Part 6

“Most of our monied men, who fitted out privateers, have been ruined by the war; others so reduced, that instead of ten ships, which they used to have at sea, they find it difficult to have one: both seas are covered with foreign fleets, so that the white flag begins to be forgotten.

“All other nations are carriers to France, whereas France carries for none. This general stagnation animates others, and throws our marine into a fatal lethargy, &c. &c. &c.”

The navy has been utterly ruined, all the ships being taken by the English, except a few unserviceable ones in the harbours; and the funds appointed for fitting out a fleet are exhausted; but had there been no want of money, seamen were wanting; most of them had died in English prisons, and they who escaped the enemy perished by distress. It was impossible for France, being thinned of men, to furnish seamen.

M. Belleisle, who interfered in every branch of government, said one day to the King, in my hearing, _Sire, should all the powers of Europe declare war against you, I engage to raise in your dominions a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers, who should keep them all at bay; but were I to fight an English fleet of a hundred ships of the line, where I should get twenty thousand seamen, I know not_.

Another misfortune, beyond any remedy, was the necessary reduction of the troops. A hundred and fifty thousand subjects, who had fought for the crown, at the peace came to want bread: most of them, though they had been husbandmen before the war, were now no longer so. I have several times heard the Marshal de Noailles say, that a countryman, leaving the plough for the musket, is very seldom known to take to it when discharged; and he used to add, that on a hundred thousand husbandmen quitting their labour, a hundred thousand others must labour to provide them bread, otherwise a famine, and the ruin of the state, must be the consequence.

Some regulations were made to prevent the disorders to be apprehended from these reduced troops; but the remedy was more dangerous than the disease.

Of all the incumbrances, that of the military rewards were the greatest; money was required to pay the bravery of the officers in ready cash, for the military gentlemen are most impatient creditors. Formerly a St. Lewis’s cross sufficed, but it has since appeared to the officers, that a yearly sum gives a greater lustre to gallant actions.

Above ten thousand different pensions were settled on the Exchequer. A churchman who, at my desire, used sometimes to read to me the memorials on this head delivered to me for the king, would often say, that the glory accompanying fine actions must be of very little value in France, as the gentlemen of the army would not take it for a reward. The archbishop of Paris likewise used to say, that victories cost the state more than defeats.

The claimants would set forth their services with an arrogant modesty, which gave great offence to the court; especially they who had lost a limb were quite insupportable. One of these gentlemen (it was indeed after several journies to court to obtain a pension) said to me before several foreign ministers, _Madam, since the King cannot give me an arm, which I have lost in his service, he should at least give me money_.

Once an officer being come express with the news of the loss of a battle in Germany, the king said, _Thank God, this time I shan’t be teazed about rewards_. He was mistaken; for fifteen hundred officers, who had escaped the slaughter, came to Versailles, clamouring to be paid only for the great service of their being present at that action.

A lieutenant of grenadiers, to whom the secretary at war had procured a Saint Lewis’s cross without a pension, said to him, _Sir, your Excellency has tied to my button-hole the sign of my courage, but you have forgot the reality of my bravery_, meaning that he wanted a pension.

Some military men in France enjoy considerable incomes only for having been in five or six battles, whilst the subjects of the state have ruined themselves in defraying the expences of the war. Thus do abuses creep into the best foundations.

After settling the pensions, the next thing taken in hand was to retrieve the finances from the terrible disorder into which they were fallen. They who understood the history of France affirmed, that for twenty reigns past the kingdom had never been so distressed; and the national debt being immense, a plan for the discharge of them became absolutely necessary. A sinking fund was projected, but when funds were to be appointed for the sinking-fund, those of the crown were found to be all mortgaged. I myself was a witness to his majesty’s great uneasiness, when the ministers and counsellors of state laid open to him the condition of things. _Gentlemen_, said he to them, _you had better have advised me against the war, than to make it on such burthensome conditions_. Some taxes were taken off; but several imposts, created for the charges of the war, were continued after the peace, &c. &c.

Such was the situation of France after the definitive treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The domestic affairs of the crown were in no better condition. The ministers had, during the war, assumed an unlimited authority, made themselves despotic in their offices, and behaved towards the subjects with that austerity which is the result of uncontrouled power.

Whilst all Europe was congratulating itself on the general peace, advice came to Versailles that the English were very angry with George the Second, for having agreed to the French proposals. The parliament addressed him for a copy of the overtures for a general pacification, to be laid before the house.

Marshal Saxe being present when this was related to the king, said, _Sir, those Englishmen must be very quarrelsome; they have made a peace with us, and having now no enemy, they are for quarrelling with their King_. I have heard very knowing politicians say, that the divisions in Great Britain between the subjects and the Prince, are the basis of the general tranquillity of Europe.

However, on the peace, the face of Versailles was quite changed; that solicitous look which throws a shade even on diversions was quite vanished; the hurry of business had ceased, and the king was now come to himself. This tranquility of the court caused a great agitation in the city; several women began to form designs on the King’s heart.

Among these was one Madame la Poupeliniere, married to a financier, who had raised her from the dirt, from whence he himself likewise sprung. They had a most delightful and splendid seat at Passy, which was always crowded with the worst company.

I have been often told, that this woman would faint away whenever my name happened to be mentioned. She used to say, that I had thrust myself into her rank at court, that I held her place about the king, and that all the honours paid to me at Versailles, of right belonged to her. She would, at any rate, be Lewis the Fifteenth’s mistress.

This was a scheme put into her head by the Duke de Richelieu; mean time he practised on her heart, to give it a turn for tenderness. This intrigue was carried on with an air of mystery. The Duke used, at nights, to convey himself into the lady’s chamber through an opening contrived in the chimney; and this opening Richelieu assured her should, in no long time, conduct her to the little apartments of Versailles. In the interim, this creature, to make herself more worthy of the Sovereign, prostituted herself to one of his subjects; but a chambermaid, in a fit of resentment, discovered the whole mystery. The financier, who had for some time wanted to get rid of his wife, gladly embraced this opportunity; he made the public witness to his infamy, so that all Paris flocked to see the ungrateful perfidy of this ambitious woman.

The gallant perhaps, now no less satiated than the husband, made very light of the discovery; and came to Versailles, not imagining that the court as yet knew any thing of the matter; but I had intelligence of his adventure an hour before it was made public. The King was alone in my apartment when he came in; _Sir_, (said I to him) _there is not in all Europe a more close agent in amorous intrigues than his Grace of Richelieu there before you; for to be the more secret with the ladies whom he would bring acquainted with your Majesty, he visits them through the chimney_. The King asked me what I meant; I immediately unfolded the riddle to him, which set us a laughing, and Richelieu himself laughed as much as any.

Other women likewise laid out for the little apartments at Versailles, and got into them without going under ground. Lewis XV. was very fond of these flighty amours, of which possession is both the beginning and end. But his humours did not in the least abate the affection with which he honoured me, always returning to me more constant than ever.

Since the peace, the Count de Maurepas took a pleasure in censuring every thing that was done at court, and giving it a ridiculous turn. This minister had his private suppers like the King himself; and here it was where, every night, the crown was turned into drollery.

Several disputes had passed between us since my living at Versailles, and in which he had used me with much pride and haughtiness; his passion made him forget his rank, and use words quite unbecoming such a man as he. I slightly intimated it to the King, being unwilling to hurt a man who was of use to the state.

It has been given out, that my very first design on my coming to Versailles was to supplant this minister. Now that such a thought should have come into my mind, is not possible. The King, in giving me a character of his chief ministers, spoke with great approbation of the Count de Maurepas, which alone was sufficient to make me take a liking to him. But a close assiduity in dry and difficult affairs, for above thirty years successively, had extremely soured his temper, so that at times no body durst go near him. M. le Guai, his first clerk, told me, that in those moments he was bristled like a porcupine; his harshness infected his correspondence, scolding those who were a thousand leagues from him, and treating them without any regard to their rank and character. He wrote to the French consul, at one of the Levant ports, in the following manner:

“I order you, Sir, to write to me no more, but repair to France in the first ship; and come to Paris, where you are to wait my orders, without appearing at court.

I am, &c.”

His caustic temper mingled itself even with his feasts, and would break out even in the midst of pleasure and sociality. It was in these parties that he was most fluent and licentious in satire. I was one day informed, that he had spoken against me in very indecent terms, and had even brought in the King. I at first determined flatly to complain to his Majesty, but on reflection I chose to write to himself.

“_Sir, I am informed of your scandalous speeches concerning me, and even the King your master. As for what you say of me, it gives me no manner of concern; but I cannot overlook any scurrility on the King. I value his reputation; and be assured, that if you do not alter your behaviour toward him, I shall lay it before him, and you must expect the punishment which such an offence deserves._

_I am, &c._”

All the effect of this letter was, that it increased his malignity towards me, saying to those who were at supper with him; _Now, Gentlemen, my disgrace is surely at hand, Pompadour threatens me_: then, reassuming his gravity, he added, by way of reflection, _See what Versailles is come to_; _the very women of pleasure pretend to domineer there_. These words were precisely reported to me; however, I took no notice of them; but some time after, this minister, amidst his cups, sang some scandalous couplets against the King himself, and before a great deal of company. Of this insolence I informed his Majesty, and he was ordered to quit the court.

His exile making a great noise in the world, and a construction being put on it which affected his probity and character, I begged of the King to declare in public, that he was satisfied with his conduct. His Majesty did so; and let this serve as a specimen of his temper; a prince, after being insolently ridiculed by a subject who owed him great obligations, still vouchsafed to shew tenderness for him.

The government was at a loss for a person fit to succeed M. Maurepas at the head of the marine, as now it was become a state mystery. It had been under Maurepas’s sole management during thirty years. M. Rouillé was pitched on, though no great genius; but he had formed specious plans, and assured the King that within three years he should have a navy of fourscore ships of the line. _I wish_, said the King, _he may make his words good, but I much fear he will fall very short_.

Italy was perfectly at ease; the infant Don Philip had made his entrance into Parma: we heard at Versailles that he lived very gaily there amid concerts, plays, and balls. _I am afraid_, said the King, _that young Prince is too fond of balls, and my daughter will be perpetually dancing_.

M. de Noailles used to say, that _every country dance of Don Philip, in Italy, cost Spain a hundred thousand livres; and his mother had paid the fiddlers before-hand_.

The Duke of Modena was restored to his dominions, and had all Don Philip’s passion for splendour and entertainments; but the war had ruined him: the Duchess used to say openly, in the palace, _his Highness has not wherewith to make one single minuet step_. She came to court without shoes, to shew the King the indigence to which the war had reduced their duchy. _Madam_, said his Majesty to her, _I am not in a much better condition myself; but I have a shoe-maker, who, if you please, shall wait on you_.

Genoa was free, subject only to its own government, now re-established on its ancient footing. The ambassador from the court of Vienna, meeting that senate’s envoy in the great gallery of Versailles, said to him; _Sir, the house of Austria forgives your republic its revolution, only intends to be up with it_.

Rome was at rest, the foreign armies which, during the war, had been such a burden and terror to it, being withdrawn.

Naples, now no longer under a necessity of exhausting itself of men and money, was beginning to recover: all it stood in need of, was only quiet enjoyment of its fertile soil and climate. Concerning this small state, I remember a foreign minister once said to me, that _if ever he had been so ambitious as to aim at a sovereignty, it would not be that of Germany, France, or Spain, but to be King of Naples_. His reason was, that _there the power was derived directly from heaven; and is the immediate gift of God the Father himself_.

The nobility still complained at court of having greatly hurt their fortunes in the war, and were continually solliciting compensations and rewards.

The Prince of Conti, lately created Grand Prior of France, said openly, that his horses had no hay. _I wonder_, said Marshal Belleisle, _they are not yet dead, for so long ago as when we were at Coni, his Highness used to complain of the scarcity of forage_.

Lewis XV. did all he could to repair the fortunes of the great by posts, pensions, or governments; but he had a greater concern on his hands, which was to repair that of the nation.

I remember once he mildly said to some, who were unbecomingly urgent, that he would take care of them; _Have a little patience, I will provide for all as far as possible; but before I attend to private houses, the great family of the state must be provided for_. Another time he said, before the whole court, to a groupe of officers who talked much of their campaigns, and asked rewards: _Gentlemen, you have indeed done me great services in the war, but it is my desire you will do me still a greater in peace, which is to allow me first to ease those who have borne the whole weight of the war. You only lent a hand_, _but they have exhausted their whole substance in it_, &c. &c.

Marshal Belleisle was not overlooked; besides pensions, ranks, and honours heaped on him, all the bodies of the state, as it were, strove which should pay him the greatest marks of respect. The French Academy itself, on his leaving Paris to go to his government, composed a formal harangue, proving him the deliverer of France. A man of wit has called the members of the French academy _the most elegant liars in Europe_.

The new naval minister was busily searching for timber, seamen, and money, all over the provinces; but he looked for what was not to be found. On his return to Versailles, appeared the following memorial, by an unknown hand.

MEMORIAL on the MARINE.

“FRANCE should not think of forming a navy gradually; such a plan is impracticable; for the English, who have an eye to the building of every ship we put on the stocks, and build additional ships in proportion, thereby always secure a superiority.

“Thus Great Britain having, at present, a hundred ships of the line more than France, will consequently always exceed us by that number, were we to build three hundred ships of war within ten years.

“We have often set about forming a navy, but our endeavours have always been defeated by the Britons. They have taken our ships in times of profound peace, and declared themselves our enemies by sea, before any war had commenced; their vigilance in preventing any thing which might affect the superiority of their navy, pays no regard to justice or good faith. A King of England would be immediately dethroned by his subjects, should he be for adhering to the treaties made with France. It is a tacit maxim with that nation, that a treaty is to subsist only whilst France builds no ships.

“Time, which to all other disorders of government brings a remedy, here renders the disease incurable: building therefore is too slow a way; they know at London the very day when any ship of war is finished, and when to be launched.

“This part of political strength must be formed at once, and unknown to the admiralty of England. We should without delay apply to Holland, Denmark, the republic of Genoa, and Venice; and there, at once, purchase a proper number of ships; and if those states cannot fully supply us, there is Malta, Algiers, Tripoli, Constantinople, &c. No matter from what nation we have ships, or how they are built, if they will but hold men and guns.

“Herein the strictest secrecy must be observed, and the purchases all punctually made at one and the same appointed time; for should the English get any intelligence of our design, they would either by open force, or negotiation, prevent any such purchase.

“The want of seamen still remains; but here again we may supply ourselves by the same method. In time of peace, the Maritime powers have a great many more seamen than they want; it is only making good offers to those men; for the sailor, like the soldier, is for the best bidder; his natural Prince is money, &c. &c.”

M. Rouillé, on reading this memorial, said, _The author has forgot the main thing, money. He would have us purchase a navy all at once, but does not provide wherewith to pay for it at once_.

A statesman has often observed, that most of the projects offered at the court of France are deficient in the very foundation. The schemer writes on in prosecution of his notions, till meeting a rock, when all his specious reasonings are wrecked.

M. de Belleisle told me that, in his closet, he had hundreds of memoirs for increasing the revenue and the national wealth, inscribed to him by the finest genius’s of the kingdom; and that he might perhaps publish them with this title, _A collection of very fine, and very useless projects_. “Idle people, said he, often have thoughts which the business of placemen does not allow them to have:” and added, “that though memorial writers do not always make good their points, yet their strictures often put others on effectual improvements.”

After the peace, the King had sent the Duke de Mirepoix to London: on which Marshal Saxe said, that this nobleman was perfectly fit for the embassy, having a very handsome leg, and dancing prettily, which might be of good consequence in a court which delighted in balls. The reasons which induced the King to this choice, have always been unknown to me. He never so much as mentioned it to me till it was done. A very intelligent man, whom the king had often employed in state affairs, said to me, at that time, “that M. de Mirepoix was neither supple nor complaisant enough for the English; neither was he sufficiently acquainted with the respective interests of the two nations: besides, continued he, he has a great defect for an ambassador, he is too honest, so that the English will impose on him.” He might perhaps have added, with equal truth, that he had not a capacity equal to that employment. M. de Mirepoix had spent his youth in diversions, and the latter part of his life in war; now the science of negotiation is not learnt either at the play-house or in the camp.

This minister’s constant note was, that the court of St. James’s was perfectly pleased with the peace, and all its thoughts turned on the enjoyment of it. He indeed wrote no more than he believed; for George the Second made him believe whatever he pleased.

The English minister at Paris was my Lord Albemarle, like ours, no great negociator. He had been taught his lesson by heart before he left London, and when at Versailles only repeated it. On any representation of the court of France being informed that the British court was making military preparations, he answered, that it was a mistake. This M. de Puisieux was continually saying to him, and his answer was ever the same. English policy is much more easy than the French, having but one path; so that when once a British minister has got into it, he need but go straight on.

I saw this minister sometimes; he spoke our language better than common, and expressed himself even with energy. He loved expence, and lived nobleman-like, but he appeared to me to have one fault, though indeed it is common to all the English; his very prodigalities had somthing of parsimony in them. George the Second, who had a great kindness for him, supplied his expences; for though he lived so high, he was very poor: an Englishman, who had known him at London, speaking of his arrival at Paris, said, “My Lord will get a mistress there, run in debt, and die by some accident.” The prophecy was fully accomplished: He lived with a girl, borrowed large sums, and died suddenly.

Lewis XV. was more constantly with me than ever; I had brought him to a custom of seeing me every day, and never spending less than five or six hours in my apartment: I accompanied him in all the journies, and had my apartments in all the royal seats. The more I became acquainted with his Majesty, the more I perceived the exceeding goodness of his heart.