with a stout and stubborn resistance. On October 7th, having surrounded the city with their cavalry, a violent and determined attack was made upon the walls in many parts, which were as resolutely defended. Great courage and determination were exhibited on both sides, and when the assailants in some places gained the top of the walls they were beaten off, thrown down and killed, and the scaling-ladders which they had used were taken possession of. So powerful had this resistance proved to be, that the besiegers gave up their intention of storming the city, and changed their plan into that of a close blockade, trusting to subdue by famine those whom they were unable to conquer by force.

The position of the city was not improved by the fact that Beeston Castle, after a siege lasting eighteen months, and after great privations suffered by the garrison, at this time had to capitulate to the Parliamentarians. The Governor secured very honourable conditions, he and his men being allowed to march out with horses and arms and with colours flying, a convoy being provided to guard them to Flint Castle. The besieged in Chester had now a very trying time. Their opponents had constructed a floating bridge over the river at Boughton which proved a considerable annoyance to them, whilst affording much help to those who had contrived it. An ineffectual attempt to burn it down was made by turning adrift at high tide two boats filled with combustibles, but though the trains caught fire they were speedily extinguished. A brisk sally out of the city with 500 horse and 200 foot also met with no success. Sir William Brereton again proposed a surrender, but Lord Byron and the commissioners insisted upon terms which he felt he could not grant.

On December 10th, orders were sent by Parliament for the Lancashire forces under Colonel Booth to join Sir William Brereton, and in a few days they arrived, to the consternation of those within the city, which was now quite encompassed, and a scarcity of provisions was soon occasioned. Sir William Brereton, in January 1646, sent again and again a summons to the besieged to surrender, but this was refused nine times, although they had to feed on horses, dogs, and cats, and boiled wheat, as the hope was entertained that the King might still be able to come to their relief. It was only when all chance of this had vanished that a treaty was agreed upon, and a large number of commissioners on each side were appointed to draw up the terms of it. Accordingly “Articles of Surrender,” seventeen in number, were devised and agreed to, and signed on February 3, 1646. It is a singular coincidence that this day happened to be, in former times, the Feast of St. Werburgh, who might be called the patron saint of the city. These Articles of Surrender are very interesting, and may be accounted very generous. In them “liberty to march out of the city, castle, and fort with all their apparel whatsoever and no other” was granted to all, the amount of money which each should carry being fixed, and ranging from forty pounds in money and twenty pounds in plate for Lord and Lady Byron to twenty shillings for lieutenants, cornets, ensigns, and other inferior officers in commission; arrangements were made for the protection of women and prisoners and for the prevention of pillage and plunder; no church within the city, or evidence or writing belonging to the same, was to be defaced; those who marched out of the town had liberty to march to Conway, and facilities were granted to them for this purpose; “the friends of the Earls of Derby and Lichfield, or any of those whose dead bodies were not yet interred in the city, had two months’ time given them to fetch them from thence whither they pleased, provided they came attended by not more than twenty horse”; and hostages were to be given for the due performance of the said Articles.

Thus, after a sturdy resistance of three years and a half, the city was taken, after proving its unflinching loyalty to the King and his cause. In this respect Chester stands out in a remarkable manner, and may be said to vie with Oxford in its devotion to Charles I. The damage inflicted on it was immense, and a very moderate calculation has estimated it at £200,000. Randle Holme has given an interesting description of the damage done, mentioning many specific instances, and ending with this: “This may be an advertisement to us that God’s mercy is yet to be found, since he hath left so many streets, lanes, and churches unmolested. God grant us faith, patience, and true repentance and amendment, that a worse danger befall us not. Amen.” The same writer, alluding to the attack on September 29, 1645, says: “By this time our women are all on fire, striving through a gallant emulation to out-do our men, and will make good our yielding walls or lose their lives to show they dare attempt it. The work goes forward, and they, like so many Amazons, do outface death, and dare danger though it lurks in every basket; seven are shot and three slain, yet they scorn to leave their matchless undertaking, and thus they continued for ten days’ space, possessing the beholders that they are immaculate!” It will be seen from this contemporary description that the annals of the period, if fully chronicled, would afford a wonderful story of bravery and endurance and patience, and would add lustre to the fame of the ancient city of Chester. Even this imperfect sketch may not be out of place, but may lead us to admire the chivalry and loyalty and courage of those brave defenders of our walls in bygone days.

Sir William Brereton’s forces were not very particular as to the observance of the treaty. The sword and mace were indeed restored to the city, but much injury was done to the Cathedral, where the choir was defaced, the organ damaged, the stained-glass windows broken, and the font demolished. The High Cross was also taken down, and the fonts taken out of several of the parish churches, in which also many of the ancient monuments were destroyed. As a result, very few of the latter of an early date are found now in Chester. The Gamul and Oldfield monuments in the Church of St. Mary on the Hill were preserved by a special agreement with Sir William Brereton. The Church of St. John suffered much, as it was so long in the possession of the enemy, being without the city walls. No doubt in other respects the terms of the “Articles of Surrender” were violated.

The following fuller descriptions of the visit of the King will not be out of place as an appendix to this paper. I am indebted for them to the Rev. Canon Morris, D.D., F.S.A., who had supplied them for another purpose.

“From the account in Harleian 2155, &c., it would appear that the citizens were surprised when active operations were resumed on September 20, 1645. A force detached from the troops besieging Beeston Castle, and consisting of 500 horse, 200 dragoons, and 700 foot, advanced stealthily by ways through the country in the dead of the night, and at daybreak proceeded to storm the suburbs. Seizing, with little loss (either by treachery or through the negligence of the garrison), a mount near Deeside at Boughton, they set upon the main line of defences, and captured all the mounds on that side of the city. Then forcing their way through the Bars into Foregate Street, they obtained possession of the north-western suburb up to the Eastgate, taking as a trophy and a ‘token of good presage,’ the city sword and mace, which was probably in the Mayor’s house in St. John’s Ward, afterwards occupied by Sir W. Brereton as his headquarters. This success encouraged the Parliamentarians to hope that with a special effort the siege of Chester might be brought to a rapid close, and the authorities in London despatched urgent messages to the neighbouring counties calling for immediate reinforcements. Chester was regarded as a place of very great consequence (especially by Parliamentarians), both for the reducing and settling of all North Wales, and for the preventing of the landing of any Irish supplies. The citizens were equally active in taking precautions against the expected assaults in force. The East Gate was rammed up with earth. The houses in Cow Lane, St. John’s Lane, and St. Thomas’ Street (on the Boughton side) were burnt to deprive the enemy of shelter. Occasional sallies were made with indifferent success, and marksmen on the walls and towers were keeping up a continual fire. The besiegers were equally busy on their side. From the steeple of St. John’s Church they had an excellent position for annoying the citizens, and on Monday, September 22, a large breach was made by their artillery in the walls near the New Gate, sufficient to admit ten men abreast. Vigorous attempts were made to make good this breach with beds and wool-packs.

“They were ordered to carry the beds, &c., one half to St. Bridget’s; and, after a sharp fight, at eight in the evening the enemy were beaten back with considerable loss by the courageous defence of the Chirk Castle troop. A simultaneous attempt was made by another body to scale the walls on the east between the Sadler’s Tower and the East Gate, but they were beaten off with much loss.

“King Charles at this time was on his way from Hereford, intending to pass through Lancashire and Cumberland into Scotland. On receiving information of the critical position at Chester he marched at once for the city, which he entered with some hazard, at Handbridge, on Tuesday, September 23, attended by Lord Lichfield, Lord Gerard, and a small bodyguard. The King lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s house in Bridge Street. The remainder of the King’s troops under Sir Marmaduke Langdale marched on towards Holt, and, crossing the Dee by the bridge, took up a position on Rowton Heath, about two miles from Chester. Here, early in the morning, he encountered General Poyntz, who had been ordered by the Parliament Committee to follow the King and prevent him from relieving Chester. Although his horse was tired with the long march overnight, Langdale succeeded in beating back Poyntz with considerable loss. He at once sent by Col. Shakerley to inform the King that he had obeyed his orders in checking Poyntz’s advance, and to ask for further orders. The Colonel executed his orders with better speed than could be expected, for he galloped directly to the river Dee under Huntingdon House, got a wooden tub (used for slaughtering swine) and a batting staff (used for batting of coarse linen) for an oar, put a servant into the tub with him, and in this desperate manner swam over the river, his horse swimming by him (for the banks there were very steep and the river very deep), ordered his servant to stay there with the tub for his return, and was with the King in little more than a quarter of one hour after he left Sir Marmaduke. This expeditious method saved him going the nine or ten miles about by Holt Bridge.

“This speedy transmission of intelligence did not save the situation. Although preparations were made early in the day for a sally, and the citizens were busy clearing out the dung that barred up the gate which led to the suburbs, such delays were made by some about the King, that no orders were sent, nor any sally made out of the city by the King’s party till past three o’clock in the afternoon, which was full six hours after Poyntz had been beaten back. Through some misunderstanding Lord Gerard ordered Langdale to draw nearer Chester, where some foot would be ready to support him. This was impracticable, as Sir Marmaduke would then have been open to attack in rear as well as in front. For Poyntz had now had time to rally his forces, and, in obedience to his message, was reinforced about noon by 500 horse and 300 foot under Col. Jones, the Adjutant General, drawn hurriedly from the force besieging Chester. This hasty march of the Parliamentarians was mistaken for flight, and a considerable portion of the garrison with Lord Gerard and Lord Lichfield were ordered to pursue, passing through the North Gate round by Flookersbrook, as the direct way by the East Gate had been blocked up. Before they could learn their mistake Poyntz fell upon Langdale, who was thus compelled to meet his assault in front, as well as Col. Jones’ attack in rear, and notwithstanding a gallant resistance he was routed, and forced to retire in the direction of Hoole Heath. Here the Royalist horse became disordered, and the narrow lanes and passes between there and Chester so crowded, that they were unable to make an effectual stand, and, in fact, threw their supporters under Lord Gerard into immediate confusion. Some made for Holt Bridge, others crossed the river at Dee-fords, and so into the city; but Poyntz, satisfied with his success, made no attempt to pursue them. No less than 600 men fell in this battle, amongst them several of high rank and distinction: more than 800 prisoners were taken. Amongst the slain was Bertie Stuart, the young Earl of Lichfield. The King, attended by the Mayor, Sir Francis Gamul, and Alderman Cowper, had the unhappiness of watching this disaster, first from the Phœnix Tower, and afterwards from the Cathedral Tower, where, as he was talking with a captain, a bullet from St. John’s gave him a salute, narrowly missing the King, hit the said captain on the head, and killed him on the spot. Owing to this disaster, it was not thought advisable that the King should remain in Chester. Before his departure he called the Mayor and leading citizens together, and desired them, if he was unable to send them the aid he expected within eight or ten days, to make the best terms of surrender they could. Instead of pursuing his route to Scotland, he returned into Wales, passing over Dee Bridge between nine and ten in the morning, accompanied by Sir F. Gamul, Capt. Thorpe, and Alderman Cowper. After staying three hours at Hawarden Castle, he reached Denbigh Castle the same night.”

FROM SLINGSBY’S DIARY.

“By ye wayes we took through ye almost inaccessible mountains of Wales, y^t we heard no more of Poyntz, nor did he trouble us much till we got to Chester; and though he troubled us not, yet found we both loss and trouble in our passage: loss in our horses, many of y^m tireing so, y^t ye Troopers were fain to forsake y^m. In our Quarters we had little accommodation, but of all ye places we came to ye best at Old Radnor, where ye King lay in a poor low chamber, and my Lord of Linsey and others by ye Kitching fire on hay: no better were we accommodated for victuals: which makes me remember this passage; while ye King was at his supper eating a pullet and a piece of cheese, ye room without was full but ye men’s stomachs empty for want of meat. Ye good wife troubled w^{th} continual calling upon her for victuals, and having it seems but ye one cheese, comes into ye room where ye King was, and very soberly asks if ye King had done with ye cheese for ye gentlemen w^{th}out desired it. But ye best was we never tarried long in any place, & therefore might we more willingly endure one night’s hardship in hopes that ye next might be better. And thus we continued our march until we came to Chester, when we found my Lord Byron in command in ye town & ye enemy in ye suburbs, and so close y^t it was some hazard to ye King to pass ye bridge. Now, our horse quartered about 3 miles off, except only ye King’s life-guard and my Lord Garrard’s (Charles Gerard, created L^d Gerard Nov. 8 this year) horse, both w^h were drawn into ye town, & preparations made ye next day to have a sally, but while they were busy to carry out ye dung that barricaded up ye gate y^t led to ye suburbs a messenger came y^t brought ye King’s word y^t Poyntz had engaged Sir Marmaduke Langdale to fight, & a little after we heard y^t we had taken some colours of ye enemy’s, but y^t ye King must send supplys, by reason y^t ye enemy increased by that assistance they had from neighbouring garrisons which flocked to them. Whereupon ye King sent forth both Lord Lichfield and Lord Gerard with those that were in ye town, but before they could joyne our horse were beaten, and in ye view of ye town & of ye King, who at ye very same time was in one of ye towers of ye Walls, looking over to see our men & theirs in ye suburbs exchanging some bullets one with another. We took it first for ye enemy till some came wounded & brought in ye sad news y^t our horse was routed, many taken, and my Lord Lichfield slain.

“Here I do wonder at ye admirable temper of ye King, whose constancy was such y^t no perils never so unavoidable could move him to astonishment, but y^t still he set ye same face & settled countenance upon what adverse fortune soever befell him, & neither was exalted in prosperity nor dejected in adversity; w^h was ye more admirable in him, seeing he had no other to have recourse unto for counsel & assistance, but must bear ye whole burden upon his shoulder. By this accident I never found him moved at all, though the loss was so much & greater by my Lord of Lichfield’s death, his kinsman, & whom he loved so dearly. But this makes him look nearer for his own safety, & therefore gives order for his march ye next day with those horse y^t came safe to ye town; which he left without all hopes of relief to make conditions for themselves for the town if they durst attempt no more. We marched over ye bridge in ye day, having set up some blinds if they might not take notice so easily when ye King passed over, & except one horse that was killed, I think no others took any harm. From hence we marched on to Denbigh Castle, and after that to Ruthin, till at last by unknown ways and passages, with many dark & late marches, we arrived at ye garrison of Newark about ye 14^{th} of October.”

The above contemporary accounts will enable us to realise both the gravity of the situation in the city, and the difficulties which beset the Royalist troops in their journeys through the country.

CHESHIRE AND ITS FAMILIES

By James Hall

_Author of “A History of Nantwich,” “The Civil War in Cheshire,” &c._

Cheshire, in regard to its shape, has been said to resemble a bird’s wing, an axe-head, and a shoulder of mutton. The late Colonel Egerton Legh humorously compared it to a chicken with its head in Featherbed Moss, Macclesfield in its crop, and the tail formed by Wirral. Perhaps more seriously, but no less fancifully, it may be likened to a broad, ear-topped shield of the College of Arms type, divided palewise by a central line of hills, of which the isolated rocks of Halton and Beeston occupy respectively the chief point and the fesse point of the shield.