Part 7

The joy that sprung from the reconciliation of the court and parliament, was succeeded by still greater. The Dauphiness brought forth a Duke of Berry. The satisfaction the King received from the increase of his royal family, was unparalleled. Each new heir filled him with happiness. I may say, that the fortnight following these two events, was the most agreeable period of my life whilst I was at Versailles.

In the mean while the parliament was received at Paris with demonstrations of joy, rather insulting to the court; all the avenues to the palace were illuminated, bonfires blazed, and the bells were rung. The King was displeased; but M. de Maupeou answered him, that none of his body had any hand in these rejoicings--and this should have rendered them the more suspected.

Edicts had been created for establishing a royal chamber of justice; others were now issued for suppressing it: whereupon one of the members said, “that it was not worth while to make a court-gown for so short a time; and that if he had known that the royal chamber would have been revoked so soon, he would have bought neither wig nor band, but would have judged the criminals with a sword by his side.”

The King’s letters-patent upon the return of the parliament, are worthy of being handed down to posterity. Lewis XV. there speaks like a master to a court who had opposed him, because they had considered themselves as absolute, and whose fresh convocation was a manifest proof of their disobedience. The King expressed himself in this manner.

“The resolution which the officers of our parliament took on the fifth of May, last year, of discontinuing the administration of justice to our subjects, which they should perform from us; their refusal of resuming their functions, which form an indispensable duty of the functions of their state, and which they have engaged by the sanctity of oath to perform, compelled us to testify to them our displeasure at their conduct: the pretext they gave for discontinuing their usual service was a kind of additional fault on their part, the less excusable, as they could not doubt of the intentions which we had, and by which we constantly abide, of listening to what our parliament might have to represent to us, for the good of our service and that of our subjects; and not being ignorant that we were informed by their arrets, of the object of their remonstrances, they must have acknowledged that they had brought upon themselves the refusal which we gave to hearing those repeated remonstrances. But after having for a time made them feel the effects of our displeasure, we have willingly listened to the dictates of our clemency, and we have recalled to our good city of Paris, the officers of our parliament. Being, nevertheless, ever attentive to the dissipating of those divisions, which have for some time arisen, the consequences of which have appeared deserving of our greatest attention, we have taken the most effectual measures for procuring henceforward public tranquility; and in hopes that our parliament, earnestly striving, by ready obedience and redoubled assiduity, to repair the injury our subjects may have sustained, will upon every occasion testify their submission and fidelity to us, by conforming themselves to the wisdom of those designs which animate us, we have resolved to re-assemble them at Paris, to signify to them our intentions.

“Urged by these motives and others, with the advice of our council, and our certain knowledge, full power and royal authority, we have by these presents, signed with our hand, ordered, and do order all and every one of our officers of our parliament to reassume their usual functions, in our good city of Paris, notwithstanding any thing to the contrary, and to administer justice to our subjects without delay or interruption, according to the laws and the duties of their posts; and being sensible that the silence imposed for so many years, upon matters that cannot be agitated, without being equally prejudicial to the advantage of religion and to that of the state, is the most proper means of securing the public peace and tranquility; we enjoin our parliament to pay attention, that there be nothing on any side attacked, attempted, or innovated, that may be contrary to this silence, and to the peace which we desire should reign in our dominions; ordering them to proceed against the offenders agreeable to the laws and ordinances. And, moreover, to contribute to the pacifying of turbulent minds, and have what is past forgotten; we will and expect, that all proceedings and prosecutions, that may have been carried on, and the definitive sentences that may have been pronounced for contumacy, from the beginning, and on account of the late troubles, till the date of these presents, shall remain without any consequence or effect, without injuring, however, the definitive judgments that may have been contradictorily given without appeal; provided always, that the parties against whom they may have been given, may have recourse to such legal methods as remain, if such there be,” &c. &c.

We were told at Versailles, that this declaration met with many difficulties from the great chamber. Marshal Belleisle said to the King upon this occasion, “If your parliament after their exile, do not register your letters patent, they must be banished out of the kingdom,” &c. A courtier, on the other hand, said, he should be very much surprised if they did register them. His reason for being of this opinion, was, that when too much respect is paid to a body, they naturally abuse it. The declaration was nevertheless registered, but with the usual restrictions and distinctions.

After the parliament’s recall, it was necessary that they should pay a compliment to the King, and M. de Maupeou pronounced it. He acquitted himself like a subtle and skilful magistrate, who, in cautiously treating the prerogatives of the crown, displayed those of his own body. This second piece deserves also to be handed down to posterity. It was as follows.

“SIRE,

“The greatest misfortune that can befal faithful subjects is, doubtless, to incur their sovereign’s disgrace.

“This trial, which your parliament has lately made, plunged them into such excess of grief, as cannot better be described to your Majesty, than by the striking testimony which we give you, in respectfully acknowledging it.

“The union, Sire, which, through your goodness, has taken place amongst those members, who were for a long time dispersed, has enabled us to testify our submission to your orders, and our love to your sacred person.

“Can any thing be more worthy of the best of Princes, than to stretch out a paternal hand to the magistrates, who were totally incapable of giving him fresh proofs of the zeal, with which they are animated for his service, and enable them to lay before him the motives which induced them to take, as may be said, against their inclinations, such steps as have been so unfortunate as to displease him?

“What glory, Sire, will ever be comparable to your’s! After having so often conquered your enemies in person, your sole occupation, in the height of peace, is the happiness of your people. You love truth, and you endeavour to be acquainted with it; truth reaches even you, without any other aid than your own understanding: and it is no sooner known to you than it enjoys all its prerogatives.

“Truth alone made you sensible how much the dispersion of all the members of a parliament is a dangerous example, by reason of the blow it levels at all the fundamental laws of the kingdom; and by the immensity of the evils that are derived from it.

“It was this same truth that made you acquainted with the feelings of your parliament, at the dread of being for ever banished from your presence, by your refusing to receive their remonstrances, upon the mere view of the nature of the objects that must have been introduced into these important representations.

“In a word, it was this truth that engaged you to remove their fears with that goodness which will transmit to future ages the true love which you have for subjects, whose interests, you know, are inseparable from your own.

“You have gone still farther; you have extended the wisdom of your designs throughout your whole kingdom, by taking the unshakeable resolution of maintaining therein that order and tranquility upon which its splendor depends. It is in order to stop those divisions, the dangerous consequences whereof you are acquainted with, that you have commanded the most profound silence to be kept with regard to matters, which cannot be discussed without being prejudicial to religion, and the happiness of the state.

“Ah! Sire, how could your parliament have refrained from consecrating, by registering, so salutary a law, notwithstanding the pungent grief with which they were afflicted upon reading the preamble to this law? Yes, Sire, we dare make this representation to you; your parliament, in all the unhappy circumstances in which they have found themselves, have, by giving the preference to public affairs before private ones, only done what was exacted from them by the duties of their station, and the sacred observance of their oath.

“Let us be allowed to tell you, Sire, that your parliament desires nothing so ardently, as to know how fully to convince you of the strength and extent of their duty. They can do nothing of themselves: they exercise that portion of authority you have entrusted them with; and the only object to which all their efforts tend, shall be to make themselves agreeable to your Majesty, and to fulfil their duty: a duty, Sire, that compels them incessantly to watch over the preservation of that precious deposit of authority which you hold from the Almighty, and which should be transmitted in all its purity to your most remote posterity.

“How happy is it for us, to see this supreme power in the hands of a Prince, who governs with such wisdom and moderation, as must gain him all hearts; and who knows that the real links which unite Frenchmen to their Sovereign, are those of love.

“So deeply, Sire, is it graven in our souls, that we protest to you, in the name of all the magistrates that compose your parliament, that they will be always ready to sacrifice what is the most dear and precious to them, as soon as the interest of your glory is concerned, and to set an example to your subjects of the fidelity and obedience they owe to the Sovereign will.”

The bishops of France pretended that this was a stroke of the most arrogant modesty that had appeared this century. Courtiers found many contradictions in it. The first president declared, in the name of his body, that the authority exercised by the parliament was a deposite entrusted with them by the King; how then, it was said, could this trust confer to this body such independence as extends to opposing the will of the Prince?

Towards the close of this discourse, we find an insult offered to the crown. This body, who had manifestly opposed the King’s orders, and who had preferred exile to submission, say, that they will always be found ready to set an example of obedience. It was said, that an example of _obedience_ was never before given by _disobedience_.

Notwithstanding this reconciliation, there was still some animosity remaining on both sides. For my part, I was delighted that this affair was terminated. I have frequently repeated in these Memoirs, that it troubled the King, and this was sufficient for me to desire a reconciliation.

To the parliamentary quarrels succeeded political affairs. The English were making great warlike preparations; the last peace had not removed all difficulties. The plenipotentiaries were more eager to put an end to battles, than to prevent fresh bloodshed.

Marshal Noailles had often told me, that the negociators at a congress have only one point in view, which is to sign the treaty. Upon this they exhaust all their genius, so that they have not the faculty of foresight remaining.

The Duke of Mirepoix came from London to receive the King’s orders. This Minister, in speaking to his Majesty of the preparations that the English were making, assured him, “That Great Britain had no thoughts of interrupting the peace.” _Whence comes it then_, said the King, _that they are arming as if they wanted to be at war_?

“Sire, answered the Duke, it is a maxim with the English, to avail themselves of the tranquility of Europe, to increase their forces.”

This Minister, who was besides an honest man, believed what he said. French emissaries in London had written to court, that the English deceived him, that he let himself be imposed upon by appearances, and that the cabinet of St. James’s concealed their views and designs from him.

I often desired the King to appoint another Ambassador for the court of London: but he was afraid of disobliging this Lord, who, moreover, did honour to his employment, by his grandeur and magnificence.

Lewis XV. has such a beneficent soul, that he cannot resolve upon withdrawing his friendship from those whom he has once honoured with his confidence, unless he is convinced of some capital fault that compels him to it.

Versailles became daily more and more melancholy; the unhappy affairs of the clergy, the bishops, and the parliament, spread a gloomy air over all those who frequented court.

To relieve the King from the languid state into which these disputes had brought him, I had Bellevüe built. It was a square pavilion, where the eye discovered more taste than magnificence: the King complimented me upon it. He often repaired thither. I had embellished this spot with simple works, and art was concealed behind nature, which prevented its discovery.

The gardens and groves were delightful. Lewis XV. often said to me, that he was suffocated at Compiegne, at Fontainbleau, and at Marli; but that he breathed at Bellevüe. We divided our time between walking and gardening, with other rural amusements. Flowers composed part of the plan of our recreations, and I had some brought from every part of the world.

When the King entered this house, he laid aside that air of Majesty which regal pageantry obliged him to keep up elsewhere. I was always a gainer by this metamorphosis, as it rendered him gayer than usual; and his satisfaction, which increased mine, spread an air of joy over our conversation. There was, besides, another difference, which was, that at Bellevüe the King talked to me of his taste, of his appetites, and other things that tended to his pleasure; whereas at Versailles he never entertained me with any thing but disputes upon religion, the refusal of sacraments, or other matters, which were far from being agreeable to him.

This retreat gave him frequent occasion to speak of the advantages that accompanied private life. He discovered in it charms, that the perplexity of public business, and the tumults of the throne, made him the more sensible of.

The King, desirous of giving me marks of his particular protection, created the estate of Marigni, which belonged to my brother, into a marquisate. I thanked him for this favour, which appeared to me the greater, as Vandiere had not done any thing yet to deserve it.

Let us return to general affairs. America, which was upon the point of exciting universal war, began already to display some sparks of that blaze which was to inflame Europe. The English made the first complaints. The Earl of Albemarle represented to the court of France, that the French in Canada committed hostilities, contrary to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

The court of France replied, that they were ignorant of such proceedings: but that to prevent any misunderstanding, they would send orders to suppress these first differences, on condition that the English would, on their side, act in the same manner. Both nations promised, but neither kept their word. They were mutually deceived, as most usually happens upon these occasions.

I remember that when the English made these first complaints to our court, a foreign minister said to me, that the cabinet of Versailles and that of St. James’s knew very well they were going to war; but that they would not say so, to make the thing more mysterious.

“In that case, Sir,” said I to him, “the King is not in the secret, for he does not know a syllable about this war which you foretel.” In fact, Lewis was quite ignorant that he was at the eve of engaging in a long succession of sieges and battles. He was well informed of the motives which induced the English to complain: but he had not been acquainted with their resolution of having recourse to arms.

Whilst the misunderstandings in the new world were the subject of conversation, the religious war still continued in the kingdom. The King, who, in order to restore tranquility to the state, had done every thing that was desired of him, had the mortification to find that nothing was done that he desired. He was obliged to exile the Archbishop of Paris. I was witness of the affliction he was under, from the necessity of giving this order. He had endeavoured to bring this prelate back to his duty, by all the methods which his goodness, and his beneficent soul, could suggest to him; and it was not till after he had in vain essayed them, that he resolved upon sending him to Conflans.

The conduct of this Archbishop, who had openly disobeyed his Sovereign’s orders, irritated the courtiers to that degree, that the Monarch was advised by several of them to have him seized by the military power, and to keep him closely confined: but Lewis XV. was of too gentle a disposition to put such rigorous counsel into execution. I have often heard him say, that Kings should punish, but never think of revenge. He entrusted the letter de cachet to one of his ministers, with orders to signify it to the Archbishop as privately as possible.

The King found himself again obliged to banish the bishops of Orleans and Troyes, two prelates whose sentiments were too conformable to those of the Archbishop of Paris. These two might be considered as the fire-brands of the kingdom. They prepared the people’s minds for disobedience, in showing themselves rebels to their Prince’s orders. One of these, from the extremity of his exile, insulted the court and the state by a mandate, wherein he forbad all his diocesans to have recourse, in the case of administration, to any other priests than those whom he prescribed; and it was necessary that these priests should be vicars, or curates. This was constraining the extent of priesthood; but as soon as the episcopal authority is the least attacked, the Princes of the church are always ready to undertake any thing. Marshal Saxe said, “That if God were to limit the power of bishops in France, these bishops would, in turn, allot bounds to the power of God.”

The exile of the Archbishop of Paris silenced his most considerable partizans; but it did not finish the quarrel.

The minister of the marine laid before the King a list of his navy: it consisted of sixty-six ships of the line, and thirty frigates. A politician of the North said, that this was not sufficient to make head against the English; and he prophesied, at that time, that if we did not avoid going to war, the French navy would be totally destroyed when we made peace. I repeated these words to several of our ministers, who answered, that this politician was unacquainted with marine prophecies. France has long since been deprived of those statesmen whose penetrating genius could unravel the most distant events. We at present go mechanically and habitually to work, in the track we are compelled to follow. Marshal Saxe made use of a very singular expression, he said, _that our government daily performed their day’s work_.

The naval force was kept in readiness: seamen were enrolled; but able sea-officers were wanting. France has seldom had any good ones. Lewis XIV. formed some, but they expired with his reign.

The spirit of party and animosity was still kept up at court. The cabal who strove to destroy me, increased with my favour. Envy displayed all the latent springs that human wickedness could suggest. All who surrounded the Prince, endeavoured to deprive me of his confidence.

Amongst those who conspired against me, there were people who were indebted to me for their fortune, and for whom I constantly interested myself. I pointed them out to the King. Lewis XV. detests ingratitude; these dark proceedings produced a very contrary effect to what my enemies had proposed. The King paid me more attention than before, and despised those the more who would have deceived him. I shall not repeat here the low and scandalous artifices that courtiers, and even some ambitious women, put in practice to surprize the Monarch’s heart. A detail of these intrigues are unworthy of history, and I have no design of transmitting to posterity the artifices of cabals, which relate to no one but myself.

M. Moreau de Seychelles, comptroller-general of the finances, was of service to the state. He was very assiduous in regulating the finances. I made the King take notice of him, and immediately this Prince made him minister of state. He had his enemies at court: it was said that he had done nothing yet to deserve that post, and that fortune having so precipitately forced his elevation, he would never advance above half way to favour.

When he came to court, to return the King thanks, I said to him, “Sir, many people pretend to foretel the destiny of your administration, convince all France that they are false prophets.”

The Duke of Mirepoix, who had always assured the court, that the English had no thoughts of breaking the treaty of peace, was at length obliged to write that they prepared for war. France hastily put herself into a state of defence, without knowing precisely whether she was coming to blows. Orders were dispatched from the office of the marine to all the ports and harbours. The ships that were finished were launched, and the others kept ready to sail on the first notice.

The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was, nevertheless, still negociating at Paris. This business was no longer transacted with Lord Albemarle; he was dead. The interests of Great Britain were in the hands of a secretary of embassy, who gave vague replies to the questions that were put to him, upon the preparations his court was making.

Some politicians have assured us, that if Lord Albemarle had lived, the war, which afterwards rent the two nations, would never have taken place. It has been said that minister, who had great weight with George the Second, was at that time connected with a woman of pleasure at Paris, whom he would not part with. This perhaps is only a surmise, destitute of foundation; but after all, this would not have been the first time that the amours of a courtezan have influenced the affairs of Europe.

Upon the arrival of the dispatches from London, a great council was held at Versailles, and the King expressed himself in the following manner to his ministers. “I am resolved I will not begin the war, and if the English break the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Europe, who shall be witness to my moderation, shall see that they are the aggressors.”

M. de Maillebois, the father, said publicly at court, that it were better to prevent them, than to give them an opportunity of doing it.

The King’s moderation met with no advocates but those whose interest it was to avoid sieges and battles; for every one was concerned in the event according to his particular views of interest. Military people wanted war, merchants and financiers wished for peace.