m. A few days ago, he experienced a very violent crisis, produced by

the mercury which Dr. O’Meara administered to him for a liver complaint. Dr. O’Meara, alarmed at his responsibility, proposed to me to send for Mr. Baxter and the surgeon of the Conqueror; they are the two first medical men here. You know the dislike which the Emperor had to Mr. Baxter, founded upon his having been formerly Staff-surgeon of the Italian division commanded by Sir Hudson Lowe. That dislike has much encreased since, in consequence of his having lent himself,

from October, 1817, to March, 1818, to the production of bulletins filled with falsehoods, and which have deceived his Government and all Europe. But the Emperor did not see any inconvenience in O’Meara’s calling in Mr. Stokoe, although he did not much like it; and that gentleman consequently came to Longwood at three o’clock in the afternoon of the same day, but would not go into the Emperor’s apartment, fearing lest he should compromise his responsibility, and lose a situation obtained after forty years’ service. This appeared to me so extraordinary that I would not believe it. I therefore spoke to him, and he expressed his regret at not being able to comply with our wishes; for he is a very respectable man. His refusal is, however, easily explained; it proceeded from a hint that had been given to him, in the same manner as had been done to Cole, the banker, whom you know. Having some money matters to settle with him, I sent for him; but, on arriving at my house, he declared that he could not speak to me but in presence of the officer on duty, because he should be ruined if he did. Of course I refused. The same thing happened, a few days since, with a Mr. Fowler, arrived from England, with whom I had an account of a few hundred pounds to settle, for clothes ordered in London. It is true that you are not acquainted with the situation in which we are now placed, and which cannot be compared to what it was in your time. It was even then sufficiently unpleasant; and, knowing the Emperor as you do, you ought to have strenuously opposed the idea of any member of his family coming out hither. The spectacle of the humiliations, the vexations, and the hatred to which he is exposed, would be altogether unbearable for him, if his mother or any of his brothers were to share in it. Even to Count Montholon and myself, who are now the only two with him, he has often said that he wished us to quit St. Helena, to free ourselves from such a treatment, and to leave him alone; and that his agony would be less bitter if he did not see us share in it. You know that the officers had long since discontinued to come to my house; but, when we met them on the road, they would very politely stop and speak to my wife; this has now been forbidden to them, not in writing, it is true, but by hints; so that it has often happened that when they have seen us at a distance they have gone out of the road.

Things have come to such a pass that our dirty linen remains several days, to be examined by the Captain on duty, and sometimes by the Staff; a most indecent proceeding, and most dishonourable for them, but the object of which is to degrade and insult us.

In the month of June 1816, a store-ship brought out a marble bust of young Napoleon: Sir Hudson Lowe ordered the bust to be thrown into the sea. This he has since denied; but we have the fact judicially attested; for the act disgusted Lady Malcolm, who was still at St. Helena, as well as all the captains of store-ships that were on the island.

Since that time, in February last, the Cambridge store-ship brought out two prints of young Napoleon, which had been bought in London: Sir Hudson Lowe purchased them under pretence of presenting them to the Father, and when the officers heard, a month afterwards, that it was, on the contrary, to keep them from him, they could not contain their indignation that an Englishman should have been guilty of such conduct.

The British Government cannot be ignorant of all these proceedings. If what the Emperor said here to Lord Amherst has been repeated in London, if Captain Poppleton, whom you know, and who was the officer on duty during two years, has been questioned, if Colonel Nichols of the 66th regiment, and Colonel Fehrzen of the 53d regiment have been questioned, as well as many others, it must be known to what unworthy treatment we are exposed here.

If there be in Europe some enemies of the Emperor, who would have approved the conduct of the British Government if they had taken away Napoleon’s life, openly and publicly, on board of the Bellerophon, there is not one who will not some day cover with imprecations and opprobrium and disown those who adopt such cowardly means to attain that end.

How are we to reconcile all this with what you write to me? perhaps by the supposition of a correspondence filled with falsehoods, and artfully managed. However, we on our side have for the last two years complained openly and loudly; and the criminal conduct pursued here must be known in London,

You will be surprised to hear me speak of the French, Austrian, and Russian Commissioners who are here. We never saw them during the time you were with us, and to this day they have not yet seen the Emperor nor called upon us. But we have frequently met them on the roads within our limits, which is a way of seeing each other sufficiently ridiculous. Though the Emperor does not acknowledge them as Commissioners, he has never refused to receive them as strangers.

With respect to the Governor, the Emperor has not seen him since the month of April, 1816: you are aware of the reasons which induced him not to receive him, after the insults which the Governor had offered him.

This being the case, if Sir Hudson Lowe seeks to be revenged, such a proceeding, though inconsistent with a generous mind, can be easily explained. But how can Government have continued, during two years, to repose its confidence in a man who has so strangely abused it?

I therefore earnestly request you, in the Emperor’s name, to inform his family and relations of the situation in which he is placed; and peremptorily to require that none of them will encrease his sufferings by coming to share in them.

You tell us that the English Government has subscribed for us to the Morning Chronicle; but the same thing happens with this paper as with the Times; it is sent to us after those numbers which it is thought proper to conceal from us have been previously withdrawn. Thus we have had some numbers of February and some of March, but all those that it was their pleasure to withdraw have never been sent to us. Not to have a regular series of a newspaper is worse than to have none.

How could any book be sent to us, since, as soon as a store-ship comes out, the Governor immediately purchases all the books they have brought out, particularly French books, in order to prevent our buying them?

With respect to the pamphlets, which you announce as sent to us, we only received one box of them on the 12th March, from which we conclude that probably the remainder have been kept.

I have read this letter to the Emperor, who has approved of its contents, but has thought that I had very feebly expressed the baseness of the conduct observed towards him. He desires me to send you two notes written by himself, which will give you the whole of his opinion respecting the officer to whom the superintendence of this country has been intrusted. The calomel which the Emperor has taken has not hitherto had any beneficial effect on the liver, and has produced other ailments.

Accept, my dear Las Cases, the assurance of affectionate feelings which I entertain towards you.

COUNT BERTRAND.

P. S. During the few days that have elapsed since this letter was written, many things have happened which will prove to you that our situation, far from improving, as you seem to suppose, is daily growing worse.

You know that Captain Mackey of the 53d regiment, had been succeeded at Longwood, as officer on duty, by Captain Poppleton of the same regiment, and that Poppleton, at his departure, had been succeeded by Captain Blackeney of the 66th, who, like his predecessors, enjoyed a most excellent reputation in his regiment. This latter officer already thought, on the first days after his arrival, that the Governor required of him some acts unworthy of a man of honour; but as the number of those objectionable acts had greatly increased since that time, he at last ardently longed for the expiration of his year of service in that degrading post, in order to have nothing more to do with it. It is known that he declared confidentially to his friends in the regiment, that it was impossible for a man of honour to continue in that post without losing his own esteem. It may be also that Sir Hudson Lowe was not satisfied with the avowed sentiments of Captain Blackeney; be that as it may, on the 20th of this month, an officer who had been sent out to take the command of the militia, and whose former connexion with Sir Hudson Lowe is known to you, the only one out of the whole of the Governor’s staff whom the Emperor refused to see, came to instal himself as officer on duty, and with him, under various pretences, another officer, so that we had two instead of one. It appears that some rooms and articles belonging to Government, which had been given in common between the officer on duty and Doctor O’Meara, have occasioned some violent contentions between them.

On the 22nd I sent the protest marked A[41] to the Governor, who sent me a challenge by the officer alluded to. It was beneath my character and my situation to provoke Sir Hudson Lowe, but on this occasion I thought proper to address to him the letter marked B.[41]

On the 24th, he sent Dr. O’Meara away from Longwood, by virtue, he said, of an order from Lord Bathurst, as you will see by the Governor’s letter to Count Montholon, marked C.[41] to which Count Montholon answered by the letter marked D.[41]

Footnote 41:

See these letters in the following pages.

Doctor O’Meara, you know, was attached to the Emperor, instead of his own physician, by a decision of the Council, and in consequence of a special demand to that effect, addressed by me to Admiral Keith; he could not therefore be taken away from the Emperor, but by an order in Council. If such an order exists, why are we not made acquainted with it? Certainly neither the Council nor Lord Bathurst would have removed from the Emperor the physician of his own choice, without having previously supplied his place by another, in whom the Emperor had confidence; they would have felt the responsibility attached to such a step.

But if even there had been an order in Council, it would not justify the Governor; for that order, given under ordinary circumstances, could not be carried into execution at the moment when the Emperor was seriously indisposed. It never can have been intended that his physician should be taken from him amidst his attendance in the case of a disease of so serious a nature, and which threatens his existence; particularly as since the month of April it has been demanded that if it were intended to take Dr. O’Meara away from him, another physician should be sent out from Europe in his stead, in whom the Emperor has confidence. The answer to this demand must arrive before three months are elapsed.

I conclude, my dear Las Cases: my heart is broken.

BERTRAND.

FIRST NOTE, WRITTEN BY THE EMPEROR, ON THE BACK OF SIR HUDSON LOWE’S LETTER, DATED 18th NOVEMBER, 1817.

This letter, and the letters dated 24th July and 26th October last, are filled with falsehoods. I have shut myself up in my apartment for eighteen months, in order to shelter myself from the insults of this officer. My health is now impaired, and will no longer allow me to read such disgusting documents; send me no more of them.

Whether that officer considers himself authorized by verbal and secret instructions from his minister, as he has given us to understand that he does, or whether he acts of his own accord, which might be inferred from the care which he takes to act with disguise, I cannot treat him but as my assassin.

Had they sent out to this country a man of honour, not only I should have experienced fewer vexations, but they would have saved themselves many reproaches from Europe and history, which the farrago of writing of this crafty man will not deceive.

NAPOLEON.

_Longwood_, 23d November, 1817.

SECOND NOTE, INSERTED IN THE MARGIN OF SIR THOMAS READE’S LETTER TO COUNT BERTRAND, DATED 25th APRIL, 1818.

1.—I TOLD you yesterday, when you presented this letter to me, that I would not know its contents, and that you were not to translate it to me, since it is not conformable to the forms adopted for the last three years.

2.—This fresh insult only dishonours that coxcomb. The King of England alone can treat with me on a footing of equality.

3.—This crafty line of conduct has however an object: to prevent you from disclosing _the criminal plot which has been carried on for the last two years against my life_.

4.—It is thus that, while they appear to open a channel for complaints, they in fact close every avenue.

5.—Thus, with the appearance of a wish to provide me with a house, and after announcing a building for the last three years, I am however still in this unhealthy barn, and no building is begun.

6.—It is thus that, whilst it appears that I am at liberty to ride on horseback, indirect means are resorted to to prevent me from doing so and from taking exercise; the want of which is the primary cause of my complaint.

7.—The same means are resorted to, to prevent me from receiving any visit. It is necessary for them to veil themselves in darkness.

8.—It is thus that, after having attacked my physician, after having obliged him to tender his resignation, not wishing to be a passive instrument and deprived of all moral independence, he is nevertheless kept under arrest at Longwood, in order that it may be believed that I have the benefit of his attendance, when it is well known that I will not see him, that I have not seen him for the last fortnight, that I never will see him as long as he is not set at liberty, and freed from the oppression under which he is placed, and until he has regained his moral independence in what concerns the exercise of his functions.

9.—It is thus that a false representation is made by causing bulletins to be issued by a physician who has never seen me, and does not know the state in which I am, nor the disease with which I am affected; but that does very well to deceive the Prince and the people of England and Europe.

10.—A ferocious joy is manifested at the aggravation of sufferings which this privation of medical assistance adds to my protracted agony.

11.—Demand that this note be sent to Lord Liverpool, as also your letter of yesterday, and of 13th and 14th April, in order that the Prince Regent may know my murderer, and may cause him to be brought to public punishment.

12.—If he does not, _I bequeath the opprobrium of my death_ to the reigning House of England.

NAPOLEON.

_Longwood, 27th April, 1818._

Document A. PROTEST ADDRESSED TO THE GOVERNOR, ON THE 22d JULY, 1818.

In the name of the Emperor Napoleon, I am enjoined to protest,

1.—Against all violation of our enclosure by servants, workmen or others, whom you would secretly invest with public authority.

2.—Against the insults offered to Dr. O’Meara to compel him to leave this place, and against the obstructions, either public or secret, which you have opposed or may oppose to Napoleon’s being assisted in his illness by the advice of some medical officer in whom he may have confidence, who may be accredited in the service of his Britannic Majesty, or known to practise publicly in the island.

3.—Against all testimonies, reports and writings of the militia officer Hyster, who is only placed at Longwood to be an instrument of hatred and vengeance.

COUNT BERTRAND.

Document B. TO THE GOVERNOR, SIR HUDSON LOWE.

_Longwood, 23d July, 1818._

SIR,—I have the honour to transmit to you a letter which I have just received. The old man appears to me to be out of his senses. He can have no knowledge of my official correspondence but by your orders. I have not answered him, and shall not do so. He is only a subordinate agent, and if his principal, a general officer, wishes to demand satisfaction of me, I am ready to grant it.

I have the honour to be,

COUNT BERTRAND.

Document C. THE GOVERNOR TO COUNT MONTHOLON.

_Plantation House, 25th July, 1818._

SIR,—I do myself the honour to state to you, for the information of Napoleon Bonaparte, that agreeably to the instructions which I have received from Lord Bathurst, dated 16th May, 1818, I am directed to remove Mr. O’Meara from his situation near the person of Napoleon Bonaparte, and that I have accordingly given orders for him to leave Longwood immediately. Rear Admiral Plampin has received, at the same time, instructions from the Lords of the Admiralty to remove him from this island. Lord Bathurst’s instructions further direct that, after Mr. O’Meara’s departure, I am to order Dr. Baxter to attend upon Napoleon Bonaparte, as physician, whenever he is requested to do so; and that I am to inform him that he is to consider the health of Napoleon Bonaparte as the chief object of his attention. On communicating this arrangement, I am strictly enjoined to state, at the same time, that if Napoleon Bonaparte has any reason not to be satisfied with the medical attendance of Dr. Baxter, or if he prefers any other physician of this Island, I am quite ready to acquiesce in his wishes in that respect, and to allow any other medical practitioner whom he may select to attend upon him, provided he strictly conform to the rules established and now in force.

Having given Dr. O’Meara the orders for his departure, I have furnished Mr. Baxter with the necessary instructions, and he will be ready to repair to Longwood at the first summons. In the meantime, until I am informed of the wishes of Napoleon Bonaparte on this subject, I shall order a medical officer to be stationed at Longwood, to be ready in case of emergency.

I have the honour to be, &c.

HUDSON LOWE, Lieut.-Gen.

Document D. COUNT MONTHOLON TO THE GOVERNOR.

SIR,—Dr. O’Meara quitted Longwood yesterday, being compelled to leave his patient in the midst of the course of medicine which he was prescribing for him; that course has ceased this morning. From this morning a great crime is in progress!!! Nothing remains to be added to Count Bertrand’s letters of the 13th, 24th, 26th and 27th April last. The Emperor will never receive any other physician than Mr. O’Meara, because he is the physician attached to him, or than the one who may be sent from Europe to him, in conformity with the letter of the 13th of August, which has been already mentioned.

I have communicated the letter you addressed to me yesterday. What I have now the honour of writing to you is the substance of the reply I have been desired to transmit.

I have, &c.

COUNT MONTHOLON.

LETTER OF COUNT BERTRAND TO HIS EMINENCE CARDINAL FESCH.[42]

Footnote 42:

We have thought it right to insert here this letter, because it affords additional details respecting the interior of Longwood, and adds new features to all that has been said of its real situation.

MY LORD,—The Sieur Cypriani, the Emperor’s steward, died at Longwood, on the 27th of February last, at four in the afternoon. He was interred in the Protestant burial-ground of this island, and the ministers of their church have observed on this occasion the same rites that they would have performed for one of their own persuasion. Care has been taken that, in the extract from the register of deaths which I shall send to you, though this paragraph of my letter might answer the purpose, it should be stated that he died in the bosom of the Roman Catholic church. The minister of the church of this country would willingly have attended the deceased on his death-bed; but the latter was anxious for a Catholic priest; and, as we have none, he appeared to have no wish to see a clergyman of any other religion. I should be glad if you would let us know what is the law of the Catholic church upon this point, and whether a Catholic on his death-bed may be attended by a minister of the church of England. We cannot, however, sufficiently praise the proper feeling and the zeal which were evinced on the present occasion by the clergy of the island. Cypriani died of an inflammation in the bowels. He expired on a Friday, and had attended his duties on the preceding Sunday without having any presentiment of his approaching end. A child of one of Count Montholon’s servants had died at Longwood a few days before. A waiting-woman died some days ago of the same complaint. Such is the effect of this unhealthy climate, in which few live to old age. Liver complaints, dysentery, and inflammations in the bowels, carry off many of the natives, but a still greater number of Europeans. We felt upon this occasion, as we feel every day, the want of a minister of our own persuasion. As you are our bishop, we wish you would send us out one, either a Frenchman or an Italian. You will, in that case, select a man of education, under forty years of age, and especially of a mild disposition, and not imbued with antigallican principles.

The steward’s duty has devolved upon Mr. Pierron, of the household, but he has been very ill; and, though convalescent, is still in a bad state of health. The cook is in a similar condition. It would be, therefore, necessary that either you, or Prince Eugene, or the Empress, should send out a steward and a French or an Italian cook, taken from amongst those who have been in the Emperor’s service, or who may still be in the service of his family.

Your Eminence will find annexed: 1.—The papers found in M. Cypriani’s portfolio; 2.—A brooch which he was in the habit of wearing, and which I have thought it right to send home for his wife; 3.—An account of all that is coming to him, amounting to 8,287 francs, or 345_l._ 5_s._ 10_d._ sterling; 4.—A bill of exchange in favour of his heirs, for the settlement of that account. The Emperor, knowing that his son is under your care, and that his daughter is with Madame, only delays securing an annuity to both his children, until he shall have been informed of the fortune left by Cypriani, who appears to have funds in Genoa to a rather considerable amount.

I will not afflict you by dwelling upon the state of the Emperor’s health, which is not satisfactory. It has not, however, become worse since the hot weather. I hope you will keep these details concealed from Madame. Give no credit to the false reports that may be circulated in Europe. Consider as the only fact that may be relied on that for these twenty-two months past the Emperor has only quitted his apartment occasionally, though very seldom, in order to pay a visit to my wife. He has hardly seen any one, unless it be two or three Frenchmen who are here, and the English Ambassador to China.

I beg that your Eminence will present my respects to Madame, and to the individuals of her family, and accept the homage of the sentiments with which I have the honour to be, &c.

COUNT BERTRAND.

FIRST LETTER OF THE COUNT DE LAS CASES TO GENERAL COUNT BERTRAND.[43]

I am going to devote to you the first moment that I can command. It is now upwards of a year since I quitted Longwood; and during that time, what troubles, what cares, what misfortunes of every kind have I not had to contend with!!! I leave it to the newspapers to give you an account of my tribulations. I shall avoid in my letters every expression, every subject, that might afford a pretext for their being withheld from you. I will promote, by all means in my power, the only object I have in view, which is that you should receive from me the proofs of a devotedness that will occupy every instant of the remainder of my life. I have but too present to my mind the consolation and happiness that I derived, when in your company, from European recollections, not to give all my attention to the object of procuring you that kind of consolation: Oh, my dear companions! who will henceforth engross my thoughts of every day, and of every moment! I am, therefore, writing to you on the first instant of freedom that I enjoy from personal restraint; and regularly every month, on the same day, I shall at least give you this token of my incessant anxiety for you. Obstacles, perhaps, over which I shall have no control, may prevent your receiving my letters; but, as far as regards me, death alone can make me fail in my promise; and here I appeal to the feelings of those who, being intrusted with the censorship of my letters, might fancy that they found in their expressions some motives for intercepting them. I beseech them to let me know of any involuntary deviations on my part that might appear reprehensible to them, in order that I may avoid them for the future. The necessity and the consolation of domestic sentiments cannot be prohibited by public morality: and such are the only sentiments which I shall endeavour to gratify in writing to you.

I have just obtained in Austria the asylum which I demanded, as soon as I found that my liberty was in danger. I shall repair to Lintz so soon as the wretched state of my health will allow me to undertake the journey. The headaches which first attacked me at the Cape are daily encreasing in violence, and give me much uneasiness. I shall avail myself of the free intercourse which is henceforth allowed me, in order to procure some exact information respecting all those that may be dear to you. To-day I can only give you such information as I have been able to collect indirectly.

My wife, who, by the greatest good fortune, was refused permission to go out to St. Helena, at the very moment when I was leaving it, and who came to meet me upon the road, where I was carried about like a bale of goods, is now on her return to Paris, whence she will bring back the rest of my children. She will enable me to afford you some details in my next letter concerning your family, and those of Montholon and of Gourgaud.

I have been able to ascertain that H.M. Maria Louisa enjoyed excellent health in Parma, and that nothing can exceed the health and beauty of her son, who is at Schœnbrunn. The Countess de Survilliers is detained here by the very infirm state of her health; she occasionally receives news from her husband, who is quite well, in America. Both her daughters are also well. The eldest bears a striking resemblance to the august head of the family. Princess Borghese, Madame, the Emperor’s mother, Prince Canino, Cardinal Fesch, and Prince Louis, are at Rome, and in the enjoyment of excellent health; the remainder of the family, Princess Eliza, Count de Montfort, and Princess Murat, reside in various parts of Austria. I hope that in time I shall be able to send you more direct and positive details. I feel the most bitter regret that I was not able to land and fix my abode in England. I am deprived of the means of procuring and sending immediately whatever I might have thought calculated to afford you some trifling diversion upon your horrible rock. This is a religious duty imposed upon me, which I have solicited, and shall continue every day to solicit, the British Ministers to allow me to fulfil. My constant endeavours to persuade them upon that point will not allow me to despair of success. Nevertheless, however far I may be from the spot, I shall not fail to attain so sacred an object by the assistance of some intermediate person; only you will receive the results of my cares and of my efforts in a less complete manner, and at a later period.

Be careful all of you of your health; live for the consolation, the affection, the happiness, and the wishes of those who admire and love you.

I received, upon my arrival at Dover, a letter from you, dated the 22d July, and one of the 29th from Sir Hudson Lowe. They acquainted me with what was unknown to me until then, that you had received the few articles I had sent to Longwood from the Cape; that you had received the document which was handed to me by you, and which I had returned, respecting the money which at my departure I had presumed to lay at the feet of the Emperor, and of which I was so happy as to procure the acceptance. Sir Hudson Lowe informs me that all the bills relating to this affair, which I had left in your hands, have been negotiated. I hope they have been duly honoured. I know not yet myself the state of my affairs. I have not yet had it in my power to write a single line to my agent in London, or to receive any news from him.

I regret much that T have not in my power, and at my command, the narrative of the campaigns of Italy. That distant epoch, already removed from the politics of the present day, possesses henceforth all the merit of history. It is anxiously wished for. Science and the contemporaries of that period claim it. I should deem myself fortunate if that work were confided to my care; and in case you should procure that favour for me, I shall instantly take the means of availing myself of it without delay, by at once inquiring in London, what are the previous formalities that would be required, both in England and at St. Helena, in order that I might receive that manuscript. I shall request that the reply to me may be likewise transmitted to Sir H. Lowe, in order that you may judge whether there would be no objection on your part to do what might be required of you.

Write to me dear General, in your turn, by every opportunity; give me all the commissions that may occur to your mind, whether serious or trifling, easy or difficult, it matters not. Be persuaded, and constantly bear in mind, that I live only for you and through you all. My body alone has left your rock.

COUNT DE LAS CASES.

Footnote 43:

It has been thought necessary to introduce here the following letters of Count de Las Cases; 1.—Because they are alluded to in the preceding letter from Count Bertrand, and help to complete the sense and understanding of it; 2.—Because they evince the candour and good faith with which this correspondence with Longwood was carried on; 3.—In short, because they enable the reader to give its due value to the extraordinary assertion of Mr. Goulburn, who, whilst he received these letters, and acknowledged with courtesy the receipt of them, nevertheless ventured to affirm in the House of Commons, on a certain occasion, that the author’s expressions were always clothed in language admitting of a twofold interpretation. How can a man of candour, such as the person to whom the aforesaid letters were addressed, who had received, and must have read my letter to Lord Bathurst particularly, take upon himself to assert that the author’s expressions were always given in language that admitted of a double interpretation? Surely, Mr. Goulburn must be very fastidious in point of explicit and positive meaning, or else he does not understand French. But has he read? Has he misunderstood? Did he wish to misunderstand, and, in imitation of Lord Bathurst, may he not, like his noble patron, on the occasion of his famous denials to Lord Holland in the House of Peers, have founded his arguments not upon what really existed, but upon what appeared to his advantage? The communication of these letters is made chiefly from the necessity of enabling every one to judge of the degree of credit which is due to Mr. Goulburn’s assertion. That they were not intended to be made public is sufficiently evident from the careless and unaffected style in which they are written.

SECOND LETTER OF COUNT DE LAS CASES TO GENERAL COUNT BERTRAND.

_Frankfort, 26 Jan., 1818._

Faithful to my promise, I write to you after the lapse of one month, and on the same day on which my first letter was dated. I have at heart to record the identical date, so that you may depend upon its never being passed over without my addressing you. Some passages, however, in my letter may perhaps be written subsequently to its date, owing to the silence of Madame de Las Cases, whose letters I was in daily expectation of receiving from Paris. It is now about a month since she left me. She proposed calling upon all your relations, and upon those of Generals Gourgaud and Montholon. She was to send me the most circumstantial details respecting them. To my great surprise, I have not heard from her, and as I do not wish to delay any longer writing to you, I am under the necessity of postponing till next month all the particulars, which I am quite certain she will have collected with as much zeal and as much care as I could have done myself.

I have the satisfaction to know that my first letter has been forwarded to you: I had enclosed it in one to Mr. Goulburn; his answer has just reached me. I acknowledge with real pleasure that it is filled with expressions of kind consideration, and is in all respects satisfactory; this leads me to hope that what had hitherto taken place proceeded from mutual misunderstanding.

He assures me of the readiness that will exist at all times to forward my letters to you, so long as they shall be of the same nature as the first, and not liable to any greater objections. He adds that, conformably to my request, the books and pamphlets I may point out will be sent to you. He offers to procure them, and to superintend himself their regular transmission, taking care to remit to me from time to time a note of their cost, in order that I may settle the amount. He informs me that in case the Emperor shall think proper to confide to me the _Campaigns in Italy_, Sir Hudson Lowe is forthwith to receive instructions to transmit it to England, whence it will be forwarded and delivered to me in the manner that may be desired at Longwood, after taking such cognizance of it as may be deemed necessary. Lastly, he apprizes me that my papers which were seized in the Thames had been instantly sent back to me unopened; and that if I had not yet received them, which is still the case, accident alone could have occasioned the delay.

I am therefore in hopes that you will receive some publications with this very letter. I am unfortunately at a great distance and unpleasantly situated for selecting them, and for procuring them while new; but I will immediately write to London to remedy this inconvenience. I likewise hope that by the same opportunity I may be able to send you many things of which you stand in need, or that may prove acceptable to you, and others that may be of essential service to the Emperor’s health.

Her Majesty Maria Louisa is quite well, and still resides in Parma. Her son, from a late account given by a person who had seen him at a juvenile ball, is remarkably handsome, and is the delight of all Vienna. Such were the expressions used. He dances admirably, and is passionately fond of that amusement.

All the members of the Emperor’s family have evinced the kindest and most affectionate interest towards me. They have loaded me with offers and good wishes. I shall fortunately have it in my power to afford you regular accounts of them every month.

Prince Jerome has caused me to be assured that his offers of service would know no other bounds than those of _impossibility_. He has given an asylum near his person to the worthy and virtuous Planat, who, after our separation on board the _Bellerophon_, was tossed about by storms, and on the point of perishing on the coast. Princess Hortense informs me that she has suffered much persecution; but that if the torments inflicted upon her have originated in the tender and respectful devotedness which fills her heart, they are a source of pride and of happiness to her.

Whenever my health will allow me, I go to pay my respects to Princess Joseph, who is confined to the most absolute retirement, and chiefly to her bed, by the bad state of her health. We talk of St. Helena. Our thoughts traverse the seas; those are happy moments for us. Her daughters are quite well; her husband, from very late accounts, was likewise well. He had taken under his care two of the Emperor Napoleon’s servants, whom the British government had thought proper to retrench from the establishment of Longwood.

Prince Lucien gives me an account of all those of the family who are assembled in Rome. Madame, Cardinal Fesch, Princess Borghese, and Prince Louis are all in the enjoyment of good health, and unite in wishes and prayers for the health and preservation of their august relative. As for Prince Lucien, he says he is happy in Rome; he has just provided advantageously for his three daughters. Yet his mind and his heart are incessantly directed towards St. Helena. He can no longer reconcile himself to the idea of seeing his brother languishing and dying in exile. He desires that I will candidly tell him whether the Emperor would be as happy to see him as he himself would be to appear before him; and conformably to his desire I write to the British Government by the courier who bears this letter, to request they will allow him to proceed to St. Helena, and to reside there a couple of years or for life, if his brother does not send him away, with or without his wife and children: his wife wishing to share in the honour of his exile: and further, to state that he will engage not to occasion any augmentation of expense, either for himself or for his suite, and that he will submit to the same restrictions that are imposed upon his brother, and to any others that it might be thought proper to impose upon him personally, either before his departure, or after his return.

I cannot refrain, my dear General, from again requesting you will ascertain if the Emperor would intrust to me the _Campaigns in Italy_; you might next forward to me those of Egypt in their turn. They are both real treasures for the learned world and for history, quite foreign to the politics of the present day, and consequently not liable to any objection. I have written to London to convey the Countess Bertrand’s thanks for the friendly recollections that were so kindly expressed towards her, and the amiable attentions that were shewn to her children. If I had had it in my power to remain in England, I should have endeavoured to find out upon the spot some articles that I might have thought acceptable to the ladies. At this distance I can command nothing beyond my good wishes; they are very sincere towards them and towards you all, my dear companions. The fatal rock is ever impressed upon my heart.

I am still far from being well: my headaches are daily increasing; the physicians are at a loss to give an opinion upon the subject. May God be pleased to preserve my health, for the service and benefit of those who are dearest to my heart. I embrace you all affectionately. Take care of yourselves, and may you enjoy good health; it will be my reward, and the reward of your friends, who love you as I do.

COUNT DE LAS CASES.

THIRD LETTER FROM COUNT DE LAS CASES TO GENERAL COUNT BERTRAND.

_Frankfort, March 15, 1818._

I experience a certain pleasure, my dear General, in writing my third letter to you, from the thought that my first must now be very near reaching you. I hope my second is already on its way to St. Helena, although I am not fortunate enough to be certain of it. A great many publications were to be sent on at the same time, and I am going to transmit a note of some others to be sent with the present letter.

I have just heard from my wife, who is on the point of quitting Paris to come with my children and reside with me. She informs me that she had seen the family of General Gourgaud, and had given to them all the details which she had heard from me concerning himself and your establishment at Longwood. His mother and his sister are both very well, and send him the assurance of their most affectionate love and good wishes. Your family, Grand Marshal, was in one of the provinces, and for some time past no news had been received from them. With respect to the family of Count Montholon, Madame de Las Cases has not been fortunate enough to meet with anybody belonging to it. I hope to be able in my next letter to speak of your friends, notwithstanding they are away from the capital.

All the members of the Emperor’s family are quite well. I have heard of every one of them since my last, and shall hear every month, so as to be able to transmit regular information to you. They all follow him with their good wishes, and live only for him. Most of them had been hitherto entirely deprived of any information respecting him, and the little that I have been enabled to give has therefore proved most valuable and dear to them. To satisfy their interest and their affection, which are both natural, I shall request the British Government, when they receive news from St. Helena, to allow me to receive the intelligence of the state of the Emperor’s health; it is a favour which I shall request in the name of a numerous family, and I hope it will not be refused to the sentiment which dictates it.

Prince Jerome has done me the honour to inform me that the conditions attached to the permission of corresponding with his august brother, and his profound veneration for him whom he acknowledges as his second father, have alone prevented him from having the happiness of writing to him, and laying his existence at his feet. If the situation of the Emperor be not improved next year, he proposes to ask permission of the British Government to go to St. Helena, with his wife and his son, supposing that such a voyage could not be opposed by any reasonable objection. The Queen his wife, to whom nothing is foreign that is noble and elevated, is inspired with the same sentiments, and expresses the same wishes.

Cardinal Fesch also writes to me in the name of Madame and in his own, requesting me to observe that, being the only two whose attention is not divided by individual ties, arising out of the consideration of a family, and the fear of exposing it to inconveniences, I must apply to them in preference for every thing that can contribute to alleviate in any way the horrible situation of the Emperor.

Countess Survilliers, whom I have the honour of seeing very frequently, and whose wishes are incessantly turned towards St. Helena, is in a very indifferent state of health. She suffers very much, and even occasions some uneasiness. The princesses her daughters are quite well.

I have just received, at last, my papers which had been seized in the Thames. They have reached me after four months of useless rambling and of daily privation to me. Fatality alone can have occasioned the delay, for they have been returned to me unopened.

I long very much to hear from you, and to receive your commissions. Unfortunately, the distance is so great, and the communications are so irregular, that I shall have yet to write for some time. Ask me for every thing you want; until then I am reduced to guess. You will soon receive that part of the Moniteur which you have not. I write this day on the subject.

I have at last received a letter from my agent in London. He informs me that he has honoured my bills, which I am happy to hear. But he also informs me that he has received besides from you two other bills, which he has been under the necessity of refusing, for want of advice or authority from me. I am sorry for this. Since I have left you, I had not been able to communicate with him. I have immediately answered his letter, directing him to remedy the evil as far as it lies in his power. He does not however give me any particulars respecting those bills.

My health is still as indifferent as ever, not to say much worse. I am quite disheartened by it, and the more so, as the season is getting very fine, and this circumstance does not however produce any beneficial change to me. That is the reason why I remain at Frankfort, being placed in the centre of a great number of mineral springs, to which the physicians intend to send me.

Receive for yourself, Grand Marshal, and for my dear companions, the expression of my wishes and of all my sentiments. The colony of Longwood occupies and fills every moment of my existence. Take care of yourselves. Such is the wish of those who love you. I daily hear it expressed for you all. There are in this place or in the neighbourhood, several of the exiles; some were particular acquaintances of yours. They love and venerate you.

COUNT DE LAS CASES.

FOURTH LETTER FROM COUNT LAS CASES TO GENERAL COUNT BERTRAND.

_Frankfort, 15th April, 1818._

Madame Las Cases has continued her inquiries respecting your family and that of the gentlemen. I have myself written direct. My letters have been returned to me by a _valet de chambre_. I have learned that your family were well and undisturbed. The sister of General Gourgaud has written me a very agreeable letter, full of tenderness for her brother. As to my third attempt, though repeated, it produced only absolute silence, You will find, M. Grand Marshal, my details very barren. It is not my fault: I write to you every thing I can. You will do wrong to judge, by my want of matter, of all my cares and incessant exertions.

I continue to receive news of all the members of the family of the Emperor. They are all well in health. His son continues a fine boy. The Empress, they write me, is very thin. I have lately seen a person of the household of the Princess Murat. He was specially charged to describe to me her tender solicitude for her august brother, her devotion and her wishes. I have received a letter from the Princess Eliza, full of the same sentiments. They all live only to think of him who is so dear to them, who loaded them with kindnesses, and now engrosses all their affections. The Princess Eliza resides at Trieste. She informs me that she has written five times to St. Helena. The Cardinal writes to me, on his part, that they have written very often from Rome. I have received an answer from London to the request which I made, and of which I informed you in my last, for leave for Prince Lucien to visit his august brother. The answer has not appeared sufficiently explicit for me to send it to you before I have a new explanation.—Prince Jerome, who talked of making a like attempt next year, has not been able to postpone for so long a time a step, the success of which would delight his heart. He is going to address himself to the Prince Regent, for permission for himself; his wife and son, to undertake the voyage immediately.

The Cardinal has given me a very full account of all the members of the family settled at Rome. The Princess Hortense enjoys tranquillity at Augsburg, where she is occasionally visited by her brother. She is occupied with the education of her second son. She has had the eldest with her several months, who has developed, during his short visit, all the qualities which honour, attach, and interest. He has returned to Rome to his father, who is settled in that city. I hope that my first letter has reached you before this; and I reckon the days and hours that will bring me your answer, because then I shall know more particularly what I can do to be agreeable to each of you. Be assured that I and mine only live for this; and that death itself could not interrupt the course of my efforts for that purpose. I shall have provided a successor. Let me then know all your wishes. Nothing will be impossible to my zeal, to the affection and devotion of those who assist me.

I have received a very polite answer from London respecting all the articles which I desired to be sent to your address. I am assured that the several pamphlets, which I mentioned, are about to be sent off. I am told that the _Morning Chronicle_, the _Journal du Commerce_, and that of Paris, which they say is the best, have been ordered for you. As for the rest, upon this point, as upon every other, write to me your wishes. Tell me every thing that may give pleasure to the establishment.

As to provisions, wine, coffee, oil, &c. which I mentioned in my letter, I am answered that a considerable supply, and of the best quality had been dispatched to you: the list has been sent me. It is added, Lord Holland had sent a quantity, at the request of the Princess Borghese: an invoice of that also has been sent me.

My health, unfortunately, is still very deplorable: I see no amendment. The physicians insist that I shall entirely abstain from business.—I am going to take the waters somewhere. I shall most probably inform you, in my next, of my departure from Frankfort. I have had an opportunity of seeing here several of the exiles, who have found a temporary refuge in this city or its vicinity. They flatter themselves daily with their speedy recal. Public opinion demands it, they are told. It is thought that about the end of the year all the French will be at liberty to reside in France. I have, however, myself, been a stranger to the severity exercised towards them. Madame Las Cases, on her return to Paris, received from old friends a great deal of advice, and many offers on my account. They pressed forward in the most obliging manner to offer their services and their influence; but she has constantly answered that in reality I wanted no assistance, and it was not my intention moreover to put the kindness of any one to the test; that I had voluntarily banished myself for a holy and religious ministry; and in fact I shall no more have a country, Monsieur Grand Marshal, as long as you shall be where you are, and there shall remain a single chance that my efforts, my devotion, and my zeal, may be able to afford you any useful or agreeable consolation—until then I shall be a wanderer in the world. I shall carry about every where, if it must be, my atmosphere of sorrow and zeal. On your part, keep me in your remembrance; give me the consolation of imagining that our thoughts cross each other, and sometimes are interchanged. Patience and courage are the virtues of heroes. Who knows better than I that they belong to you all? Adieu—I embrace you.

COUNT DE LAS CASES.

FIFTH LETTER FROM COUNT LAS CASES TO GENERAL COUNT BERTRAND.

_Frankfort on the Maine, 15th May, 1818._

I would write to you this day, my dear Bertrand, merely to be punctual and faithful to the date which I have invariably prescribed to myself, every month, for giving news of me. No change having taken place in my situation, I could only repeat, word for word, the matter contained in my last. I hoped to have been able to send you my letter from another place; but a severe complaint in my eyes, which has come to aggravate my other afflictions, has hitherto prevented me from setting out for some of the warm baths in the south of Germany, to which I shall repair, however, in a few days.

I have the satisfaction to learn that my preceding letters have been regularly despatched to you, and that a great many pamphlets have been sent off. I wish they may amuse you. Unfortunately I provide for you a little in the dark;—the circumstances of locality will be my excuse; I do my best; I am in a bad situation for that. Such a case as mine would require a capital.—I am not permitted to reside in London; and in Paris I could not accomplish my purpose. The same distance prevents me from thinking of sending you a great many little things with which I might employ myself if I were upon the spot. I had thought of completing for you a little chemical apparatus, but renounced it. I understand that it would be useless to you.

All the relatives of the Emperor are well, and await with impatience the regular course of your letters, of which they entertain no doubt, as you will have received my first, with my invariable resolution to send you theirs every month punctually.—My wife will rejoin me in a few days, to part no more, I hope.

Adieu, accept my wishes.

COUNT LAS CASES.

LETTER FROM COUNT LAS CASES TO MR. GOULBURN, ENCLOSING TO HIM THE PRECEDING.

_Frankfort on the Maine, 19th May, 1818._

I have the honour to thank you for the kindness with which you have been pleased to inform me of the departure of my letters for St. Helena, as also of that of the pamphlets and journals with which you have been pleased to accompany them.

I am sorry you should have found it necessary to preserve silence, upon certain points in my last letter. My discretion will know how to interpret that silence. I owe it to the personal kindness which you have hitherto shewn me, not to return to the subject any more. I have written to the Cardinal Fesch, agreeably to a passage in your letter, that he may send, by the way he shall think most proper, the sequel of the Moniteur, reckoning from 1808, addressed to the office of Lord Bathurst in London; and that his Lordship allows their transmission to St. Helena.

As to the passage of your letter, Sir, concerning the request which I had the honour to make to you, for a regular bulletin of the health of Napoleon, in the name, and on the behalf of the members of his family, may I be permitted to pray you will observe to my Lord Bathurst that the whole of the family of the Emperor are not at Rome; that he has one sister and her family at Frankfort; a brother and his family in Austria; two other sisters and their families in the vicinity of Vienna and Trieste; without reckoning others, all of whom would esteem it the greatest favour, and would consider it a real gratification to their heart, should the sentiments which induced Lord Bathurst to send regular accounts to Rome, induce him condescendingly to allow of their being regularly transmitted to them also. I was not ignorant of the gratification which had been hitherto procured for the Princess Borghese; but it did not extend from Rome to all the members of the family in Germany, where the route was then much more circuitous than that which I had the honour to request. Whatsoever title and right my heart might give me, perhaps, to solicit for myself a participation in this bulletin, I shall learn to renounce entirely and put myself completely aside; and not doubting but that the favour will be more highly appreciated by those for whom I solicit it, if it should come directly from Lord Bathurst, rather than pass through my hands, I shall solicit therefore anew, and in the name of the Countess of Survilliers (the Princess Joseph Bonaparte), who resides in this city, that he will have the goodness to send to her regularly the same accounts which he has the goodness to address to the Princess Borghese at Rome. The Countess of Survilliers will undertake to communicate them to all the family in Germany.

Sir, I have learned, from the public journals, the unexpected return of General Gourgaud. This sensible diminution of the household of Napoleon, this new privation of one servant more, penetrates my heart, and has determined me to pray that you will please to request of Lord Bathurst to allow me to return to St. Helena, accompanied by my family. This intention and this desire will never forsake me, as his Lordship may convince himself by the whole of my correspondence with Sir Hudson Lowe, from the moment of my quitting the colony. I do not think it would be necessary to demand the previous consent of the Emperor Napoleon to this request, because I dare flatter myself that his answer would not be doubtful. However, if Lord Bathurst should deem it necessary, I entreat his Lordship to make the application himself: he will see that in my letter to Longwood I have abstained from mentioning this circumstance. Considerations of delicacy, which his Lordship will know how to appreciate, have restrained me. The deplorable state of my health will be no obstacle. I am ambitious to go and find a grave at the feet of him whom I venerate, and to whose cares I shall find it sweet to consecrate my latest breath.

Accept, Sir, the expressions of the perfect consideration, &c.

COUNT LAS CASES.

I lost not a moment, on the receipt of the documents sent by Count Bertrand, in despatching a copy of them to each of the Sovereigns at Aix-la-Chapelle. I took this opportunity to renew my entreaties. I implored them to succour the illustrious victim. “A few days more,” said I, “and it will be too late.” The physician whom they had snatched away from him (an Englishman,) declared publicly in London that a much longer residence upon that unwholesome rock would cause his death. I ventured to represent to them that their humanity, the sentiments of their hearts, might be arrested perhaps by formal denials, but would not their justice listen to the other side of the question? I demanded that I might be allowed to furnish them with it, I solicited the sole favour of being heard in behalf of this sacred cause; “consenting,” I said, “if I did not prove the truth of the documents laid at their feet, that my shame and my blood should expiate my offence in having dared to impose upon them.”—At the same time I did not lose one opportunity, one instant, one thought, which might have multiplied the chances of any success. I addressed myself to every one, who, I learned, had any influence over the hearts of the Monarchs. I wrote particularly to M. de la Harpe, the tutor of the Emperor Alexander, so well known, so venerated, who, I had been told, was at that moment with him at Aix-la-Chapelle.

Neither upon this occasion, nor any other, have I ever had the slightest answer to any one of my letters; and if any thing has been sometimes insinuated to me indirectly and with mystery, I was obliged to suspect it as a snare laid against my person, which was of small moment; or against my cause, which was every thing to me. Thus the Congress ended, and not a word escaped from it in favour of Napoleon. In fine, I sought to stimulate even foreign talents; and in the number of voices then raised, the pamphlet of a certain German journalist attracted sufficient attention to serve for a pretext to devise trammels for the liberty of the press.

However, all the efforts which I had called forth were vain, all my hopes were blasted, all my pains were thrown away—they left him to die! In fact, what could the naked Truth avail with sovereigns, without the protection of any address, or the alliance of any interests, against the insinuations of wicked men, who watched with all the ardour of political fanaticism, private resentment, and prospective apprehensions! They acted so effectually that in the council of kings, fear, no doubt, prevailed over generosity. They demonstrated how dangerous universal interest rendered the victim: and it may be truly said, to the glory of generous sentiments, that public opinion was pronounced every where with great warmth; not less in Germany, than in any other country. And perhaps, in the sight of the high personages who were witnesses of it, this favourable opinion did a great deal of mischief to him whom it meant to serve; as if it had been in the destiny of Napoleon that the interest of the Germans should become as baneful to him in adversity, as their animosity had been fatal to him in the time of his power.—Amongst the efforts to maintain the hideous captivity of Napoleon, there has been actually imputed to the English Ministers a base intrigue, an unworthy deception. It was said that, to confirm the wavering Sovereigns, they had forged, for the express purpose, a pretended plot of escape. The imputation was founded upon the timeliness, the éclat, and publicity, with which the arrival of the Musquito brig suddenly caused this news to spread through all Europe; a circumstance, which, after it had once produced the intended effect, that of counterbalancing the public favour, gave room to no further mention, to no detail, to no confirmation whatsoever; an imaginary conjecture, no doubt, and in which the English Ministers are probably culpable, only in having afforded ground for suspecting them of it by the numerous antecedent cases, in which they degraded themselves in acting against Napoleon.

To my chagrin was added the fear of seeing old persecutions revived against me, in my peaceful solitude. The spring of 1819 was approaching. The excellent Grand Duke of Baden was just dead. Those who did not like us became stronger by this event, and it was signified to me, without the knowledge of the new sovereign perhaps, that I must quit the States of Baden. The order was given to me only verbally, and I was even informed that I should receive it in no other way. The motive for my removal, it was said, was the desire to live in close friendship with France, and the fear that my stay would be disagreeable to her; a motive that must excite a smile of pity. I disdained to say that the French Minister had thought fit to leave me in repose; the intolerance of opinion had discovered another motive to the full as ridiculous. The person charged with the order against me was very willing to grant me some days for preparation, but I was nearly like the Greek philosopher, who carried his all upon his own person; and I would have set out at the very instant of the notification itself, if Madame Las Cases had not been afflicted with an inflammation of the lungs which placed her in great danger. I assured him that I should only allow myself time to see her out of danger; and although the well-meant advice was given me to solicit Government for permission to remain, I still disdained it; and a few days afterwards, I set out on my route for Offenbach, where Madame Las Cases was to join me, when she should be in a state to travel.

If I felt myself so much hurt by this unexpected treatment, it is because I had already forgotten all the vexations with which I had been overwhelmed by the English authorities, and for more than a year, during which I lived upon the German soil, I was not subjected to such forms; but, on the contrary, I was spoiled by the favour, the interest, the respect, of which I every where saw myself the object, even among those of a contrary opinion; and, besides, on leaving Manheim, I was far from being embarrassed for a new residence. Some friends, in their kind precautions, had sounded some neighbouring governments; I was assured of a favourable reception in several. One of the princes, addressed upon the occasion, answered, with a smile, “Yes, no doubt; he should be well received and well treated. So far from repulsing a man of this character, a prince who understands his own interest should have his courtiers inoculated from him.”

However, in expatiating here so freely upon my successes, I must not disguise my disappointments. Now and then I had also my little mortifications. All was not roses: and, without reckoning the expulsion from Manheim, for example, of which I was speaking, they found great fault, in another place, with the respect shewn to me, being, they said, one of those wretches who had arrested the King of France at Varennes; and who more lately had done, perhaps, still worse. In another place, a Baron who gave a grand evening party, informed his guests that he had at length ascertained who this Count and Councillor of Napoleon’s was whose arrival had made so great a noise in the city. He was, he informed them, nothing but his cook from St. Helena; and that, not having means to pay him his wages at parting, he had, as a compensation, created him a Count and Councillor of State. If the Baron believed what he said, he was assuredly a good easy man, and if his object was only to make his guests believe it, he must have taken them for great simpletons. The pleasant part of the story remains, for we must tell the whole; and it is that, in fact, the cook from Longwood had passed through a few days before: and thus it appears how anecdotes and the biographies of the saloon are engendered and multiply; and the devil himself cannot afterwards eradicate them. I could smile at the wickedness or the stupidity. Their acts and their words were only ridiculous and grotesque; but a circumstance of an important nature presented itself, which would have distressed me excessively, if I did not know how much the mass of error which presses round sovereigns may impair the soundness of their judgment.

I was assured that some one at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, finding himself disposed, in the presence of the Emperor Alexander, to touch upon the frightful situation of Napoleon, and citing the authentic statements produced by me in his support, that Prince answered, “We must not believe all that this man is come to tell us in Europe; he is an intriguer.” How is it that the most enlightened princes are deceived; even those from whom we should expect better? Unless it was here, as with Napoleon, who often used peevish expressions, after his own manner, and not implying harm; and besides, by good fortune, I have still on my side, time, that true crucible of characters. Years have since elapsed, and the unanimous opinion, I dare hope, of all those who have known or followed me, would sufficiently clear me from such an accusation. “An intriguer!” I, who have worn out upon a rock all the vanities of this world! I, who in the clouds of Longwood, have seen all things from so great a height, that they remain small indeed to my eyes! I, who of all people on earth, know nothing to desire! I, in fine, who, no longer considering myself of this world, cannot have, and have not in fact, any other ambition whatever, any other wish, than that of Diogenes—“that they would not stand between me and the sun.”

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FROM MY ARRIVAL AT OFFENBACH, UP TO MY RETURN TO FRANCE.

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A Space of more than Two Years.

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RESIDENCE AT OFFENBACH.—DETAIL.—ARRIVAL OF MADAME MONTHOLON IN EUROPE.—JOURNEY TO BRUSSELS.—RESIDENCE AT LIEGE, AT CHAUDE-FONTAINE, AT SOHAN, NEAR SPA, AT ANTWERP, AT MALINES.—DEATH OF NAPOLEON.—RETURN TO FRANCE.—CONCLUSION.

Offenbach is a handsome little town in the Grand-Duchy of Darmstadt, situate upon the Maine, two leagues from Frankfort. I settled myself there, according to my custom, in a sort of little hermitage. It was upon the bank of the river, within a step of the town.

My head-aches, under their different symptoms, had never quitted me. At Manheim I suffered very acute pains. A short time after my arrival at Offenbach, my illness suddenly assumed a character new, insupportable, and alarming. It was then that a universal indisposition, an increasing debility, commenced, which, preventing the employment of the faculties, brought with them a complete disgust of life; then also commenced that sudden trembling in my limbs and in my whole frame: those sudden visits of dimness of sight, which I might call the twinkling of existence. How often in this state, and without taking any notice of it, have I gone to bed with the thought, I had almost said the hope, of awaking no more. Madame Las Cases, in the excess of her anxiety, wished that I should give up every kind of occupation whatever, of which, in fact, I was absolutely incapable; she suppressed my letters, and wrote to the relatives of the Emperor, to apprize them of my real situation, and to prevail upon them to appoint a successor to me in the cares which I had created for myself. For a long time past, as a precaution, I myself had entreated them to join with me a person whose happiness it would have constituted, and the choice of whom would have been agreeable to the Emperor.[44] He was then with one of them; but, from one cause or another, this was not done, and necessity compelled me to break off without any provision having been made to supply the deficiency. I exhausted in vain all the aid of medicine; and, if the domestic cares, the tender solicitude, which surrounded me on every side, could have availed, my illness would have been only a blessing, from the pleasure of seeing them lavished upon me. One loves to dwell upon that which was sweet, and I could not assuredly better describe the great interest felt for me, and the nature of the recompense which the sentiments I had shewn, the efforts I had made, had obtained for me, than when I say my little hermitage has been honoured with the presence of three Queens, and, I think, on the same day. Two of them, it is true, had been deposed; but they did not the less command every where at that moment, by the elevation of their minds, the simplicity of their manners, the _éclat_ of their other qualities, a universal respect, at least, as much as at the era of their greatest splendour.

Footnote 44:

Colonel Planat, who had accompanied us as far as Plymouth, and who had lately obtained leave to repair to St. Helena himself.

It was at Offenbach that the little colony, which Cardinal Fesch sent to St. Helena, was addressed to me on its way to that place. It consisted of a chaplain, a surgeon, a physician, and a valet de chambre; all chosen by the Cardinal. On my arrival in Europe, I had written to him, to be assured that to send a priest, capable also of writing to dictation, and of assisting a little in business, would be very agreeable to the Emperor; and I had employed his mediation to interest, for that purpose, the conscience of the Holy Father, who, in fact, demanded it of the English Ministers, who had hitherto opposed the measure, or attached to it inadmissible conditions. It was also from Offenbach, that I despatched to Longwood two charming portraits: one, the young Napoleon, painted from the life in the same year, and sent by King Jerome; the other that of the Empress Josephine, by Sain, a present from the Queen Hortense. It was mounted in a magnificent tea-caddy, of crystal. This choice of crystal was a delicate precaution of the Queen’s, who also had the mounting executed in such a manner as to render it impossible to suspect any concealed writing. The former of these two portraits reached its destination. The valet de chambre of the Emperor has since told me, that Napoleon, on perceiving it, seized it with avidity and kissed it. I, who know how reserved the Emperor was, can judge from this circumstance the whole extent of his joy and satisfaction. As to the portrait of the Empress Josephine, it never arrived at Longwood, although, by a singular contrariety, it was found, in consequence of some memorandum, to have paid the custom-house duty on its importation into England.

Towards the end of the summer, Madame Las Cases, by order of the physicians, carried me to the waters of Schwalbach, where I was an object of pity to every one. I returned without having derived any benefit from them; but a circumstance then revived my strength for an instant, and caused me to quit Germany.

All of a sudden, I learnt from the public papers the return of Madame Montholon to Europe; she had been, like myself, repulsed from England, and landed at Ostend. I was not able to resist going to seek authentic details, of which I had so long been deprived. I hastened to rejoin her, whether she should be permitted to stay in the country, or should be forced, after my example, to run up and down the highways, for in that case I should be useful to her; I had had experience.

Travelling with mystery, for I remembered too well all the ill treatment I formerly received in the Netherlands, I joined the Countess of Montholon at Brussels. Not only was she at liberty to reside there, but she had been received with the most particular respect; and a journal of the place having announced that she would be obliged to continue her route, a semi-official article refuted this news, upon this ground, especially, that the Netherlands was the _land of hospitality_. I wanted no more; Belgium appeared to me nearly as France; in the midst of the Belgians, I should think myself among my countrymen. I wrote, therefore, to Madame Las Cases to acquaint her with our good fortune, and desiring that she might hasten to come and join me. Shunning Brussels, for the same reasons which had made me leave Frankfort, I chose Liege; remembering the kind reception which I had there experienced, at the time of my unfortunate passage, eighteen months before; and I settled there, not without apprehension of some new ill luck. But I was wrong; for I must with truth and gratitude say that, during nearly two years and a half that I have since traversed the country in all directions, without any request, any solicitation, not even a previous announcement, that country, formerly so baneful to me, has ever since been the land of hospitality; never having afterwards had occasion to perceive any authority whatever, otherwise than by the tranquillity, the repose, which I enjoyed under its shade.

Influence and foreign malice had ceased; it was at this time that my son requested leave, anew, and on his own account, to return to Longwood. I have the answer of Lord Bathurst, who refused it. Subsequently, the Princess Pauline, who succeeded in obtaining leave to repair thither, wrote to me to know if my son wished to accompany her: but then, alas! it was too late.

Neither the affection nor the care of my friends at Liege, where I remained the whole winter; nor the rural situation of Chaude-Fontaine, where I spent the spring; nor the generous hospitality of the worthy and excellent proprietor of that charming spot Justlanville, who forced me to accept for the summer, at a few steps from him, the residence called Johan, at the gates of Spa and of Verviers; nor the benevolence of all his family, so numerous, so kind, so respected in the country; were able to ameliorate my condition, or fix my stay. Yet it would be difficult for me to describe, as they deserve, the extreme kindness, the touching dispositions, the sympathetic spirit, of the whole population of these countries, so prosperous, so rich, so flourishing, under the imperial reign, and which continues so grateful.

I spent my second winter at Antwerp, with some sincere friends whom I tenderly love, and whom my arrival on the expedition to Flushing, ten years before, had procured for me; and in the spring I reached Malines, without any particular motive; for I was not able to remain a long time in the same place. I stood in need of change. I was the patient who tosses and turns in his bed, seeking in vain the sweets of sleep. Twice, during the two years in Belgium, Madame Las Cases wished to take me to the south; and twice, at the very moment of setting out, imperative circumstances happened to stop us:—disappointments, however, which were to us so many real favours of fortune. But for the first of them, we should have found ourselves advanced a day’s journey within the frontier, at the very moment of a fatal and sanguinary catastrophe; and, but for the second, we should have arrived at Nice precisely at the moment of the constitutional explosion in Piedmont; and no doubt that, in both cases, and naturally enough, we should have been subjected to at least temporary inconvenience.

Meanwhile the Congress of Laybach was held, and I could not refrain from attempting new solicitations. I addressed a new letter to each of the three high Sovereigns. The following is that to the Emperor Alexander:—

“SIRE,—A new and solemn occasion presents itself for preferring to your Majesty my humble and respectful accents. I seize it anew with eagerness.

“I am not afraid of rendering myself importunate: my excuse and my pardon are in the generosity of your soul.

“Sire, to recal, at this moment, to your recollection, and to that of your high Allies, the august captive, whom you, a long time, called your brother and your friend; to seek to divert your thoughts and theirs to that victim whose cruel suffering is always present to me; this is, I know it, to make the knell of death heard amidst joy and feasting. But therein, Sire, I trust that, even in the eyes of your Majesty, I fulfil an honourable and pious duty, the performance of which must remain always sweet to me, however perilous it may be!

“Sire,—reduced to a state of infirmity and weakness which leaves me scarcely able to connect a few ideas, I follow the instinct of my heart in default of the faculties of my head, in merely repeating literally here to your Majesty the note which I presumed to address to you at Aix-la-Chapelle; for, the circumstances having remained the same, no change having since taken place in that respect, what could I do better than to place under the eyes of your Majesty the same picture, the same facts, the same reasoning, the same truths.

“Only if, in spite of that which I then thought was certain, the illustrious victim, contrary to my expectation and that of the faculty, still breathes; if he has not yet fallen, I shall dare to observe to your Majesty that this unexpected prolongation of his life, which has been to him only a continuation of torment, is perhaps, to your Majesty, a blessing from heaven, which Providence reserves for your heart and for your memory.... Ah! Sire, there is then time still!... But the precious opportunity may every moment escape from _all your power_!... And what would be then the tardy, impotent regrets which could neither appease your heart, nor restore to your memory an act magnanimous, generous—a glory of a nature the most soothing, the most moral, the most commendable in the eyes of posterity, the best understood, perhaps, with which you could have embellished your glorious life? I mean oblivion of injuries, disdain of vengeance, remembrance of old friendship; in fine, the respect due to royal majesty—to _one of the Lord’s anointed_!!!

“Sire,—since my return to Europe, separated from the society of men, a prey to hopeless sufferings originating in St. Helena itself, belonging for the future and unalterably much more to another life than to this, I ardently raise every day in my retreat my hands to the Almighty, praying that he will deign to touch the heart of your Majesty, and to enlighten it upon so essential a part of its interests and its glory.

“I am, &c.

“COUNT DE LAS CASES.”[45]

Footnote 45:

A similar letter was addressed to the other Allied Sovereigns, with slight appropriate alterations.

How prophetic were many of these lines! Alas, they were scarcely before the eyes of the monarchs when he was no more!—He had ceased to live, to suffer!—On opening the Moniteur, I found there the fatal announcement. Though it could not surprise me, having been a long time certain to my understanding, I was not the less struck, overcome as at an unexpected event that was never to happen.

The next day I received a melancholy letter from London with circumstantial details, and conjectures for which these details might furnish matter; and this letter concluded by saying, “It was on the fifth of May, at six o’clock in the evening, at the very instant when the gun was firing at sunset, that his great soul quitted the earth.”

How strange the coincidences that sometimes happen!—When about the person of Napoleon, and under his influence, I had contracted the habit of keeping a diary, and he frequently expressed his regret that he had not done the same. “A line to assist the memory,” said he, “merely two or three indicatory words.” I had continued this practice ever since; and, as it may easily be imagined, I hastened to turn to the fifth of May, to see where I was, what I had been doing, and what had happened to me at that fatal moment. And what should I find?—_Sudden storm; shelter under a shed; awful clap of thunder._ Taking a ride, towards evening, in the country beyond Malines, the weather being delightful, there came on suddenly one of those summer storms, of such violence that I was obliged to seek shelter on horseback beneath a shed; and while in this situation there was a thunder-clap so tremendous that it seemed to be close to me. Alas! and what was passing elsewhere, at such a distance, at the same moment!—The circumstance may perhaps appear more than strange, but no doubt there are at Malines, or in its environs, naturalists or meteorologists who keep an account of the weather: it is for them to confirm or to contradict my statement.

On the report of the death of Napoleon, it must, however, be said, that there was but one single cry, one selfsame sentiment in the streets, in the shops, in the public places; even the saloons shewed some feeling: the cabinets alone shewed themselves insensible, worse than insensible! But, after all, it was natural, they breathed, at length, at their ease....

During his life, in the time of his power, he had been assailed with pamphlets and libels; on his death, we were suddenly inundated with productions in his praise—a contrast, nevertheless, that gives a little relief from so much meanness of the human heart. There were every where, and from all parts, compositions in prose and in verse, paintings, portraits, pictures, lithographs, and a thousand little things more or less ingenious, proving much better than all the pomp of kings could do the sincerity, the extent, the vivacity of the sentiments which he left behind him. A clergyman on the banks of the Rhine, the place of whose residence had received some particular favour from the Emperor, assembled his parishioners, and made them pray for their old benefactor. In a large city of Belgium, a great number of citizens subscribed for a solemn funeral service, and if they abstained from the performance of it, it was much more from etiquette than in consequence of any interdict. Then these words of Napoleon, which I have often heard him repeat, were verified:—“In the course of time, nothing will be thought so fine, or strike the attention so much, as the doing of justice to me.... I shall gain ground every day in the minds of the people. My name will become the star of their rights; it will be the expression of their regrets.” And all these circumstances are verified in every country and every where. Without reckoning things of this kind, of which I am no doubt unaware, a peer of Great Britain shortly after said in open Parliament, “That the very persons who detested this great man have acknowledged that for ten centuries there had not appeared upon earth a more extraordinary character. All Europe,” added he, “has worn mourning for the hero; and those who have contributed to that great sacrifice are devoted to the execrations of the present generation as well as to those of posterity.”[46]

Footnote 46:

Speech of Lord Holland. _Pilot_ of the 3rd of August, 1822.

Two German professors, who either had always known his real character, or had been cured of their national prejudices, have erected upon their grounds a monument to his memory, with some inscriptions, indicating that, with him, fell a funereal veil over the rights of the people, and the ascendant impulse of civilization.

Our writers have defended his memory, our poets have celebrated it, and our orators, in the legislative tribunal, have proclaimed aloud the attachment which they had felt for him, or that they are honoured by the distinctions which they had received from him.

Nothing now remained for me but to return to my country. In crossing the frontier, at the end of the second emigration, I could not avoid thinking of the circumstances of my return after the first, and what a difference of sentiment distinguished them! Then I seemed, at every step, to advance amidst a hostile population; now I felt as if I was entering into my family. I soon beheld again all my companions of Longwood, and, while embracing them, I could not deny myself one melancholy reflection—we were all met again; but he for whom we had sought the fatal rock, he alone remained there! I recollected that he had told us it would be so, and many other things besides. I learned from all these eye-witnesses the details and the circumstances of the ill treatment which, since my departure, had been daily increasing; and I saw that the times which I had known had not even been the most unhappy moments.

I read his last will; I there found my name, three or four times, in his own hand!—What were my emotions!—Assuredly I did not stand in need of them for my reward. For a long time I have carried it within my breast. But the remembrances, however, were dear and precious—how much more precious than millions! And yet he joined to them large sums from those of his family who were most nearly connected with him, and were dearest to him. If they ever pay them, so much the better; that will concern them hereafter more than me. I should have liked to consider myself only as a kind of depository. I even wished to anticipate them, but I found it necessary to stop: my means did not allow me to make these advances. My happiness would have been great in affording a retirement to a few civil and military veterans. In our long evenings, we should have often spoken of his battles or discoursed of his heart.

At last I received (thanks to the zealous interposition of one of the most distinguished characters of the English peerage!) the papers which had been detained from me at St. Helena: and which, in spite of all the power of the laws, I no longer reckoned upon. In the situation in which I found myself, with the sentiments with which it had inspired me, I felt myself under the indispensible obligation to assist, since I had some means to do it, in making better known him who had been so much misrepresented; and, in spite of my infirmity, I set about this work. Heaven has blessed my efforts in permitting me to reach the end, and to finish it, however ill; this I have the happiness to do at this instant. If I have succeeded in reconciling hearts, if I have destroyed prejudices, conquered prepossessions, I have obtained my dearest, my sweetest object; my mission is accomplished.

_Passy, August 15, 1823._

POSTSCRIPT.

I have to reproach myself for not having taken an opportunity to relate the adventures of Santini. At the conclusion of every drama, whatever may be its nature, one likes to meet again in the _dénouement_ with all those who have figured in the early part of it. Santini’s story involves moreover traits of manners, tints of the times, a reference to public affairs, which induce me to repair my omission, since I have it in my power to do so.

We had long given up Santini for lost, confined, dead, when all at once he again made his appearance among us soon after the death of Napoleon: and the following narrative is from his own lips, and nearly in his own words.

After making his escape from England, he had traversed Belgium and some parts of Germany, with the intelligence and address of a clever Italian. At length, on entering Münich, he imagined that he had overcome the grand obstacles, and was safe in port. But precisely in that city he was apprehended, and, in spite of all his applications to the different authorities, and to several ambassadors, in order to obtain permission to pass quietly, he was carried back by gendarmes into Wirtemberg, which he traversed at liberty, but under evident _surveillance_. On reaching Lombardy, at Como, he went to declare himself to the police: they had been expecting him there; he was arrested and conveyed to Milan, where he was told that he could not remain in the country, at full liberty, without serious inconvenience; and that, in consequence, he should be conducted to Mantua, where he would be under less restraint. Now the less restraint that was promised him proved to be nothing better or worse than a prison, where he was not allowed to hold communication with any person whatsoever. Such was the importance attached to his complete seclusion that, Maria Louisa having passed through that city, and stopped there for twenty-four or thirty-six hours, poor Santini had for an extraordinary companion in his room a police officer who did not suffer him to be for a moment out of his sight, not even during meals or when he slept; which serves to show the extreme care that was taken to prevent all communication between Napoleon and Maria Louisa.

At length, in consequence of the disturbance and complaints which he made in his dungeon, an order arrived to remove him to Vienna; but the captain of the circle was required to travel in the same carriage with him, and to conduct him by forced journeys to his new destination.

Santini, contrary to his expectation, found himself again imprisoned, and again made a great noise; incessantly insisting on being tried, and either shot, as he said, if he deserved it, or set at liberty if he had not done any thing wrong. He was at last told that they had nothing to lay to his charge, but that his entire liberty was attended with great difficulties; that he could not be suffered to go into every country, and he should therefore have his choice between England and Austria. Santini replied that he would never more set foot on land governed by the executioners of his master. He was then carried to Brünn, the capital of Moravia, where he was obliged to take an oath to abstain from seeking any foreign correspondence. On his arrival there, he found himself, it is true, under a special _surveillance_; but there, said Santini, ended his persecutions and his troubles; there began a better condition. His captivity indeed became, he said, a blessing, and his heart was filled with gratitude. He there found himself an object of attention and interest: all, from the highest to the lowest, showed him the greatest kindness. The inhabitants had twice seen Napoleon; as an enemy it is true, and yet they felt profound veneration for him. In this manner Santini spent, what he called, three happy years.

It had been recommended by superior authority that a strict watch should be kept, at Brünn in particular, to prevent Santini from sending off any paper for the Emperor Francis. When that monarch was going to the Congress at Troppau, he stopped at Brünn, and Santini said that two days before, a police officer had arrived from Vienna to watch lest he should address any thing to the Emperor. Thus the heart of Francis was under as vigilant _surveillance_ as that of Maria Louisa; the emotions of both were suspicious, and of course they were much feared. All precautions, however, were vain. Santini had interested the highest personages, and a petition from him, on the treatment that he had experienced, reached the hands of the Sovereign. He complained in it of his pecuniary situation, and of the privation of liberty, and accompanied it with attestations which he had brought from St. Helena, especially the order for the pension which Napoleon had assigned to him. The Emperor Francis appeared to be much struck with this order, which was signed by the Grand Marshal, and headed “_By express order of the Emperor._” It purported that a pension of a certain amount was granted to Santini, and that it should be paid him by the first relatives or the first friends of the Emperor’s to whom he should present it. “Is it not terrible?” said the Emperor Francis, looking at it—“he is prisoner at St. Helena, and yet he continues to give orders as if nothing had happened!” His beneficence, however, got the better of his surprise, and whether he considered himself as a relative, or merely followed the impulse of his kind heart, he ordered a sum of money to be remitted to Santini; and it is a singular circumstance, which I could not observe without a kind of emotion, that the first two sums set down on the order for Santini’s pension, are placed precisely against names not related to the Emperor by blood—the Princess Stephanie of Baden and the Emperor of Austria, the one his adopted daughter, the other his father-in-law.

SUPPLEMENT.

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[It has been judged desirable to subjoin a few extracts from the celebrated Work by Dr. Antommarchi, Napoleon’s Physician, as furnishing, in their details of the latter moments, death, and interment of the fallen Ruler, a natural sequel to the account of what may be called his _penultimate_ days, by the faithful Las Cases.]

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NAPOLEON’S RELIGIOUS NOTIONS.

At half-past one he sent for Vignali.—“Abbé,” said he, “do you know what a _chambre-ardente_[47] is?”—“Yes, Sire.”—“Have you ever officiated in one?”—“Never, Sire.”—“Well, you shall officiate in mine.”—He then entered into the most minute detail on that subject, and gave the priest his instructions, at considerable length. His face was animated and convulsive, and I was following with uneasiness the contraction of his features, when he observed in mine I know not what expression which displeased him.—“You are above those weaknesses,” said he, “but what is to be done? I am neither a philosopher nor a physician. I believe in God, and am of the religion of my father. It is not every body who _can_ be an Atheist.” Then turning again to the priest—“I was born a Catholic, and will fulfil the duties prescribed by the Catholic religion, and receive the assistance it administers. You will say mass every day in the chapel, and will expose the holy sacrament during forty hours. After my death, you will place your altar at my head in the room in which I shall lie in state; you will continue to say mass, and perform all the customary ceremonies, and will not cease to do so until I am under ground.”

Footnote 47:

A room in which dead bodies lie in state.

The Abbé withdrew, and I remained alone with Napoleon, who censured my supposed incredulity. “How can you carry it so far?” said he. “Can you not believe in God, whose existence every thing proclaims, and in whom the greatest minds have believed?”—“But, Sire, I have never doubted it. I was following the pulsations of the fever, and your Majesty thought you perceived in my features an expression which they had not.”—“You are a physician,” replied he laughing, and then added, in an under-tone, “Those people have only to do with matter; they never will believe any thing.”

HIS WISHES AS TO HIS BURIAL PLACE.

Napoleon was free from vomiting, and drank a great deal of cold water. “If fate had decreed that I should recover, I would erect a monument on the spot where the water flows, and would crown the fountain in testimony of the relief it has afforded me. If I die, and my body, proscribed as my person has been, should be denied a little earth, I desire that my remains may be deposited in the cathedral of Ajaccio in Corsica; and if it should not be permitted to me to rest where I was born, let me be buried near the limpid stream of this pure water.”

HIS ADVICE TO THOSE AROUND HIM.

Napoleon still preserved his presence of mind, and recommended to his executors, in case he should lose it, not to allow any other English physicians to approach him than Doctor Arnott. “I am going to die,” said he; “and you to return to Europe: I must give you some advice as to the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have shared my exile; you will be faithful to my memory, and will not do any thing that may injure it. I have sanctioned all principles, and infused them into my laws and acts; I have not omitted a single one. Unfortunately, however, the circumstances in which I was placed were arduous, and I was obliged to act with severity, and to postpone the execution of my plans. Our reverses occurred: I could not unbend the bow; and France has been deprived of the liberal institutions I intended to give her. She judges me with indulgence: she feels grateful for my intentions: she cherishes my name and my victories. Imitate her example; be faithful to the opinions we have defended, and to the glory we have acquired; any other course can only lead to shame and confusion.”

HIS DEATH.

Icy coldness of the lower extremities, and in a short time, of the whole body—eye fixed—lips closed and contracted—violent agitation of the nostrils—most complete adynamia[48]—pulse extremely weak and intermittant, varying from one hundred and two to one hundred and eight, one hundred and ten, and one hundred and twelve pulsations per minute—breathing slow, intermittant, and stertorous—spasmodic contraction of the epigastric region and of the stomach—deep sighs—piteous moans—convulsive movements, which ended by a loud and dismal shriek. I placed a blister on the chest, and one on each thigh; applied two large sinapisms on the soles of the feet, and fomentations on the abdomen, with a bottle filled with hot water: I also endeavoured to refresh the Emperor’s lips and mouth by constantly moistening them with a mixture of common water, orange-flower water, and sugar; but the passage was spasmodically closed; nothing was swallowed; all was in vain. The intermittent breathing and mournful sound still continued, accompanied by a violent agitation, of the abdominal muscles: the eyelids remained fixed, the eyes moved and fell back under the upper lids; the pulse sunk and rallied again.—It was eleven minutes before six o’clock—Napoleon was about to breathe his last!—a slight froth covered his lips—he was no more!—Such is the end of all human glory!

Footnote 48:

Weakness.

ARRANGEMENTS RESPECTING THE CORPSE, &C.

It had not been possible, for want of the necessary materials, to embalm the body, the whiteness of which was really extraordinary. It was deposited upon one of the small tent-beds, furnished with white curtains as funeral hangings!!! The cloak of blue cloth which Napoleon had worn at the battle of Marengo served to cover him. The feet and hands were exposed to view; at his right side was his sword, and on his chest a crucifix. At some distance from the body was the silver vase in which I had been obliged to deposit his heart and stomach. Behind his head was an altar, at which the priest, habited in his surplice and stole, recited prayers. All the persons of his suite, officers and servants, dressed in mourning, were standing on his left. Doctor Arnott watched over the corpse, which had been placed under his personal responsibility.

The door of the _chambre ardente_, and the approach to it, had been for some hours past thronged by an immense crowd. The door was at last opened; and the crowd entered, and gazed upon the lifeless remains, without confusion, without tumult, and in a religious silence. The order of admittance was regulated by Captain Crokat, the orderly officer of Longwood. The officers and subalterns of the 20th and 66th regiments were first admitted, and the remainder afterwards. All felt that emotion which the spectacle of courage and misfortune united never fails to excite in the hearts of all brave men.

The coffin which was to receive the Emperor having been brought, I was obliged to place the heart and stomach in it. I had flattered myself that I should be able to convey them to Europe; but all my entreaties on that subject were fruitless: I experienced the grief and mortification of a refusal. I left the first-mentioned of these two organs in the vase in which it had at first been enclosed, and placed the second in another vase of the same metal, and of a cylindrical shape, which had been used to keep Napoleon’s sponge. I filled the vase containing the heart with alcohol, closed it hermetically, soldered it, and deposited it with the other at the angles of the coffin, in which Napoleon was then laid. The body was first placed upon a kind of mattress and pillow, in a tin-box lined with white satin. The Emperor’s hat, which could not remain on his head for want of room, was placed on his feet; eagles, some pieces of all the coins bearing his effigy, his fork and spoon, his knife, a plate with his arms, &c. were also put into that box, which was carefully soldered, and placed in another of mahogany. A third, of lead, received these two boxes; and the whole was finally enclosed in a fourth of mahogany, which was closed, and secured with iron screws. The coffin was then covered with the cloak Napoleon had worn at the battle of Marengo, and exposed on the same spot where the body had lain. Arnott continued to watch, and Vignali to pray; whilst the crowd, which increased every hour, were allowed to circulate round these mournful objects.

THE FUNERAL.

The Governor himself soon arrived at Longwood, and was shortly afterwards followed by the Admiral and all the civil and military authorities. The weather was beautiful, the roads were crowded with people, and the hills covered with musicians: never had so mournful and solemn a spectacle been before exhibited in the island. At half-past twelve the grenadiers took the coffin, which they could not lift without difficulty, and, after repeated and persevering efforts, succeeded in carrying it to and placing it on the hearse, which was waiting in the great walk in the garden; and it was then covered with a violet coloured velvet cloth, and the cloak which Napoleon wore at Marengo. The Emperor’s household was in mourning; and the funeral procession was arranged, and proceeded in the following order, which had been regulated by the Governor himself:—

Abbé Vignali, habited in the sacerdotal ornaments used for the celebration of mass, with young Henry Bertrand, carrying a vase of silver containing Holy-water and the _Aspersorium_. Doctor Arnott and myself. The persons appointed to take care of the hearse, which was drawn by four horses, led by grooms, and escorted by twelve grenadiers on each side, without arms.[49]

Footnote 49:

They were to carry the coffin, when the bad state of the roads should prevent the hearse from advancing.

Young Napoleon Bertrand and Marchand, both on foot on each side of the hearse. Counts Bertrand and Montholon on horseback immediately behind the hearse. Part of the Emperor’s suite. Countess Bertrand, with her daughter Hortense, in a calash drawn by two horses led by servants who walked on the side of the precipice. The Emperor’s horse, led by his _piqueur_ Archambaud. The officers of the marines on foot and on horseback. The officers of the staff on horseback. General Coffin and the Marquis Montchenu on horseback. The Admiral and the Governor on horseback. The inhabitants of the Island.

The procession left Longwood in this order, passed before the guard-house, and the garrison of the island, about two thousand five hundred strong, which lined the whole of the left side of the road as far as Hut’s Gate. Bands of music, stationed at intervals, added by their mournful sounds to the solemn sadness of the ceremony. After the procession had passed before the troops, they followed, and accompanied it towards the place of burial. The dragoons marched first, the 20th regiment of infantry followed; then came the marines, the 66th regiment, the volunteers of St. Helena; and, lastly, the regiment of royal artillery, with fifteen pieces of cannon. Lady Lowe and her daughter were waiting on the road at Hut’s Gate, in a calash drawn by two horses, and afterwards followed the procession at a distance, accompanied by some servants in mourning. The fifteen pieces of cannon were stationed along the road, and the men were near their pieces ready to fire.

At about a quarter of a mile beyond Hut’s Gate the hearse stopped, and the troops halted and ranged themselves in order of battle along the road. The grenadiers then took the coffin on their shoulders, and carried it thus to the grave, by the new road which had been made for that purpose on the side of the mountain. Every body then dismounted; the ladies got out of the calash, and the procession followed the corpse without observing any order: Counts Bertrand and Montholon, Marchand, and young Napoleon Bertrand, holding the four corners of the pall. The coffin was deposited on the edge of the grave, which was hung with black, and near to it were the machinery and the ropes with which it was to be lowered: every thing offered a mournful aspect; every thing contributed to increase the grief and affliction which filled our hearts. Our emotion was great, but deep, concentrated and silent. The coffin having been uncovered, Abbé Vignali recited the usual prayers, and the body was consigned to the grave, the feet turned towards the east. The artillery then fired three successive volleys of fifteen guns each. During the march of the funeral procession, the Admiral’s ship had fired twenty-five minute-guns. An enormous stone, which was to have been employed in the construction of the Emperor’s new house, was now used to close his grave. The religious ceremonies being over, that stone was lifted up by means of a ring fixed in it, and was lowered down over the body, resting on both sides on a strong stone wall, so as not to touch the coffin. It was then fastened; the ring was taken away, the hole it had left filled up, and the masonry covered with a layer of cement.

The Emperor’s grave is about a league from Longwood. Its shape is quadrangular, but wider at the top than at the bottom; its depth is about twelve feet. The coffin is placed upon two strong pieces of wood, and isolated on all sides. We were not allowed to place over it either a stone, or a modest inscription: the Governor opposed this pious wish; as if a tombstone, or an inscription, could have told the world more than they already knew!

TESTAMENT OF NAPOLEON.

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NAPOLEON.

_This 15th April, 1821, at Longwood, Island of St. Helena. This is my Testament, or act of my last will._

1. I die in the Apostolical Roman religion, in the bosom of which I was born, more than fifty years since.

2. It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people, whom I have loved so well.

3. I have always had reason to be pleased with my dearest wife, Maria Louisa. I retain for her, to my last moment, the most tender sentiments—I beseech her to watch, in order to preserve, my son from the snares which yet environ his infancy.

4. I recommend to my son never to forget that he was born a French prince, and never to allow himself to become an instrument in the hands of the triumvirs who oppress the nations of Europe: he ought never to fight against France, or to injure her in any manner; he ought to adopt my motto: “_Every thing for the French people._”

5. I die prematurely, assassinated by the English oligarchy and its * * *. The English nation will not be slow in avenging me.

6. The two unfortunate results of the invasions of France, when she had still so many resources, are to be attributed to the treason of Marmont, Augereau, Talleyrand, and La Fayette.

I forgive them—May the posterity of France forgive them as I do!

7. I thank my good and most excellent mother, the Cardinal, my brothers, Joseph, Lucien, Jerome, Pauline, Caroline, Julie, Hortense, Catarine, Eugene, for the interest they have continued to feel for me. I pardon Louis for the libel he published in 1820; it is replete with false assertions and falsified documents.

8. I disavow the “Manuscript of St. Helena,” and other works; under the title of Maxims, Sayings, &c., which persons have been pleased to publish for the last six years. Such are not the rules which have guided my life. I caused the Duc d’Enghien to be arrested and tried, because that step was essential to the safety, interest, and honour of the French people, when the Count d’Artois was maintaining, by his own confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under similar circumstances, I should act in the same way.

II.

1. I bequeath to my son the boxes, orders, and other articles; such as my plate, field-bed, saddles, spurs, chapel-plate, books, linen which I have been accustomed to wear and use, according to the list annexed (A). It is my wish that this slight bequest may be dear to him, as coming from a father of whom the whole world will remind him.

2. I bequeath to Lady Holland the antique Cameo which Pope Pius VI. gave me at Tolentino.

3. I bequeath to Count Montholon, two millions of francs, as a proof of my satisfaction for the filial attentions he has paid me during six years, and as an indemnity for the losses his residence at St. Helena has occasioned him.

4. I bequeath to Count Bertrand, five hundred thousand francs.

5. I bequeath to Marchand, my first valet-de-chambre, four hundred thousand francs. The services he has rendered me are those of a friend; it is my wish that he should marry the widow, sister, or daughter, of an officer of my old Guard.

6. Item. To St. Denis, one hundred thousand francs.

7. Item. To Novarre (Noverraz,) one hundred thousand francs.

8. Item. To Pieron, one hundred thousand francs.

9. Item. To Archambaud, fifty thousand francs.

10. Item. To Cursot, twenty-five thousand francs.

11. Item. To Chandellier, twenty-five thousand francs.

12. To the Abbé Vignali, one hundred thousand francs. It is my wish that he should build his house near the Ponte Novo di Rostino.

13. Item. To Count Las Cases, one hundred thousand francs.

14. Item. To Count Lavalette, one hundred thousand francs.

15. Item. To Larrey, surgeon-in-chief, one hundred thousand francs.—He is the most virtuous man I have known.

16. Item. To General Brayher, one hundred thousand francs.

17. Item. To General Le Fevre Desnouettes, one hundred thousand francs.

18. Item. To General Drouot, one hundred thousand francs.

19. Item. To General Cambrone, one hundred thousand francs.

20. Item. To the children of General Mouton Duvernet, one hundred thousand francs.

21. Item. To the children of the brave Labedoyère, one hundred thousand francs.

22. Item. To the children of General Girard, killed at Ligny, one hundred thousand francs.

23. Item. To the children of General Chartrand, one hundred thousand francs.

24. Item. To the children of the virtuous General Travot, one hundred thousand francs.

25. Item. To General Lallemand the elder, one hundred thousand francs.

26. Item. To Count Réal, one hundred thousand francs.

27. Item. To Costa de Bastelica, in Corsica, one hundred thousand francs.

28. Item. To General Clausel, one hundred thousand francs.

29. Item. To Baron de Mennevalle, one hundred thousand francs.

30. Item. To Arnault, the author of Marius, one hundred thousand francs.

31. Item. To Colonel Marbot, one hundred thousand francs.—I recommend him to continue to write in defence of the glory of the French armies, and to confound their calumniators and apostates.

32. Item. To Baron Bignon, one hundred thousand francs.—I recommend him to write the history of French diplomacy from 1792 to 1815.

33. Item. To Poggi di Talavo, one hundred thousand francs.

34. Item. To surgeon Emmery, one hundred thousand francs.

35. These sums will be raised from the six millions which I deposited on leaving Paris in 1815; and from the interest at the rate of 5 per cent. since July 1815. The account thereof will be settled with the banker by Counts Montholon and Bertrand, and Marchand.

36. Whatever that deposit may produce beyond the sum of five million six hundred thousand francs, which have been above disposed of, shall be distributed as a gratuity amongst the wounded at the battle of Waterloo, and amongst the officers and soldiers of the battalion of the Isle of Elba, according to a scale to be determined upon by Montholon, Bertrand, Drouot, Cambrone, and the surgeon Larrey.

37. These legacies, in case of death, shall be paid to the widows and children, and in default of such, shall revert to the bulk of my property.

III.

1. My private domain being my property, of which I am not aware that any French law has deprived me, an account of it will be required from the Baron de la Bouillerie, the treasurer thereof: it ought to amount to more than two hundred millions of francs; namely, 1. The portfolio containing the savings which I made during fourteen years out of my civil list, which savings amounted to more than twelve millions per annum, if my memory be good. 2. The produce of this portfolio. 3. The furniture of my palaces, such as it was in 1814, including the palaces of Rome, Florence, and Turin. All this furniture was purchased with moneys accruing from the civil list. 4. The proceeds of my houses in the kingdom of Italy, such as money, plate, jewels, furniture, equipages; the accounts of which will be rendered by Prince Eugène and the steward of the Crown, Campagnoni.

NAPOLEON.

(_Second Sheet._)

2. I bequeath my private domain, one half to the surviving officers and soldiers of the French army who have fought since 1792 to 1815, for the glory and the independence of the nation; the distribution to be made in proportion to their appointments upon active service; and one half to the towns and districts of Alsace, Lorraine, Franche-Comté, Burgundy, the Isle of France, Champagne Forest, Dauphiné, which may have suffered by either of the invasions. There shall be previously set apart from this sum, one million for the town of Brienne, and one million for that of Méri. I appoint Counts Montholon and Bertrand, and Marchand, the executors of my will.

This present will, wholly written with my own hand, is signed, and sealed with my own arms.

NAPOLEON.

(L. S.)

LIST (A). _Annexed to my Will._

Longwood, Island of St. Helena, this 15th April, 1821.

I.

1. The consecrated vessels which have been in use at my Chapel at Longwood.

2. I direct Abbé Vignali to preserve them, and to deliver them to my son when he shall reach the age of sixteen years.

II.

1. My arms; that is to say, my sword, that which I wore at Austerlitz, the sabre of Sobiesky, my dagger, my broad sword, my hanger, my two pair of Versailles pistols.

2. My gold dressing-case, that which I made use of on the morning of Ulm and of Austerlitz, of Jena, of Eylau, of Friedland, of the Island of Lobau, of the Moskwa, of Montmirail. In this point of view it is my wish that it may be precious in the eyes of my son. (It has been deposited with Count Bertrand since 1814.)

3. I charge Count Bertrand with the care of preserving these objects, and of conveying them to my son when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.

III.

1. Three small mahogany boxes, containing, the first, thirty-three snuff-boxes or comfit-boxes; the second, twelve boxes with the Imperial arms, two small eye-glasses, and four boxes found on the table of Louis XVIII. in the Tuileries, on the 20th of March, 1815; the third, three snuff-boxes, ornamented with silver medals habitually used by the Emperor; and sundry articles for the use of the toilet, according to the lists numbered I. II. III.

2. My field-beds, which I used in all my campaigns.

3. My field-telescope.

4. My dressing-case, one of each of my uniforms, a dozen of shirts, and a complete set of each of my dresses, and generally of every thing used in my toilet.

5. My wash-hand stand.

6. A small clock which is in my bed-chamber at Longwood.

7. My two watches, and the chain of the Empress’s hair.

8. I entrust the care of these articles to Marchand, my principal valet-de-chambre, and direct him to convey them to my son when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.

IV.

1. My cabinet of medals.

2. My plate, and my Sèvres china, which I used at St. Helena. (List B. and C.)

3. I request Count Montholon to take care of these articles, and to convey them to my son when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.

V.

1. My three saddles and bridles, my spurs which I used at St. Helena.

2. My fowling-pieces, to the number of five.

3. I charge my _chasseur_, Noverraz, with the care of these articles, and direct him to convey them to my son when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.

VI.

1. Four hundred volumes, selected from those in my library which I have been accustomed to use the most.

2. I direct St. Denis to take care of them, and to convey them to my son when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.

NAPOLEON.

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LIST (A).

1. None of the articles which have been used by me shall be sold; the residue shall be divided amongst the executors of my will and my brothers.

2. Marchand shall preserve my hair, and cause a bracelet to be made of it, with a little gold clasp, to be sent to the Empress Maria Louisa, to my mother, and to each of my brothers, sisters, nephews, nieces, the Cardinal; and one of larger size for my son.

3. Marchand will send one pair of my gold shoe-buckles to Prince Joseph.

4. A small pair of gold knee-buckles to Prince Lucien.

5. A gold collar-clasp to Prince Jerome.

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LIST (A).

_Inventory of my effects, which Marchand will take care of, and| convey to my son._

1. My silver dressing-case, that which is on my table, furnished with all its utensils, razors, &c.

2. My alarum-clock: it is the alarum-clock of Frederic II. which I took at Potsdam (in box No. III.).

3. My two watches, with the chain of the Empress’s hair, and a chain of my own hair for the other watch: Marchand will get it made at Paris.

4. My two seals (one the seal of France, contained in box No. III.).

5. The small gold clock which is now in my bed-chamber.

6. My wash-hand-stand and its water-jug.

7. My night-tables, those I used in France, and my silver-gilt bidet.

8. My two iron bedsteads, my mattresses, and my coverlets, if they can be preserved.

9. My three silver decanters, which held my eau-de-vie, and which my _chasseurs_ carried in the field.

10. My French telescope.

11. My spurs, two pair.

12. Three mahogany boxes, Nos. I. II. III., containing my snuff-boxes and other articles.

13. A silver-gilt perfuming pan.

_Here follow lists of Body Linen and Clothes, too minute to claim insertion in this place._

LIST (B).

_Inventory of the Effects which I left in the possession of Monsieur the Count de Turenne._

{ (It is, by mistake, inserted in List (A.) { that being the sabre which the Emperor One Sabre of Sobiesky. { wore at Aboukir, and which is in the { hands of Count Bertrand.)

One Grand Collar of the Legion of Honour.

One sword of silver-gilt.

One Consular sword.

One sword of steel.

One velvet belt.

One Collar of the Golden Fleece.

One small dressing-case of steel.

One night-lamp of silver.

One handle of an antique sabre.

One hat _à la_ Henry IV. and a toque.[50] The lace of the Emperor.

One small cabinet of medals.

Two Turkey carpets.

Two mantles of crimson velvet, embroidered, with vests, and small-clothes.

I give to my Son the sabre of Sobiesky. Do. the collar of the Legion of Honour. Do. the sword silver gilt. Do. the Consular Sword. Do. the steel sword. Do. the collar of the Golden Fleece. Do. the hat _à la_ Henry IV. and the _toque_. Do. the golden dressing-case for the teeth, which is in the hands of the dentist.

To the Empress Maria Louisa, my lace.

To Madame, the silver night-lamp.

To the Cardinal, the small steel dressing-case.

To Prince Eugene, the wax-candle-stick, silver gilt.

To the Princess Pauline, the small cabinet of medals.

To the Queen of Naples, a small Turkey carpet.

To the Queen Hortense, a small Turkey carpet.

To Prince Jerome, the handle of the antique sabre.

To Prince Joseph, an embroidered mantle, vest, and small-clothes.

To Prince Lucien, an embroidered mantle, vest, and small-clothes.

NAPOLEON.

Footnote 50:

A velvet hat, with a flat crown, and brims turned up.

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This 24th April, 1821, Longwood.

_This is my Codicil or act of my last Will._

Upon the funds remitted in gold to the Empress Maria Louisa, my very dear and well-beloved spouse, at Orleans, in 1814, she remains in my debt two millions, of which I dispose by the present Codicil, for the purpose of recompensing my most faithful servants, whom moreover I recommend to the protection of my dear Maria Louisa.

1. I recommend to the Empress to cause the income of thirty thousand francs, which Count Bertrand possessed in the Duchy of Parma, and upon the Mont Napoleon at Milan, to be restored to him, as well as the arrears due.

2. I make the same recommendation to her with regard to the Duke of Istria, Duroc’s daughter, and others of my servants who have continued faithful to me, and who have never ceased to be dear to me: she knows them.

3. Out of the above-mentioned two millions I bequeath three hundred thousand francs to Count Bertrand, of which he will lodge one hundred thousand in the treasurer’s chest, to be employed in legacies of conscience, according to my dispositions.

4. I bequeath two hundred thousand francs to Count Montholon, of which he will lodge one hundred thousand in the treasurer’s chest, for the same purpose as above-mentioned.

5. Item, two hundred thousand francs to Count Las Cases, of which he will lodge one hundred thousand in the treasurer’s chest, for the same purpose as above-mentioned.

6. Item, to Marchand one hundred thousand francs, of which he will place fifty thousand in the treasurer’s chest, for the same purpose as above-mentioned.

7. To Jean Jerome Levi, the Mayor of Ajaccio at the commencement of the Revolution, or to his widow, children, or grand-children, one hundred thousand francs.

8. To Duroc’s daughter, one hundred thousand francs.

9. To the son of Bessières, Duke of Istria, one hundred thousand francs.

10. To General Drouot, one hundred thousand francs.

11. To Count Lavalette, one hundred thousand francs.

12. Item, one hundred thousand francs; that is to say:—

Twenty-five thousand to Piéron, my maître d’hôtel. Twenty-five thousand to Novarre, my _chasseur_. Twenty-five thousand to St. Denis, the keeper of my books. Twenty-five thousand to Santini, my former door-keeper.

13. Item, one hundred thousand francs; that is to say:—

Forty thousand to Planat, my orderly officer. Twenty thousand to Herbert, lately house-keeper of Rambouillet, and who belonged to my chamber in Egypt. Twenty thousand to Lavigné, who was lately keeper of one of my stables, and who was my _piqueur_ in Egypt. Twenty thousand to Jeanet Dervieux, who was overseer of the stables, and served me in Egypt.

14. Two hundred thousand francs shall be distributed in alms to the inhabitants of Brienne-le-Chateau, who have suffered most.

15. The three hundred thousand francs remaining shall be distributed to the officers and soldiers of the battalion of my guard at the Island of Elba who may be now alive, or to their widows and children, in proportion to their appointments, and according to an estimate which shall be fixed by my testamentary executors: those who have suffered amputation, or have been severely wounded, shall receive double; the estimate to be fixed by Larrey and Emmery.

This codicil is written entirely with my own hand, signed, and sealed with my arms.

NAPOLEON.

This 24th of April, 1821, Longwood.

_This is my Codicil, or note of my last Will._

Out of the settlement of my civil list of Italy, such as money, jewels, plate, linen, equipages, of which the Viceroy is the depositary, and which belonged to me, I dispose of two millions, which I bequeath to my most faithful servants. I hope that, without availing himself of any reason to the contrary, my son Eugene Napoleon will pay them faithfully. He cannot forget the forty millions which I gave him in Italy, and in the distribution of the inheritance of his mother.

1. Out of these two millions, I bequeath to Count Bertrand three hundred thousand francs, of which he will deposit one hundred thousand in the treasurer’s chest, to be disposed of according to my dispositions in payment of legacies of conscience.

2. To Count Montholon, two hundred thousand francs, of which he will deposit one hundred thousand in the chest, for the same purpose as above-mentioned.

3. To Count Las Cases, two hundred thousand francs, of which he will deposit one hundred thousand in the chest, for the same purpose as above-mentioned.

4. To Marchand, one hundred thousand francs, of which he will deposit fifty thousand in the chest, for the same purpose as above-mentioned.

5. To Count La Valette, one hundred thousand francs.

6. To General Hogendorf, of Holland, my aide-de-camp, who has retired to the Brazils, one hundred thousand francs.

7. To my aide-de-camp, Corbineau, fifty thousand francs.

8. To my aide-de-camp, General Caffarelli, fifty thousand francs.

9. To my aide-de-camp, Dejean, fifty thousand francs.

10. To Percy, surgeon-in-chief at Waterloo, fifty thousand francs.

11. Fifty thousand francs, that is to say:—

Ten thousand to Pieron, my maitre d’hotel. Ten thousand to St. Denis, my head _chasseur_. Ten thousand to Noverraz. Ten thousand to Cursot, my clerk of the kitchen. Ten thousand to Archamband, my _piqueur_.

12. To Baron De Mennevalle, fifty thousand francs.

13. To the Duke d’Istria, son of Bessières, fifty thousand francs.

14. To the daughter of Duroc, fifty thousand francs.

15. To the children of Labedoyère, fifty thousand francs.

16. To the children of Mouton Duvernet, fifty thousand francs.

17. To the children of the brave and virtuous General Travot, fifty thousand francs.

18. To the children of Chartrand, fifty thousand francs.

19. To General Cambrone, fifty thousand francs.

20. To General Lefevre Desnouettes, fifty thousand francs.

21. To be distributed amongst such proscribed persons as wander in foreign countries, whether they be French, Italian, Belgians, Dutch, Spanish, or inhabitants of the departments of the Rhine, under the directions of my executors, and upon their orders, one hundred thousand francs.

22. To be distributed amongst those who suffered amputation, or were severely wounded at Lingy or Waterloo, who may be still living, according to lists drawn up by my executors, to whom shall be added Cambrone, Larrey, Percy, and Emmery. The guards shall be paid double; those of the Island of Elba, quadruple; two hundred thousand francs.

This codicil is written entirely with my own hand, signed, and sealed with my arms.

NAPOLEON.

---------------------

This 24th of April, 1821, at Longwood.

_This is a third Codicil to my Will of the 15th of April._

1. Amongst the diamonds of the Crown which were delivered up in 1814, there were some to the value of five or six hundred thousand francs, not belonging to it, but which formed part of my private property; repossession shall be obtained of them in order to discharge my legacies.

2. I had in the hands of the banker Torlonia, at Rome, bills of exchange to the amount of two or three hundred thousand francs, the product of my revenues of the Island of Elba since 1815. The Sieur De la Perruse, although no longer my treasurer, and not invested with any character, possessed himself of this sum. He shall be compelled to refund it.

3. I bequeath the Duke of Istria three hundred thousand francs, of which only one hundred thousand francs shall be reversible to his widow, should the Duke be dead before payment of the legacy. It is my wish, should there be no inconvenience in it, that the Duke may marry Duroc’s daughter.

4. I bequeath to the Duchess of Frioul, the daughter of Duroc, two hundred thousand francs: should she be dead before the payment of this legacy, none of it shall be given to the mother.

5. I bequeath to General Rigaud, (to him who was proscribed) one hundred thousand francs.

6. I bequeath to Boisnod, the intendant commissary, one hundred thousand francs.

7. I bequeath to the children of General Letort, who was killed in the campaign of 1815, one hundred thousand francs.

8. These eight hundred thousand francs of legacies shall be considered as inserted at the end of Article thirty-six of my testament, which will make the legacies I have disposed of by will amount to the sum of six million four hundred thousand francs, without including the donations I have made by my second codicil.

This is written with my own hand, signed, and sealed with my arms.

(L. S.)

NAPOLEON.

[On the outside is written:]

This is my third codicil to my will, entirely written with my own hand, signed, and sealed with my arms.

To be opened the same day, and immediately after the opening of my will.

NAPOLEON.

---------------------

This 24th of April, 1821. Longwood.

_This is a fourth Codicil to my Testament._

By the dispositions we have heretofore made, we have not fulfilled all our obligations, which has decided us to make this fourth codicil.

1. We bequeath to the son or grandson of Baron Duthiel, lieutenant-general of artillery, and formerly lord of St. André, who commanded the school of Auxonne before the Revolution, the sum of one hundred thousand francs, as a memento of gratitude for the care which that brave general took of us when we were lieutenant and captain under his orders.

2. Item. To the son or grandson of General Dugomier, who commanded in chief the array of Toulon, the sum of one hundred thousand francs. We, under his orders, directed that siege, and commanded the artillery: it is a testimonial of remembrance for the marks of esteem, affection, and friendship, which that brave and intrepid general gave us.

3. Item. We bequeath one hundred thousand francs to the son or grandson of the deputy of the Convention, Gasparin, representative of the people at the army of Toulon, for having protected and sanctioned with his authority the plan we had given, which procured the capture of that city, and which was contrary to that sent by the Committee of Public Safety. Gasparin, by his protection, sheltered us from the persecution and ignorance of the general officers who commanded the army before the arrival of my friend Dugomier.

4. Item. We bequeath one hundred thousand francs to the widow, son, or grandson, of our aide-de-camp Muiron, killed at our side at Arcola, covering us with his body.

5. Item. Ten thousand francs to the subaltern officer Cantillon, who has undergone a trial upon the charge of having endeavoured to assassinate Lord Wellington, of which he was pronounced innocent. Cantillon had as much right to assassinate that _oligarchist_ as the latter had to send me to perish upon the rock of St. Helena. Wellington, who proposed this outrage, attempted to justify it by pleading the interest of Great Britain. Cantillon, if he had really assassinated that lord, would have pleaded the same excuse, and been justified by the same motive—the interest of France—to get rid of this General, who, moreover, by violating the capitulation of Paris, had rendered himself responsible for the blood of the martyrs Ney, Labedoyere, &c.: and for the crime of having pillaged the museums, contrary to the text of the treaties.

6. These four hundred thousand francs shall be added to the six million four hundred thousand of which we have disposed, and will make our legacies amount to six million eight hundred and ten thousand francs; these four hundred and ten thousand are to be considered as forming part of our testament, Article 36, and to follow in every respect the same course as the other legacies.

7. The nine thousand pounds sterling which we gave to Count and Countess Montholon, should, if they have been paid, be deducted and carried to the account of the legacies which we have given him by our testament. If they have not been paid, our notes of hand shall be annulled.

8. In consideration of the legacy given by our will to Count Montholon, the pension of twenty thousand francs granted to his wife is annulled. Count Montholon is charged with the payment of it to her.

9. The administration of such an inheritance, until its final liquidation, requiring expenses of offices, journeys, missions, consultations, and lawsuits, we expect that our testamentary executors shall retain 3 per cent. upon all the legacies, as well upon the six million eight hundred thousand francs, as upon the sums contained in the codicils, and upon the two hundred millions of francs of the private domain.

10. The amount of the sums thus retained shall be deposited in the hands of a treasurer, and disbursed by drafts from our testamentary executors.

11. Should the sums arising from the aforesaid deductions not be sufficient to defray the expenses, provisions shall be made to that effect at the expense of the three testamentary executors and the treasurer, each in proportion to the legacy which we have bequeathed to them in our will and codicils.

12. Should the sums arising from the before-mentioned subtractions be more than necessary, the surplus shall be divided amongst our three testamentary executors and the treasurer, in the proportion of their respective legacies.

13. We nominate Count Las Cases, and in default of him his son, and in default of the latter, General Drouot, to be treasurer.

This present codicil is entirely written with our hand, signed, and sealed with our arms.

NAPOLEON.

THE END.

INDEX.

Abdication, of Napoleon, i. #11#; iv. 114 —Las Cases’ reflections on that proceeding, i. #55#

Africa, Napoleon’s remarks on the expedition to, ii. #151#

Aix-la-Chapelle, the Congress at, Las Cases’ preparations for petitioning, iv. 342 —Letter of Madame Mere to, 343 —Las Cases’ note to, 344 —Representations to, 375

Alexander, the Emperor, Las Cases’ letter to, at Laybach, iv. 384

—--, the Emperor, his aversion to Eugene Beauharnois, i. #207#

—-- the Great, Napoleon’s remarks on, iv. 140

Algerines, their predilection for Napoleon, i. #363#

Allies, Convention of the, respecting Napoleon, ii. #80#

Ambassadors, Persian and Turkish at Paris, ii. #110# —their conduct in the fashionable world, #112#

America, Napoleon invited to, ii. #207#

Amiens, rupture of the treaty of, iv. 39

Amours of, Napoleon, i. #211#

Amsterdam, Napoleon’s speech at, iii. #239#

Ancients, the, Napoleon’s opinion of the armies of, i. #189#

Anecdotes of a courtier, ii. #316#

—-- amusing, iii. #59#

—-- of Napoleon, iii. #238#, #284#, iv. 67

Antwerp, Napoleon’s designs with regard to, iv. 47

Antommarchi, Dr., extracts from his work, iv. 393

Army, the French, conspiracy in, Egypt, i. #133# —Privations of, #136# —loss sustained by in Egypt, #143# —contradictory reports respecting, #146#

Artillery, remarks of Napoleon on, ii. 354

Arras, the Bishop of, his stupidity, i. #173#

Aubry, General, i. #101#

Augereau, Napoleon’s opinion of, i. #189#

Austria, the Royal Family of, i. #205#

—-- the Emperor of, letter of Las Cases to, iv. 347

Balcombe, Mr., Las Cases’ removal to his cottage, iv. 205

Balls, masked, fondness of Napoleon for, iii. #91#

Barras, M., some account of, ii. #256#

Barry, Mr., medical skill of, iv. 254 —his intimacy with Las Cases, 263

Bathurst, Lord, letter of Lord Castlereagh to, on the Treaty of Fontainebleau, iv. 133 —Napoleon’s opinion of him, 154 —Las Cases’ letter to, 315

Battle, chance of danger in, ii. #39#

Bauer, M., his opinion of Napoleon, i. #79#

Beauharnois, Eugene, conduct of the Emperor Alexander towards i. #206# —receiving his father’s sword, ii. #186#

Beauharnois, Mad. de, her acquaintance with Napoleon, i. #103#

—-- Stephanie, particulars respecting, ii. #196# —conduct of the Emperor Alexander to, #197#

Becker, General, letter from the minister at war to, i. #17#

Bellerophon, Embarkation of the Emperor on, board the, i. #26# —arrives at Torbay, #32# —Departure of the Emperor from the, #51# —Berthier, General, his conduct in Egypt, i. #134# —attachment of Napoleon to, #215# —Madame V—-- and, iii. #16#

Bernadotte, elevated to the throne of Sweden, iii. #107# —letter of Napoleon to, #110# —the Emperor’s reflections on, iv. 109

Bertrand, Madame, her affliction on hearing of her husband’s departure for St. Helena, i. #40#

Bertrand, Count, his letter to Las Cases, iv. 354 —his protest of the 22nd of July, 1818, 361 —letter of to Cardinal Fesch, 363 —correspondence of Las Cases with, 364, 367, 369, 371, 373

Bessieres, General, some account of, i. #340# —his death, #341#

Bizanet, General, his gallant conduct at Bergen-op-zoom, ii. #242#

Blacas, M., libels on Napoleon found in his apartment, i. #169#

Bonaparte, Napoleon, his return to the Elysée, after the battle of Waterloo, i. #10# —particulars relative to his abdication, #11#; iv. 114 —the Provisional Government presented to, i. #13# —his departure from Malmaison, #15# —document authorizing General Becker to watch and guard him, #15# —resolutions entered into by the commission of government respecting his departure from France, _ib._ —his itinerary during his journey from Paris, #19# —his reception at Rochefort, #20# —plan to save him, _ib._ —feeling of the South of France towards, #23# —discussions on his purposed escape, #24# —his letter to the Prince Regent, _ib._ —suspected escape of, #25# —embarks on board the Bellerophon, #26# —visits Admiral Hotham on board the Superb, #27# —anecdote of, _ib._ —etiquette of the English to, #25# —summary of his situation at Rochelle, dictated by himself, #29# —arrives at Torbay, #32# —reports respecting his destination, #33# —curiosity excited on his reaching Plymouth, #36# —protests against his removal to St. Helena, #37# —communication made to him by Lord Keith, #37# —remarkable words of, #40# —proposes to write his memoirs, #42#, #109# —curious document of, when first consul, _ib._ —his departure from Plymouth, #43# —his protest, _ib._ —persons allowed to accompany, #46# —instructions of ministers to Admiral Cockburn respecting, #47# —His effects examined by Admiral Cockburn, #50# —quits the Bellerophon, #51# —conduct of the crew of the Northumberland to, #52# —description of his cabin, #53# —Las Cases’ reflections on his abdication, #55# —his mode of living on board the Northumberland, #57# —his occupations, #59# —his origin, and family, #61# —conduct of the midshipmen to, #72# —details of the Emperor’s childhood, #73# —his attachment to Madame du Colombier, #81# —his extensive acquirements, #82# —question solved by, #83# —anecdotes of, #83#; iii. #229#; iv. 111 —espouses the cause of the revolution, 85 —commences learning English, i. #87# —his plan for conducting the siege of Toulon, #88# —takes that place, #95# —his assistance to emigrants, #97# —his attachment to Duroc, #99# —made a general of infantry, #101# —his presence of mind during a popular commotion, #103# —military administration of, #105# —his indifference to riches, #106# —his ascendancy over his troops, #108# —calumnies against, #115# —his advance to power, #118# —dictates to Las Cases his campaigns of Italy, #119# —respect paid to, on crossing the line, #122# —statements of Sir Robert Wilson regarding, #123# —his intrepidity, #133# —visits the Red Sea, #135# —popular among the Egyptians, #138# —his method of dictating, #148# —arrives at St. Helena, #154# —narrative of his residence at Briars, #156# —his wretched accommodation there, #158# —misery of his situation, #163# —indignant at his ill-treatment, #164# —communication of, to the British Government, #165# —his mode of living at Briars, #167# —libels on, #169# —his opinion of his libellers, #170# —letter of the king to, and Napoleon’s reply, #174# —reported to have made overtures to the French Princes, #175# —his daily occupations, #176#, #195# —his remarks on the Council of State, #177# —lenity of, #180# —dismisses the Legislative Body, #183# —his reasons for dissolving the Tribunate, #185# —his opinion of the Generals of the army of Italy, #188# —his ideas on the armies of the Ancients, #189# —compares the French with the Romans, #191# —political schemes of, #192# —contrasts the characters of his two Empresses, #198# —his remarks on the education of Princes, #204# —his landing at Cannes, #207# —private amours of, #211# —palliates the conduct of his enemies, #214# —circumstances of his fall, #216# —officers of his household in 1814, #217# —his reservation of Corsica, #220# —reviews the events of the revolution, #221# —his ideas of public opinion, #223# —indisposition of, #234# —equestrian feats of, #235# —his diet and medicine, #236# —his convalescence and recreations, #237# —atrocious conspiracies against, #238# —his escape from the Infernal Machine, #240# —his kindness to a slave, #241# —state of crime during his dominion, #243# —escapes of, during the campaigns of Italy, #246# —his reflections on a field of battle, #248# —his remarks on several Generals, #251#, #337# —annoyances practised towards, #356# —his removal to Longwood, #260# —persons composing his establishment, #265# —Las Cases’ character of, #268# —the Abbe de Pradt’s analysis of his character, #269# —his style of addressing the Empresses, #274# —anecdote of and the Queen of Prussia, #276# —his system of espionage, #277# —abuses in the Post Office under, #278# —liberty of the Press during his reign, #280# —harsh treatment of at Longwood, #281#, #311# —his remonstrances, and the insulting replies to them, #283# —his ideas of popularity, #284# —frequent dangers and escapes of, #288# —his mode of answering the libels of the English Ministers, #299# —amelioration of his condition, #302#, #303# —nick-names given to persons and places by, #307# —attentions paid to, by English sailors, #310# —his method of learning English, #324# —visited by Governor Wilks, #325# —Madame de Stäel, &c. #328# —his opinion of Bernardin St. Pierre and his works, #333# —remarks of, on French Historians, #334# —his personal danger at Eylau, Jena, &c., #335# —his progress in English, #344#, #350# —remarks of, on St. Helena, #346# —caricatures on, #357# —his views of French politics, #359# —picture of domestic happiness drawn by, #361# —predilection of the Algerines for, #363# —his opinion of the great French poets, #368# —his credit on his return from Elba, #372# —his talent as an accountant, #373# —remarks of on the invasion of England, #374# —etiquette of his court, #379# —the officers of his household, #383# —his opinion of the influence of a court on a nation, #386# —presentation of the Captains of the Chinese fleet to, #388# —facetiousness of, #390# —remarks of, on the character of the French, #395# —lamentation of, ii. #4# —M. Constant’s visit to, at the Tuileries, and his return from Elba, #10# —well qualified for governing the French, #12# —insult offered to, by Admiral Cockburn, #14# —his reflections on the death of Ney, #15# —his message for the Prince Regent respecting his inhuman treatment, #17# —affection of the inhabitants of the Isle of France for, #17# —unwholesome food provided for, #19# —his remarks on Catiline’s conspiracy, the Gracchi, Historians, &c., #23#, #24# —on fortification, #26# —on moveable artillery, #27# —his cheerfulness, #30# —early friendships of, #31# —his universal celebrity, #32# —political self-examination of, #33# —his betrayers, #38# —remarks of, on his expedition to the East, #40# —description of his apartments, #44# —details of his toilet, dress, &c. #46# —absurd reports regarding, #47# —plots against, #49# —account of Cerache’s conspiracy against, #50# —his hesitation as to the course to be pursued after the battle of Waterloo, #57# —characteristic traits of, #59# —his opinion of Pozzo di Borgo, Metternich, Bassano, Clarke, Cambacérès, Lebrun Fouché, &c. #62# —good advice of, #72# —his return from Elba foreseen at the time of his departure from Fontainebleau, #74# —convention of the Allied Sovereigns respecting, #80# —last interview of Governor Wilks with, #84# —his message to the Prince Regent, #87# —state of his finances, #90# —his commercial shrewdness, #92# —his criticism on Voltaire, and other French dramatic writers, #95# —Sir Hudson Lowe’s first insult to, #99# —his remarks on the Russian War, #104# —magnanimity of, #108# —his remonstrances with Sir Hudson Lowe, #116# —summary of his history, #120# —his seclusion, #121# —remarks of, on European Sovereigns at different periods, #124# —details respecting his family, #132# —on the war in Spain, #134# —anecdote of, and Soult’s wife, #143# —his reception of the passengers in the Bengal fleet, #158# —angry interview between him and Sir Hudson Lowe, #177# —his observations on the Empress Josephine, #184# —curious details of his marriage to, and divorce from, the Empress Josephine, #187# —his reflections on popular errors, #194# —personal dangers of, #201# —political reflections of, #202# —his intentions if he had proceeded to America, #206# —letter of an American to, #207# —his anxiety respecting his abdication, #208# —observations of, on the state of French manufactures, #209# —on physiognomy, #210#, #389# —respect shown to by English soldiers, #212# —his affection for Corsica, #212# —difficulty of forming his court, #216# —receives a letter from his mother, #220# —relates the conspiracy of Georges, Moreau, and Pichegru, #221# —attempts to assassinate, #225# —his observations on the situation of England, #226# —on the influence of Rousseau and Voltaire on the French, #229# —his rebuke of a member of the Institute, #233# —public censures of, #235# —public attacks on, #236# —reflections of, on Sir Hudson Lowe, #237# —expenses of his household, #238# —transfer of his property, #239# —his jokes on women, #240# —resumes the dictation of his memoirs, #241# —plan of education prescribed by, #243# —his kindness 244 —his imaginary schemes for the future, #252# —absurd reports respecting, _ib._ —conversation of, on religion, #253# —his portraits of the directors, #256# —his celebrated order of the day, #265# —his conduct towards the directory, #265# —his influence, #263# —falsehood of the published conversation between him and Lord Whitworth, #270# —his opinion of the British Ministers, #273# —puns made by, #276# —his notices of Bailli, Monges, Gregoire, &c. #277# —his notes on the convention, #281# —conversation of, on the liberty of the press, #291# —his letter to Murat on Spanish Affairs, #302# —interview of the Queen of Prussia and, at Tilsit, #308# —his differences with the King of Prussia, #311# —attachment of the Emperor Alexander to, #312# —etiquette of, #315# —his conduct in the Council of State, #320# —his habit of taking snuff, #321# —attentions of his Chamberlains, _ib._ —his delicacy, #322# —traits of kind feeling in, #323# —his speeches in the Council of State, #325# —his devotion to France, #326# —his rebuke of an Ambassador, #324# —on the proposal for a new organization of the National Guard, #330# —his recollections of Waterloo, #333# —his observations on misrepresentations of authors, #336# —prophetic remarks of, #337# —conversation of, respecting Las Cases and his Atlas, #339# —his memory, #349# —his ideas of, and plans on, political economy, #350# —on foreign trade, #351# —on internal manufactures, _ib._ —his discourse on Artillery, #354# —reviews the characters of his Generals, #355# —different tactics of, and Moreau, #357# —annoyed by rats, _ib._ —imputed intrigue of, #360# —defence of his second marriage, #377# —his remarks on the pillage of armies, #379# —Sir Pulteney Malcolm introduced to, _ib._ —his choice of his colleagues in the Government, #385# —instructs M. de Montholon’s son, #388# —said to be descended from the Man in the Iron Mask, #390# —his account of Madame Junot and her relations, #393# —narrates the death of Lannes, #395# —describes the works at Cherbourg, iii. #5# —improvements of, at Cherbourg, #7# —his plans for the advancement of his Navy, #11# —audience given to Sir Hudson Lowe by, and Napoleon’s conversation with, him, #13# —and Grassini, #15# —remarks of, on the Faubourg St. Germain, Aristocracy, Democracy, &c. #17# —observations of, on Illyria, #24# —on Prisons & Imprisonment, #34# —in Egypt, #38# —his Chinese servant, #40# —discourse of on the marvellous, #42# —his refutation of Gall’s and Lavater’s doctrines, #44# —repeated vexations of, #45# —interview between, and Admiral Malcolm, #49# —his Court, #51# —his rebuke of Santini, on his intending to assassinate Sir Hudson Lowe, #53# —his opinion of La Harpe and his writings, #55# —on monastic institutions, #56# —his observations on Versailles, #59# —his remarks on the emigration to Coblentz, #74# —his sentimental journey, #88# —present at the attack on the Tuileries, #90# —his attendance at masked balls, #91# —scientific questions proposed by, #94# —canals constructed by, #95# —public improvements of, #97# —his disbursements, #99# —projects of, #100# —his plan for a history of Europe, #101# —stigmatizes the Regency, #102# —his conversation respecting Gustavus III. and IV. #104# —elevates Bernadotte to the Swedish throne, #107# —his letter to Bernadotte, #110# —his paternal home, #113# —on the fatalities which had occurred to him, #118# —his birth-day, #123# —on the suppression of the Polytechnic School, #124# —religious idea of, #124# —his differences with the Pope, #129# —and influence over him, #131# —new interview and conversation with Sir Hudson Lowe, #137# —libels against, #141# —his dislike to medicine, #146# —protest of, #151# —remarks of, on Joubert, #162# —describes the burning of Moscow, #163# —his intentions if the conflagration had not taken place, #164# —on the coronation of, #176# —cause of the exasperation of England against, #178# —his narrative of the campaign of Waterloo, #179# —the motives which regulated his conduct after the battle, #181# —his plan for a political defence of himself, #194# —remarks of Turenne, Catinat, &c. #196# —errors of authors respecting, #197# —on his various battles, _ib._ —Sir Sydney Smith &c. #200# —his departure from Egypt, #201# —singular changes of fortune related by, #203# —on Madame de Maintenon, #205# —interesting anecdote of M. Daru, &c. #207# —jocularity of, #208# —observations of, on the campaign of Saxony, #209# —his negociations, #219# —fatalities and perfidies which caused his failure in the campaign of Saxony, #229# —his visit to Holland, #239# —discourse, _ib._ —on Revolutions, #241# —confidential conversation of, #247# —his observations on the English Colonial System, #249# —on the blunders of Castlereagh, #251# —on the National Debt, #252# —on liberal opinions, #255# —reduction of his household, #256# —allusions to his Court at the Tuileries, #257# —his _Manuscrit de L’Isle d’Elbe_, #260# —his inauguration as Emperor, #270# —alliances of, #273# —his marriage with Maria Louisa, #274# —his summary of the Campaign of Saxony, #275# —illness of, #281# —enormous gratuities of, #282# —his good humour, #286# —bad provisions, wine, &c. furnished to, _ib._ —his criticism on Lucien Bonaparte’s “Charlemagne,” 288 —Sir Hudson Lowe reduces the quantity of provisions allowed to, #289# —narrative of his return from Elba, #290# —his reception by the soldiery, #295# —his arrival at Grenoble, #296# —reconciliation between him and Ney, #299# —conduct of his Generals on his return, #300# —his entry into Paris, #301# —his brothers and sisters who had become authors, #303# —statistical calculations of, #306# —sale of his plate, #308# —fresh vexations from Sir Hudson Lowe, #309# —conversation of, on the bills of St. Domingo, #310# —his plans of administrations, #313# —on sensibility, #316# —his attachment to his wife and son, _ib._ —on the inhabitants of the East and West, Polygamy, &c. #317# —particulars respecting Louis, King of Holland, related by, #321# —complaints of, against the members of his family, #322# —his reasons for placing his relations on thrones, #324# —his letter to King Louis, #325# —his plan for a history, #331# —his secretary, #332# —great labours of, #334# —treachery of one of his secretaries, #338# —his dictation for another portion of his memoirs, #338# —national works of, #340# —his refutation of the calumnies of Castlereagh, #342# —peculiarities of, #345# —his hand-writing, #346# —his ideas of predestination, #347# —fruitless attempts of Sir Hudson Lowe to be received by, _ib._ —conversation of, on legislation, #349# —in Egypt, #350# —reads Las Cases’ journal, #354# —reflections of, on his son and Austria, #360# —his observations on Sir Hudson Lowe’s restrictions, #363# —his recollections of M. de Cobentzel, #371# —M. de Gallo outwitted by, #372# —General Clarke and, #373# —singular dream of, #378# —privations of, #379# —his perambulations in disguise, #393# —conversations of, with the populace of Paris, _ib._ —increasing illness of, #395# —new protest of, _ib._ —conversation of, on Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette, Madame Campan, Leonard, the Princess de Lamballe, &c. #396#, #397#, #398#, #399#, #400# —his early career, iv. 4 —remarks of a French female authoress, 7 —his eulogium on Baron Larrey, 9 —care taken of the wounded in his armies, _ib._ —Las Cases’ present to, 12 —new torments practised by Sir Hudson Lowe towards, 14 —visible decline of, 16 —his views and intentions with respect to the Russian war, 19 —causes of his fall, 20 —his instructions to M—- to serve as his guide in the Mission to Poland, 1812, _ib._ —moderation of, 28 —continued indisposition of, 29, 31, 36, 38, 65 —discourse of on immorality, 30 —jocular familiarity of, 34 —the name of the GREAT NATION first applied to France by, 37 —his proposed exchange of prisoners with England, 40 —his designs with regard to Antwerp, 47 —public works executed by, 52 —report of the state of the Empire under, 60 —observations of, on Mallet’s plot, 64 —on French inconstancy, 65 —allusions to his family, 67 —his state bed, 69 —remarks of, on Fox, Pitt, the East India Company, &c. 79 —discussion of, on political economy, 81 —opposition to his improvements in the, 83 —his imperial system, 85 —in La Vendée, 91 —remarks of, on the drama, 92 —anecdote respecting the Infernal Machine, &c., 94 —Dumouriez more daring than, 97 —Prince Leopold, &c., _ib._, 99 —his commencement of diplomacy 101 —his plans for the concentration of different nations, 104 —his reasons for not divulging these plans, 108 —remarks of, on the war with Russia, 109 —reflections of, on Bernadotte, _ib._ —his little confidence in the favourable issue of the events of 1815, 110 —his intentions of restoring the Bourbons, 113 —ingratitude to, 114 —occurrences on his departure from Fontainebleau, 124 —his address to the French on his return from Elba, 125 —allusions to his second marriage, 136 —discourse of, on Alexander, Cæsar, Hannibal, &c. 140 —on the art of War, 143 —on the conscription, 145 —on Lawsuits, 146 —on the clergy, 147 —misrepresentations of Madame de Stäel’s remarks on, 152 —his opinion of Lord Bathurst, 154 —of Lord Castlereagh, 155 —on Lord Wellington’s conduct, 160 —review of his principal Ministers, 162 —treason to, 163 —his opinion of gaming, 165 —his account of M. de Rochefoucault, 166 —characteristic anecdotes of, 167 —his regard for equality of rights, 174 —his military harangues, 176 —his objects in creating nobility, 178 —on the difficulties which history presents, 179 —his discovery of the plot of Georges, &c. 183 —his remarks on Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, 184 —observations of, on the Duke D’Enghien, 190 —opportunities of procuring the assassination of his rivals, 195 —his letter to Las Cases on his imprisonment, 220 —his message to Las Cases on his departure, 236 —wines sent by Las Cases to, 273 —Las Cases’ transactions with his family, 339 —his mother’s letter to the Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle, 343 —continued vexations of, 354 —illness of, 355 —his denial of Sir Hudson Lowe’s statements, 359 —note of, to Count Bertrand, respecting his ill-treatment, 360 —feeling displayed on his death, 387 —his religious notions, 393 —his wishes as to his burial place, 394 —advice to those around him on his death bed, _ib._ —account of his death, 395 —arrangements respecting his corpse, _ib._ —funeral of, 397 —description of his grave, 399 —his will, 400

Bourbons, anticipations of their overthrow, i. #232# —Napoleon’s intentions of restoring the, iv. 113

Bovo, Countesse de, her amiable character, i. #201#

Briars, narrative of Napoleon’s residence at, i. #156# —description of, #157# —wretched accommodations of the Emperor at, #158# —Napoleon’s mode of living at, #166# —the cascade at, #224#

Brumaire, anecdotes on the 18th of, ii. #380#

Brunswicks, degeneracy of the, ii. #376#

Brussels, Las Cases not allowed to remain in, iv. 301

Bulletins, accuracy of, ii. #39#

Buonaparte, Charles, speech of, i. #66#

—-- Jerome, character of, ii. #193#

—-- Joseph, his amiable character, ii. #192#

—-- Louis, particulars respecting, i. #69#

—-- Lucien, Napoleon’s criticism on his “Charlemagne,” iii. #288#

—-- Madame, her parsimony, ii. #191#

Burroughs, Sir W., Las Cases’ conversation with, ii. #160#

Bussy, Colonel, anecdote of, i. #84#

Caffarelli, curious particulars of, i. #141#

Canals, constructed by the Emperor, iii. #94#

Cannes, Napoleon’s landing at, i. #207#

Cape of Good Hope, passage from St. Helena to, iv. 248 —account of the town at, 250 —Las Cases residence at, 251

Carnot, some account of, ii. #259#

Cartaux, General, plans of, i. #90# —Deputation to, #93#

Castlereagh, Lord, impostures of, ii. #357# —his blunders, iii. #251# —Napoleon’s refutation of his calumnies, #342# —letter of, relative to the treaty of Fontainebleau, iv. 132 —Napoleon’s remarks on, 154 —character of, 155 —his inconsistency, 157 —Las Cases’ letter to, 259 —Las Cases’ letter to, iv. 347

Catiline’s conspiracy, remarks on, ii. #23#

Caulincourt, M. letter of, correcting the errors in a work entitled “Campaigne de 1814,” iv. 49

Cerachi, his conspiracy against Napoleon, ii. #50#

Charette, some account of, iv. 89 —his decision of character, 90

Charles XII., death of, i. #332#

Chateaubriand, M. de, his writings, ii. #230# —his appointment to the Embassy of Rome, #231# —his speeches, #232# —Clarke, General iii, #373#

Cherbourg, situation of, iii. #4# —works at, #5# —blunders in their construction of, #6# —Napoleon’s improvements at, #7#

Chevreuse, Mad. de, cause of her banishment, ii. #219#

China Fleet, presentation of the Captains of the, to Napoleon, i. #388#

Clergy, observations of Napoleon on the, iv. 147

Cobentzel, M. de, remarks on, iii. #371#

Coblentz, sketch of the emigration to, iii. #61# —state of parties in, #63# —anecdotes respecting, #167# —amusements of the princes at, #68# —formation of the King’s troops at, #70# —delusions of the emigrants at, #93# —Napoleon’s observations on, #74# —arrival of the Duke of Brunswick at, #75# —reception of the emigrants in France, #78#

Cockburn, admiral, seizes the effects of the Emperor, i. #50# —insult offered to Napoleon by, ii. #14# —accidental affront to, #75# —summary of his conduct, #77#

Colombier, Madame de, her death, i. #81#. —Napoleon’s attachment to her, _ib._

Colonial system, British, observations on, iii. #249#

Cypriani, death of, iv. 363

Commission of Government, resolutions entered into by the, respecting the departure of Napoleon, i. #15#

Conscription, remarks on the, ii. #323#, iv. 145

Constant, M., his visit to Napoleon at the Tuileries, ii. #10#

Contractors during the Revolution, the Emperor’s treatment of, i. #370#

Convention, note of Napoleon on the, ii. #281#

Corinne of Madame de Stael, iii. #119#

Cornwallis, Lord, character of, ii. #272#

Corsica, Napoleon’s reservation of, i. #220# —his attachment to, ii. #212# —The Buonaparte family attacked by the peasants of, #213#

Corvisart, medical conversation with, i. #392#

Council of State, the, Napoleon’s remarks on, #177# —freedom of discussion in, #180# —description of, iii. #317# —Napoleon’s conduct in, #320# —Las Cases’ speech in, #323# —The Emperor’s speeches in, #325#

Courage, remarks on, i. #250#

Crescentini, anecdote of, iii. #358#

Crime, comparison between the state of in England, and in France, during the dominion of Napoleon, i. #244#

D’Antraigues, Count, some account of, iii. #376# —his assassination, #377#

D’Artois, Count, measures taken by to secure Napoleon’s interest for the Bourbons, i. #174#

Daru, M. anecdote of, iii. #207#

Decrès, Napoleon’s observations on, ii. #154#

D’Enghien, Duke, remarks of Las Cases on, iv. 188 —Napoleon’s observations on, 190

Desaix, comparison between Kleber, and, i. #148# —his reasons for signing the capitulation of Egypt, iii. #199#

De Stael, Madame, particulars relative to, i. #328# —remarks on her Corinne, iii. #119# —history of Napoleon’s connexion with her, #120# —Napoleon’s observations on, iv. 7 —misrepresentations respecting iv. 152

Diplomacy, Napoleon’s commencement of, iv. 101

Directors account of the, ii. #258#

Directory, description of the, ii. #262# —Napoleon’s conduct towards the, #265#

Divorce, on the law of, ii. #147#

Dolgoruki, Princess, her observations on Napoleon’s court, ii. #217#

Drama, remarks on the, iv. 92

Dream, singular, of Napoleon, iii. #378#

Dresden, battle of, iii. #233# —particulars relative to the capitulation of, #234#

Dromedary, hardihood of the, i. #137#

Drouot, General, conversation of Napoleon respecting, ii. #28#

Dugommier, General, delay of, i. #95#

Dumesnil, General, his bravery, i. #142#

Dumouriez, his daring, iv. 97

Duroc, talents of, i. #99# —his attachment to the Emperor, #339# —his death, #340#

East India Company, account of the, iv. 75 —Mr. Fox’s bill relative to the, 77 —remarks of Napoleon on the, 80

Egypt, particulars relative to the Campaign of, i. #132# —discontent of the French Army in, #133# —great privations of the French troops in, #136# —loss sustained by the army in, #143# —remarks of Napoleon on, iii. #38# —Desaix’s reasons for signing the capitulation of, #199# —Napoleon’s voyage from, #201# —freedom of speech in, iv. 101

Elba, Napoleon’s stay at, i. #229# —his situation in, ii. #74# —narrative of his return from, iii. #290#

Elysée, return of the Emperor to the, after the battle of Waterloo, i. #10#

Emigrants at Coblentz, iii. #61# —anecdotes of, #67# —delusions of, #73# —their reception in France, #78# —their attack on Thionville, #180#

Emigrants, French, in England, condition of the, i. #291# —delusions of, ii. #34# —their opinion of the Emperor, #129# —Napoleon’s contemplated managements as to confiscation of their property, #130# —their confidence in Mr. Pitt, #309# —resources of, iii. #362#

England, Napoleon’s remarks on the invasion of, i. #375# —the Emperor’s observations on the situation of, ii. #226#

Europe, plan for a history of, iii. #101#

Fain, Baron, his “Manuscript of 1814,” iv. 115

Fauxbourg, St. Germain, particulars relative to, i. #213#

Ferdinand of Spain and Napoleon, ii. #293#, —and Charles IV. #298#

Fesch, Cardinal, Count Bertrand’s letter to, iv. 363

Fitzherbert, Mrs., her marriage with the Prince of Wales, ii. #370#

Foissac, General Latour, Napoleon’s remarks on the cashiering of, ii. #99#

Fontainebleau, the Concordat of, iii. #131# —particulars of the abdication at, #114# —occurrences on Napoleon’s departure from, #124# —Treaty of, #127# —letter of Lord Castlereagh, relative to the treaty of, #132#

Fortification, remarks on, ii. #26#

Fouché, turpitude of, i. #12# —intrigues of, ii. #55# —particulars respecting, #67#

Fox, Mr. and Napoleon, ii. #274# —his bill relative to the East India Company, iv. 17 —remarks of Napoleon on, 79

France, amelioration of the state of, during Napoleon’s dominion, ii. #36# —The Emperor’s devotion to, #326# —the Regency of, iii. #102# —resources of, after the Campaign of Waterloo, #179# —the name of the Great Nation first applied to, by Napoleon, iv. 37 —report of the state of, under the Emperor, 60

Frankfort, Las Cases settles at, iv. 309

French, Napoleon’s remarks on the character of the, i. #395# —privileges of the, ii. #145#

French government, contrasted with the English, i. #116#

Gall, refutation of his doctrines, iii. #44#

Gallo, M. de, outwitted by Napoleon, iii. #372#

Gaming, remarks on, iv. 164

Genlis, Madame de, her novels iv. 52

Generals, Napoleon’s remarks on various, of his army, i. #337#—ii. #141#—355 —their conduct on the Emperor’s return from Elba, iii. #300#

George III. Las Cases’ character of, ii. #363# —particulars relative to his madness, #365# —attempts made to assassinate, #366# —Mr. Pitt’s influence over, #367# —his family, #369#

Georges, discovery of the plot of, iv. 183

Germany, narrative of Las Cases’ residence in, iv. 307

Girondists, struggles between them and the Mountaineers, ii. #286#

Governments, French, extracts from Napoleon’s works on, iii. #260#.

Goldsmith, his libels on Napoleon, i. #319#

Goulburn, Mr., Las Cases’ letter to, iv. 374

Gracchi, the Emperor’s remarks on, ii. #23#

Grassini and Napoleon, iii. #15#

Greece, disbelief of allegedevents in the history of, i. #189#

Grégoier, described by Napoleon, ii. #278#

Grenadier, repartee of a, ii. #87#

Grenoble, Napoleon’s reception at, on his return from Elba, #297#

Guiche, Duchess of, employed by the Count D’Artois to interest Napoleon in favour of the Bourbons, i. #174#

Guides, Corps of, origin of the, i. #246#

Gustavus III. particulars relative to, iii. #104#

Gustavus, IV. some account of, iii. #105#

Hannibal, remarks of Napoleon on, iv. 141

Hatfield, his attempts to assassinate George III., ii. #366#

Heiresses, French falsehoods respecting Napoleon’s disposal of, ii. #358#

Historians, French, Napoleon’s remarks on, i. #334#

History, on the difficulties which it presents, iv. 179

Holland, the King of, Bonaparte, Louis, particulars relative to, iii. #321# —The Emperor’s letter to, #325#

Holland, public works of Napoleon in, iv. 57

Hortense, the Princess, ridiculous reports respecting, ii. #190#

Hotham, Admiral, visited by Napoleon on board the Superb, i. #27#

Hughes, condemnation of, i. #98#

Illyria, observations on, iii. #24#

Immorality, discourse of Napoleon on, iv. 30

Inconstancy, French, remarks on, iv. 165

Infernal machine, account of the, i. #239#

Institute, Napoleon at the, ii. #144# —The Emperor’s rebuke to a member of the, #233#

Intrigue, imputed of Napoleon, ii. #360#

Iron mask, the man in the, conjectures respecting, ii. #389# —Napoleon, alleged to be descended from, #390#

Isle of France, affection of the inhabitants of the, for Napoleon, ii. #17#

Israelites, statistical calculation respecting the, iii. #306#

Italy, results of the campaign of, i. #131#

Jaffa, explanation of the affair at, i. #126#

Jena, the Emperor’s danger at, i. #336#

Jersey, Countess of, anecdote respecting, ii. #372# —Las Cases’ description of, #373#

Josephine, Empress, Napoleon’s comparison of, with Maria Louise i. #198# —observations of Napoleon on, ii. #184# —prodigality of, #185# —her submission on the occasion of her divorce, #187# —curious details respecting her marriage and divorce, _ib._ —Maria Louisa’s jealousy of, #188# —her conjugal attachment, #189# —her arrival at Verona, iii. #114# —her extravagance, iv. 95

Joubert, General, iii. #162#

Jourdan, Marshal, observations of Napoleon on, iv. 13

Junot, anecdote of, i. #99# —his expenditure, ii. #391# —reproved by the Emperor, #392#

—-- Madame, particulars respecting, ii. #393#

Keith, Lord, communication made to the Emperor by, respecting his exile to St. Helena, i. #37# —Las Cases’ conversation with on the situation of Napoleon, #94#

Kleber and Desaix, compared, i. #148#

La Harpe, Napoleon’s opinion of, and his writings, iii. #55#

Lamballe, the Princess of, iii. #399#

Lannes, Marshal, death of, ii. #395# —his attachment to Napoleon, _ib._

Lanuse, General, intrepidity of, i. #144#.

Las Cases, requests permission to follow the Emperor, i. #13# —his interview with his wife, _ib._ —excitement produced by his journey to Rochefort, #18# —goes on board the Bellerophon to negociate the departure of Napoleon, #21# —draws up a summary of the Emperor’s situation at Rochelle dictated by Napoleon himself, #29# —letter from his wife on his arrival at Torbay, #33# —his feelings on hearing of the Emperor’s probable exile to St. Helena, #34# —his intimacy with the followers of the Emperor, #41# —the Emperor’s confidence in, #45# —conversation with Lord Keith respecting the Emperor, #49# —writes an account of the campaigns in Italy at the Emperors dictation, #119# —his reasons for not signing his adherence to the resolution of the senate, #187# —controverts Napoleon’s opinions on the character of conquerors, #191# —particulars related respecting the Fauxbourg St. Germain, #213# —his conduct while the Emperor was at Elba, #227# —visits London, #230# —his return to Paris, #231# —the Emperor’s kindness to, #262# —his facilities for studying the character of Napoleon, #267# —his sojourn in England when an emigrant, #292# —his new apartment described, #329# —his progenitors, #331# —illness of his son, #349#, ii. #156# —political self-examination of, #35# —his summary of the occurrences of the last nine months, from his quitting France, #41# —declaration signed by, #83# —his visit to Plantation House, #96# —conversation of with Sir W. Burroughs, #160# —his opinions of legal punishment, #161# —history of his Atlas, #164# —curious anecdote respecting the criticisms in his Atlas, #170# —success of his undertaking, #172# —strange mercantile transaction respecting, #173# —the Council of State described by, #317# —his speech on the conscription, #323# —his sketch of the history of the Court of London during his emigration, #362# —fall of his son from his horse, #378# —his summary of occurrences in April, May, and June, #398# —missions of, iii. #24# —his tour of inspection of prisons, #26# —his historical sketch of the emigration to Coblentz, #61# —consoles the Emperor, #142# —ingratitude towards, #145# —anecdotes related by, #147#, #284#, #362# —kindness of an English family to, ii. #160# —his cousin’s conduct attributed to him, #244# —domestic affairs of, #281# —his narrative of Napoleon’s return from Elba, #290# —his Journal, #354# —accuracy of the details of, #357# —his interview with Sir Hudson Lowe respecting the signing the declaration, #385# —his present to Napoleon, iv. 12 —his remarks relative to the action brought against Mr. O’Meara by Sir Hudson Lowe, 17 —his account of the East India Company, 75 —his disagreement with Sir Hudson Lowe, 137 —reflections on his situation, 138 —his description of Lord Sidmouth, 153 —his remarks on the affair of the Duke D’Enghien, 188 —visited by the servant who was taken away from him, 196 —his arrest, 201 —confinement of, 202 —attentions of his companions, 202 —examination of his papers, 203 —removal of to Balcombe’s cottage, 205 —his letter to Sir Hudson Lowe on his imprisonment, 208 —his protest, 209 —his mode of restoring Napoleon’s diamond necklace, 215 —Sir Hudson Lowe’s examination of, 217 —anxieties of, 219 —letter of Napoleon to, 220 —his reflections on the Emperor’s letter, 223 —official document relative to his removal to the Cape, 226 —decision of the Governor respecting, 227 —letter which accompanied it, 228 —his correspondence with Sir Hudson Lowe, 229 —better treatment of, 235 —the Emperor’s message to, 236 —takes leave of Marshal Bertrand, 238 —his papers sealed, 240 —declaration of Sir Hudson Lowe to, 241 —letters of introduction given to, 242 —sails from St. Helena, 243 —his passage to the Cape, 244 —statement of his grievances, 245 —his residence at the Cape, 251 —his letters to Lord Somerset, 254, 255, 261, 264 —letter to Lord Castlereagh, 257 —his letter to the Prince of Wales, 259 —singular incident related by, 263 —his removal to Newlands, 269 —account of his stay there, 270 —wines sent by, to Longwood, 273 —his ill health, 275 —proceeds to Tygerberg, 277 —his request to be allowed to return to Cape Town refused, 281 —finally receives his passports, 285 —particulars of his passage to Europe, _ib._ —arrival in England, 291 —his detention in the Downs, 292 —not allowed to remain in England, 293 —his letter to Lord Sidmouth, 294 —proceeds to Ostend, 297 —his letters to the French Ministers, 299, 308 —sent from Brussels, 301 —kindness shewn to, at Aix-la-Chapelle, 304 —rejoined by his wife, 306 —narrative of his residence in Germany, 307 —settles at Frankfort, 309 —his letter to Maria-Louisa, 310 —to Prince Metternich, 311 —to the Emperor of Russia, 312 —to Lord Bathurst, 315 —his petition to the English Parliament, 326 —kindness shewn to, 338 —his plans for sending to St. Helena, _ib._ —transactions of with the Emperor’s family, 339 —pecuniary difficulties of, singularly alleviated, 340 —visits Baden, 341 —proposals made to, at Manheim, _ib._ —his preparations for petitioning the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 342 —letter of, to the Empress Maria-Louisa, 343 —to the Congress, 344 —to the Emperor of Austria, 347 —to Lord Castlereagh, _ib._ —receives a packet from St. Helena, 351 —communication of, to Lord Liverpool respecting the printing of his letters, 352 —Count Bertrand’s letter to, 354 —correspondence of, with Count Bertrand, 364, 367, 369, 371, 373 —his letter to Mr. Goulburn, 374 —his representations to the Congress, 375 —constrained to quit Baden, 377 —ridiculous reports respecting, 378 —his letter to the Emperor Alexander at Laybach, 384 —receives intelligence of Napoleon’s death, 386

Larrey, Baron, the Emperor’s eulogium on, and generosity to, iv. 9

Lavater, refutation of his system, iii. #44#

La Vendée, Napoleon in, iv. 91

Lawsuits, remarks on, iv. 146

League, Napoleon’s account of the, iii. #261#

Lefevre, Mad., her goodness of heart, ii. #181#

Legislation, conversation of Napoleon on, iii. #349#

Legislative body, dissolution of the, i. #183#

Leipsic, the battle of, iii. #227#, #278# —loss of the French and allies at, #228#

Leopold, Prince, and Napoleon, iv. 97, 99

Lepaux, La Reveillere, Napoleon’s description of, ii. #258#

Liberality, on the progress of, ii. #62#

Line, ceremony on crossing it, #121#

London, Las Cases’ sketch of the history of the Court of, during his emigration, ii. #362#

Longwood, preparations for the Emperor’s reception at, i. #238# —description of, #263# —etiquette at, iii. #21#

Louis XIV., his expenditure at Versailles, iii. #98#.

—-- Phillipe, during his emigration, iii. #351#

Lowe, Sir Hudson, his arrival at St. Helena, ii. #70# —his first interview with Napoleon, #76# —description of his person, #79# —his insinuations to Las Cases, #96# —his ill-natured conduct, #97# —his first insult and instance of cruelty, #99# —Napoleon’s remonstrances with, #116#, —ridiculous invitation sent by, #143# —stormy interview between him and Napoleon, #177# —tyrannical conduct of, ii. #227# —his statements respecting the expenses at Longwood, #360# —renewed insults of, #386#, #387# —conversation of Napoleon with, iii. #13#, #137# —Santini’s projected assassination of, #53# —protest addressed to, #151# —his cavillings, #246# —reduction of the Emperor’s expenditure, by, #256# —limits the quantity of provisions allowed to Napoleon, #289# —fresh vexations from, #309# —his fruitless attempts to be received by the Emperor, iii. #347# —complaints of, #355# —his restrictions on Napoleon’s household, and the Emperor’s observations on, #363# —declaration required by, from the followers of Napoleon, #380# —cruel insult of, #382# —his conversation with the individuals of Napoleon’s suite, #383# —tyrannous conduct of, iv. 3 —new torments invented by, 14 —Las Cases’ disagreement with, 137 —examines Las Cases’ papers, 203 —Las Cases’ letter to, on his imprisonment, 208 —decision of, respecting, 227 —Las Cases’ correspondence with, 229 —declaration of, to Las Cases, 241 —continued ill-treatment of, iv. 350 —his tyrannical conduct to Mr. O’Meara, 355 —letter of, to Count Montholon respecting the removal of Mr. O’Meara, 362 —Count Montholon’s answer, _ib._

Lutzen, the battle of, iii. #213#

Macoy, Col., visits Napoleon, i. #354#

Maintenon, Madame de, the Emperor’s observations on her marriage with Louis XIV., iii. #205#.

Maitland, Capt., his alarm at the supposed escape of Napoleon, i. #25#

Malcolm, Sir Pulteney, introduced to Napoleon, ii. #379# —his conversation with him, iii. #49#

Mallet, plot of, iv. 64

Manheim, Las Cases’ residence at, iv. 341

Manufactures, French, Napoleon’s remarks on the state of, ii. #209#

Manuscript of St. Helena, iv. 279

Manuscrit de l’Ile d’Elbe, extracts from, iii. #260#

Marbois, M. de, ludicrous hoax on, ii. #113#

Marie Antoinette, Madame Campan’s account of, iii. #397#

Maria Louisa, Empress, her marriage to Napoleon, i. #199# —accouchement of, ii. #21# —reported joke of, #114# —her jealousy of Josephine, #188# —particulars relative to her marriage, iii. #274# —Las Cases’ letters to, iv. 310

Massena, General, i. #189#

Medicine, Napoleon’s opinion of, i. #391#, iii. #146#

Megrigny, Madame de, and Napoleon, iii. #93#.

Memoirs of Napoleon, by one who was constantly near him during fifteen years, i. #151#

Mendicity, establishment for, in France, iii. #22#

Ménéval, M., Secretary to Napoleon, iii. #332# —his assiduity, #333#

Metternich, Prince, letter of Las Cases to, iv. 311

Ministers, British, perfidy of, ii. #272# —Napoleon’s opinion of, #273#

—-- Napoleon’s review of his, iv. 162

Monges, character of, ii. #278#

Montebello, Duchesse de, appointed Lady of Honour to Maria Louisa, i. #200#

Montesquiou, Mad. de, educates the King of Rome, i. #203#

Montesson, Madame de, applies for the title of Duchess of Orleans, iv. 33.

Montholon, Count, his letter to Sir Hudson Lowe, iii. #151#

Montholon, Madame de, her return to Europe, iv. 382

Montveran, M., his account of the Campaign of Saxony, iii. #213#

Moreau, conspiracy of, Georges, and Pichegru, ii. #221# —his trial, #225# —different tactics of Napoleon and, #357# —discovery of the plot of, iv. 183

Moscow, the conflagration of, iii. #164#, #172#, —consequences of the, #165# —the approach to, #167# —description of, #168# —its public buildings, #169# —cause of the re-burning of, #171# —conduct of the inhabitants of, #173#.

Murat, death of, i. #351# —particulars respecting, _ib._ —Napoleon’s clemency to, #352# —letter from Napoleon to, on the affairs of Spain, ii. #302# —his treachery, #396# —his character drawn by Napoleon, #397#.

Nantes, Anecdotes of the Bishop of, iii. #128#.

Narbonne, Count de, Maria Louisa’s dislike of, i. #202# —attachment of the Emperor to, ii, #89#.

National Debt, English, remarks of Napoleon on the, iii. #252# —means of reducing the, #253#.

Nations, plans for the concentration of different, iv. 104 —the Emperor’s reasons for not divulging these plans, 108.

Navy, Napoleon’s plans for improving the, iv. 83.

Newlands, removal of Las Cases to, iv. 269 —account of his stay there, 270.

Ney, Napoleon’s remarks on the memorial in justification of, i. #257# —comparison between the fates of Turenne and, #259# —Napoleon’s reflections on the death of, ii. #15# —reconciliation of the Emperor with, iii. #299#.

Nintz, Napoleon’s sentimental journey to, iii. #88#

Nobility, Napoleon’s objects in creating, iv. 178.

Northumberland, the conduct of the crew of, to Napoleon, i. #52# —description of the Emperor’s cabin on board, #53# —departure of, ii. #334#.

Offenbach, Las Cases’ residence at, iv. 380

O’Meara, Dr., the Emperor’s explanation with, ii. #128# —Las Cases’ remarks respecting the action brought against, by Sir Hudson Lowe, iv. 17 —extracts from his work, #246# —Sir Hudson Lowe’s tyrannic treatment of, iv. 355 —the Governor’s letter to Count Montholon respecting the removal of, 362

Paris, Napoleon’s improvements at, iii. #97# —his entry into, on his return from Elba, #301#

Parisians, habits of the, ii. #246#

Parliament, Las Cases’ Petition to, iv. 326

Patience, German, curious instance of, ii. #276#.

Paul, Emperor, character of, iii. #109# —letters of, #116#

Physiognomy, observations of Napoleon on, ii. #210#, #389#

Pichegru, account of, i. #74# —his opinion of Napoleon, #76# —betrayal of, ii. #222# —trial of, #225# —discovery of the plot of, #183#.

Piedmont, power of the king of, iii. #93#.

Piontkowski, some account of, i. #364# —caricature on his arrival at St. Helena, #365# —arrested by Sir Hudson Lowe, iii. #360#

Pitt, Mr., his influence, ii. #364# —his imputed tyranny, #367# —remarks of Napoleon on, iv. 79

Plantation House, account of, i. #304#

Plymouth, curiosity excited at, by the arrival of Napoleon at, i. #36#

Poets, French, Napoleon’s opinion of, i. #368#

Politeness, importance of, ii. #167#

Politics, French, the Emperor’s views of, i. #360#

Political economy, Napoleon’s ideas of, and plans on, ii. #350#, iv. 81

Polygamy, observations on, iii. #318#

Polytechnic school, suppressions of, iii. #124#

Pope, situation of the, at Fontainebleau, i. #253#

—--, power of the, iii. #129#

Portalis, disgrace of, i. #181#

Pradt, Abbé de, his analysis of the character of Napoleon, i. #269# —defends the Emperor against the animadversions of the Allied Sovereigns, #271# —describes the Emperor’s Court at Dresden, ii. #103#

Prague, the Congress of, iii. #216# —negociations at, #225#

Predestination, Napoleon’s ideas of, iii. #347#

Prefects, their power, iv. 85 —liberality of Napoleon to, 87

Press, liberty of the, under Napoleon, i. #280# —conversation on the, ii. #291#

Prince of the Peace; the, and Napoleon, ii. #298#

Princes, Napoleon’s remarks on the education of, i. #204#

Prisoners, proposed exchange of French and English, iv. 40 —treatment of, in France, 45 —anecdotes of English, 70

Prisons, French state of, iii. #31# —the Emperor’s observations on, #34#

Protestantism and Popery, iii. #128#

Provisional Government, the, presented to the Emperor, i. #13#

Prussia, the Queen of, anecdote of Napoleon and the, i. #276# —interview between her and Napoleon at Tilsit, ii. #308#

———— the king of, differences between him and Napoleon, ii. #311# —his awkwardness, _ib._

Rats, annoyances from, at St. Helena, ii. #357#

Reade, Colonel, visits Napoleon, iii. #353#

Recamier Madame, particulars relative to, iv. 151

Religion, conversation of Napoleon on, ii. #253#, iii. #125#

Rewbel, described by Napoleon, ii. #258#

Revolution, Napoleon’s notes on Robespierre and the other leaders of the, ii. #288# —observations of the Emperor on the, iii. #242# —effects of the, #266#

Revolutions, discourse of Napoleon on, iii. #241#

Robespierre, character of, i. #221#

—-- the younger, i. #100#

Rochefoucault, M. de-la,Napoleon’s account of, iv. 166

Rome, the King of, his education, i. #203# —particulars of his birth, ii. #21#, iii. #274#

Ross, Captain, his agreeable manners, i. #120#

Russia, discourse on the war with, ii. #104#, iv. 109 —conversation of Napoleon regarding, iii. #162# —the Emperor’s views and intentions with respect to the war with, iv. 19 —physical advantages of, 73

—-- the Emperor of, Napoleon’s remarks on, i. #400# —conversation respecting the war with, ii. #104# —plans of, #107# —his attachment to Napoleon, #312# —Las Cases’ letter to, #312#

St. Denis, expiatory altars at, i. #224#

—-- Domingo, the expedition to, ii. #279#

Santini projects the assassination of Sir Hudson Lowe, iii. #53#

—-- adventures of, iv. 389

Savary, reply of, to an agent of the king’s, ii. #314# —conversation of Napoleon in the bills of, iii. #310#

St. Helena, the Emperor protests against his removal to, i. #37# —arrival of Napoleon at, #154# —ball given by the Admiral at, #226# —Government of, #309## —the Emperor’s remarks on, #346# —scanty resources of, #347# —unhealthy climate of, ii. #40# —arrival of the Foreign Commissioners at, #315# —shooting party at, iii. #122# —departure of Las Cases from, iv. 243

St. Jean D’Acre, particulars relative to the siege of, i. #140#

St. Pierre, Bernardin, his writings, i. #332#

Saxony, the campaigns of, observations of Napoleon on the, iii. #209# —M. Montveran’s account of, #213# —negociations during, #219# —fatalities and perfidies which caused the failure of Napoleon in, #229# —summary of, #275#

Schönbrunn, the fanatic of, ii. #51#

Schools, military, Napoleon’s plan of education in, ii. #243#

Secretaries of state, opinion of, iii. #314#

Sensibility, remarks on, iii. :316

Serrurier, Napoleon’s opinion of, i. #189#

Sidmouth, Lord, account of, iv. 153 —Las Cases letter to, 294

Sieyes, his opinion of Napoleon, i. #172# —avarice and knavery of, ii. #382# —anecdotes of, iii. #390# —character of, #391#

Smith, Sir Sydney, remarks on, iii. #200#

Somerset, Lord, Las Cases letters to, iv. 254, 255, 261, 264 —character of, 268

Soult, injustice done to, ii. #29# —anecdote of Napoleon and the wife of, #143#

Spain, Napoleon’s remarks on the war in, ii. #134#, #292# —errors committed during the war in, #296#

Spaniards, character of ii. #136#

Stuart, Mrs., Napoleon’s conversation with, i. #197#

Suffren, M. de, account of, iv. 82

Supplement to the Memoirs of Las Cases’, iv. 393

Talleyrand, Napoleon’s comments on, ii. #64#, iii. #118#

Tartuffe, opinion of, iii. #144#

Tascher, Mlle. de, her marriage, i. #202#

Thionville, attack of the Emigrants on, iii. #80#

Throne, Imperial, establishment of the, iii. #269#

Tilsit, transactions during the conferences at, ii. #307#

Torbay, arrival of the Emperor at, i. #32#

Toulon, surrendered to the English, i. #86#

Tourneur, de la Manche, Napoleon’s account of, ii. #261#

Tours, the Archbishop of, iii. #136#

Toussaint L’Ouverture, some account of, ii. #280#

Trade-winds, explained, i. #110#

Tribunate, Napoleon’s reasons for dismissing the, i. #185#

Tristan de Montholon, instructed by Napoleon, ii. #388#

Tuileries, attack on the, iii. #90# —allusions to Napoleon’s court at, #257#

Tygerberg, account of Las Cases residence at, iv. 278

Valency, situation of the Spanish Princes at, i. #252#

Versailles, observations on the Court of, iii. #59#

Veterans, Napoleon’s intentions respecting the employment of, ii. #245#

Voltaire, criticism on his Mahomet, ii. #94#

Wales, the Prince of, his marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert, ii. #370# —his excesses, #371# —fascinating manners of, #373# —his treatment of the Princess, _ib._ —Las Cases’ letter to, iv. 259

—-- Princess Charlotte of, opinion of the English respecting, iv. 98 —her high spirit, 99

War, the art of, remarks of Napoleon on, iv. 143

Ware, Col. visits Las Cases, iv. 271

Waterloo, the battle of, Napoleon accounts for his losing it, i. #249#, iv. 161 —measures that might have been adopted by Napoleon after, ii. #52# —the Emperor’s hesitation as to the course to be pursued after, #56# —his recollections of, #333# —his narrative of, iii. #179# —resources of France after, #179# —the motives which regulated Napoleon’s conduct after, #181#

Wellington, Lord, Napoleon’s remarks on, iv. 160

Whitworth, Lord, reported conversation between him and Napoleon, ii. #270#

Wilks, Governor, his interview with Napoleon at St. Helena, i. #325# —takes leave of the Emperor, ii. #84#

Wilson, Sir Robt., erroneous statements of, i. #123#

Wine, bad, furnished to Napoleon, iii. #257# —allowance of, to the Emperor’s household, #289#

Women, Napoleon’s jokes upon, ii. #239# —repugnance of, to let their age be known, iii. #258#

Wurmser, campaign against, iii. #114#

Footnotes

Transcriber’s Note

Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. The issues tabulated below should be noted, along with the resolutions.

Variants of proper names have been replaced with the most commonly accepted version, in order to facilitate text searches.

The formatting and punctuation in the Index, which covers all four volumes, has been normalized where necessary to follow the intended styles.

There were a number of instances in the text where quoted material was missing either an opening or closing quotation mark. The proper placement is not always obvious, but the most plausible choice has been made in each case.

One instance occurs on p. 247, when Las Cases is paraphrasing a passage from Barry O’Meara’s book _Napolean in Exile_: the passage beginning ‘only wanted to make’ is as suitable a place as any to re-assume the quotation and make sense of the closing quotation mark several lines later.

The references in the table below are to the page and line in the original printed text. Entries for the index will have an indicator of the column as the second digit.

10.8 delivered up defenceless to the barbarians.[”] Added.

34.38 he had just em[lp/pl]oyed; Transposed.

44.10 [“]When, at length, they determined to treat Added.

49.16 that would inev[eti/it]ably have been imposed Replaced.

49.22 Inserted in that Jo[u]rnal Added.

51.8 yet the pro[gid/dig]ies of his return Transposed.

54.11 Vimereux, Amblet[ue/eu]se, and Etaples Transposed.

58.27 But the object which particular[l]y engrossed Added.

58.40 and Decr[e/è]s, the minister, indefatigably Replaced. prosecuted

67.42 they would have given me every proof of it[.]” Added.

68.37 better and better pleased with your book.[”] Added.

73.9 answering any inq[iu/ui]ries he might make Transposed.

74.35 (this he pronounced very emphaticall[l]y) Removed.

81.1 the Minister Decr[é/è]s, on the subject here Replaced. alluded to.

92.10 a whim on the pa[s/r]t of the conqueror? Replaced.

94.38 Then, after a few moments[’] silence Added.

105.38 but Frederick the Great.[”] Added.

112.40 saying, [“]I go to oppose the enemy, Added.

113.20 the deg[ar/ra]ding conditions which were Transposed. transmitted

121.6 upon Paris[, /. “]Here I wanted firmness,” Replaced. said he;

122.9 “Yes,” said the Emperor, [“]and those orders Added.

122.21 It is certain that at Fontain[e]bleau Added.

125.36 The victories of Cham[p]-Aubert, Montmirail, Added.

126.23 he would never allow it[ it] to be said Removed.

130.36 from delica[c]y to the Emperor Alexander. Added.

136.1 that he had int[ne/en]ded to make choice Transposed.

136.21 one of his Ministers (the Duke Decr[é/è]s) Replaced.

141.15 the most su[r]prising character Added.

143.34 that it should be sup[p]ressed Added.

148.22 [“]But,” it was asked, Added.

148.41 Historie critique et raisonn[e/é]e Replaced.

157.4 of the monstrous in[s/c]onsistency of a Replaced. Minister

164.29 and a man of considerable fortune.[”] Added.

169.26 [“]At the same period, Removed.

180.30 [“]I have seen the plan of my own battle Added.

193.15 the Duke d’Engh[ei/ie]n, who might now be Transposed. convicted

208.8 I therefor[s/e] wrote to the Governor Replaced.

212.10 You have spok[o/e]n to me, Sir Replaced.

214.11 to converse with me re[s]pecting the letters Added.

215.42 ready for you some time[;] it was written Restored.

221.22 the first article of his in[s]tructions Added.

221.35 those persons who are in[s]trusted with the Removed. keeping

230.7 [“]You are too advantageously situated Added.

241.14 to permit me [s/t]o seal them with my arms Replaced.

242.22 [“]DEC. 31, 1816.” Added.

246.27 describes the Emperor to have said[,] Added.

247.5 that Sir Hudson Lowe said[,] Added.

247.8 [“]only wanted to make an instrument of him Added.

251.20 [vieing] with each other _sic_

262.38 he was acting in[ in] conformity with orders Redundant.

263.38 the reproach of having addr[e]ssed no Added. complaint

265.11 to depend entirely on my own resour[s/c]es. Replaced.

268.6 I had been so exce[e]dingly unwell Added.

272.6 visited in our solitude [h/b] numerous Replaced. officers

285.9 Thus I was absolut[le/el]y a prisoner Transposed.

286.13 Our b[i/e]rth was small, dirty, and Replaced. inconvenient

306.29 it was found nec[c]essary to allow me Removed.

327.9 if they never had been tran[s]gressed. Added.

328.29 and not to cho[o]se for him Added.

329.40 to be thus compromised[./?] Replaced.

330.1 and by removing or with[h]olding Added.

332.23 of the feelings of the illustr[i]ous victim? Added.

337.29 of your laws to foreign solicitations.[’] Added.

347.31 without incurring my anger—--[”] Added.

348.36 also the pe[e/c]uliar circumstances Replaced.

352.41 and pronounce[d] in the last instance Added.

368.20 on board the _Bel[l]erophon>_ Added.

370.30 is inspired with the [c/s]ame sentiments Replaced.

371.5 [“]I have at last received Removed.

371.14 [“]My health is still as indifferent Removed.T

394.5 [“]You are a physician,” replied he laughing, Added.

394.19 near the limpid stream of this pure water.[”] Added.

409.28 in order to dis[c]harge my legacies. Added.

413.1.45 Army, the French, conspiracy in,[ in] Egypt, Removed.