Memoirs of the Generals, Commodores and other Commanders, who distinguished themselves in the American army and navy during the wars of the Revolution and 1812, and who were presented with medals by Congress for their gallant services

Part 2

Chapter 23,961 wordsPublic domain

At a consultation among the generals it was determined that at this post they should take their stand. After reconnoitering the fortifications, and finding them so well prepared to resist an attack, the British general re-embarked his forces and retired to Canada.

Immediately on the withdrawal of the British troops, General Gates repaired to Washington’s army, leaving Colonel Wayne in entire charge of Ticonderoga. This high compliment paid to Colonel Wayne, agreeable to the troops and approved of by Congress, caused the gallant soldier to be promoted to the rank of Brigadier-general. He remained at this post six months, when, Washington having marched his main army into Jersey, General Wayne solicited permission to join him, which he did at Bound Brook, a few miles from Brunswick, in New Jersey. Soon after the arrival of Wayne, General Howe, having received reinforcements from England, at New York, took up his line of march across Jersey, in order to intercept the American army before reaching Philadelphia. Washington conceived the plan of General Howe to be to surprise the city of Philadelphia and disperse the congressional assembly, who were then sitting there; he accordingly dispatched Wayne and his troops to meet and strike them, in order to resist their passage at Chad’s Ford. This was done, and a sharp conflict ensued, which was gallantly kept up until late in the evening, when it was thought prudent to retreat; the loss sustained by the Americans was stated to be three hundred killed and four hundred taken prisoners. The statement given by the British general himself, was one hundred killed and four hundred wounded, but which was afterwards ascertained to be nearly double that number. In this battle the young patriot Lafayette first drew his sword in the cause of America’s freedom, and although severely wounded in his leg at the very onset of the battle, he continued to cheer and encourage his soldiers, (with the blood flowing from his wound, having bound his sash around it,) till the end of the conflict.

The British, taking a circuitous route, now marched with all haste towards Philadelphia, and Washington wishing to give them the meeting before reaching the city, retired to Chester, where both armies met at some distance from the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. General Wayne commenced the action with great spirit, but a violent storm came on which rendered it impossible for the battle to continue, and each army withdrew from the field.

Washington, in order to save Philadelphia, with the main army fell back and crossed the Schuylkill at Parker’s ferry, leaving General Wayne with about fifteen hundred men to watch the enemy, who had retreated back about three miles. After remaining at that post for four days, he was apprised of the near approach of the British army, and after giving three distinct orders to one of his colonels to lead off by another road and attack the enemy in the rear, which order was not understood, and consequently not obeyed, gave the British time to come upon them before they could make good their retreat. The enemy fell upon them with the cry of “No quarters,” and one hundred and fifty of his brave men were killed and wounded in this barbarous massacre. The next battle at which this valiant soldier distinguished himself, was at Germantown. The British having taken a position in the immediate vicinity of that village, General Wayne, moving with much secrecy, attacked them in their camp at the dawn of day, but after many hours of hard fighting and a succession of untoward circumstances, was obliged to retreat. The loss of the Americans in this action, was one hundred and fifty-two killed, five hundred and twenty-one wounded, and four hundred taken prisoners; the loss of the British was eight hundred killed and wounded.

The British army remained in nearly the same position till the 26th of October, when General Howe, with a detachment of his troops, took peaceable possession of Philadelphia. _Watson, in his Annals of Philadelphia, says_,--“As they entered the city, Lord Cornwallis at their head led the van. They marched down Second street without any huzzaing or insolence whatever, and the citizens thronged the sidewalks with serious countenances, looking at them. The artillery were quartered in Chestnut street, between Third and Sixth streets. The State House yard was made use of as a parade ground.”

Congress had previously been removed to Lancaster, in the interior of the state, sixty miles from Philadelphia. Washington and his army were posted at White Marsh, about fourteen miles from Philadelphia, and in order to draw the commander-in-chief from his strong position, the British general, Howe, marched his soldiers to the neighborhood of the American lines, and after many demonstrations of attack, finding that Washington was not disposed to bring on another action, retreated again to the city. This gave Washington an opportunity of proceeding to Valley Forge, where, in the month of December, with his almost famished and naked soldiers, they cheerfully commenced building huts with their own hands in the woods. Early in January, General Wayne repaired to Lancaster, where the government was then located, to use his exertions in raising supplies, both of provisions and clothing, for the army.

In part did he succeed, but the scarcity of provisions becoming so great, that Washington was at length compelled to detach a body of troops, under General Greene, with orders to obtain “an immediate supply of provisions by any means within his power.” This was done by seizing every animal fit for slaughter; and by this means the immediate wants of the starving troops were supplied.

In order to prevent a similar deplorable state of want, our gallant hero, who knew no danger, in the month of February, a most inclement season, left the army with a body of troops on an expedition to New Jersey, to secure cattle on the banks of the Delaware.

This, of all others, was a dangerous enterprise, for the British were wintering in detachments in many places near the Delaware. However, in our hero bravery knew no fear, and for the relief of his suffering soldiers he was determined to attack and wrest from the British, (whenever he came in contact,) provisions for his men and sustenance for his horses. After several skirmishes, which might really be termed battles, he succeeded, by his soldier-like and judicious management, in capturing from them and sending to the American camp several hundred fine cattle, some excellent horses, and a large amount of forage. About the middle of March he returned to Valley Forge, to receive the thanks of his commander-in-chief and the blessings of the army. The British remained in quiet possession of Philadelphia till the 18th of June following, when they commenced their march through Jersey. On the same day Washington left Valley Forge in order to follow them, and on the 24th encamped about five miles from Princeton, while the British had encamped at Allentown. During the winter General Howe had requested to be recalled, and the command now devolved upon Sir Henry Clinton. Wayne, with four thousand men, was ordered, accompanied by Lafayette, with one thousand men, to take a position near Monmouth Courthouse, about five miles in the rear of the British camp, in order to prevent their reaching the Highlands of New York. Washington, who had determined to attack the British the moment they moved from their ground, received intelligence on the morning of the 28th of June that they were on their way. The troops were immediately under arms, and General Lee ordered to march on and attack the rear, as the enemy advanced towards the troops of Wayne and Lafayette. This was done, and the Americans, though much fatigued by their previous march, fought with such determined bravery that the British gave way. Taking advantage of the night, which saved them from a total rout, they withdrew to the heights of Middletown, leaving behind them two hundred and forty-five killed of their soldiers, and many of their officers; others they had before interred. The following is an extract of a letter of Wayne to a friend:--

“_Paramus, 12th July, 1778._

“We have been in perpetual motion ever since we crossed the Delaware until yesterday, when we arrived here, where we shall be stationary for a few days, in order to recruit a little after the fatigue which we have experienced in marching through deserts, burning sands, &c. &c.

“The enemy, sore from the action of the 28th ult., seemed inclined to rest also. They are now in three divisions; one on Long Island, another on Staten Island, and a third in New York.

“The victory on that day turns out to be much more considerable than at first supposed. An officer who remained on the ground two or three days after the action, says that nearly three hundred British had been buried by us on the field, and numbers discovered in the woods, exclusive of those buried by the enemy, not much short of one hundred. So that by the most moderate calculation, their killed and wounded must amount to eleven hundred, the flower of their army, and many of them of the richest blood of England.

“Tell those Philadelphia ladies who attended Howe’s assemblies and levees, that the heavenly, sweet red-coats, the accomplished gentlemen of the guards and grenadiers, have been humbled on the plains of Monmouth. These knights have resigned their laurels to rebel officers, who will lay them at the feet of those virtuous daughters of America, who cheerfully gave up ease and affluence in a city, for liberty and peace of mind in a cottage.

“Adieu, and believe me

“Yours most sincerely,

“ANTHONY WAYNE.”

The British commander, having in the night escaped from his adversary, took a strong position on the high grounds about Middletown, where remaining, however, but a few days, he proceeded to Sandy Hook, and passed over to New York.

Washington, at this time, proceeded by slow and easy marches to the Highlands of the Hudson.

It was his intention to fortify West Point, and the Highlands of the North River; accordingly the works at Stony and Verplanck’s Points were commenced for that purpose, yet only on Verplanck’s a small but strong work had been completed and garrisoned by seventy men, under Captain Armstrong, while the works on Stony Point, of much greater extent and of incomparably more importance, were unfinished. To secure these valuable positions was a matter of great magnitude both to the British as well as American commander-in-chief; hence was the determination of fortifying the Highlands, so as to comprehend within it these important positions. To arrest the progress of these fortifications, Sir Henry Clinton sailed with a fleet up the Hudson, and landed his troops in two divisions; the one under General Vaughan, destined against the works at Verplanck’s on the east side of the river--the other, which he commanded in person, against those of Stony Point, on the west side. The fortifications on Stony Point being unfinished, were abandoned without resistance, on the approach of the enemy, who instantly commenced dragging some heavy cannon and mortars to the summit of the hill, and on the next morning about sunrise opened a battery on Fort Fayette, erected on Verplanck’s, the distance across being about one thousand yards.

The cannonade during the day, from the very commanding position of Stony Point, as also from vessels and gun-boats in the river, occasioned much injury to the fort; which, being invested both by water and land, and no means of saving the garrison now remaining, Captain Armstrong, (who had command,) after a gallant resistance, was compelled to surrender himself and troops prisoners of war. Sir Henry proceeded immediately to place both forts in what he supposed a perfect state of defence, especially that of Stony Point, which he garrisoned with six hundred men, under the command of an officer distinguished for his bravery and circumspection. In consequence of Washington being now at West Point, Sir Henry declined a further movement up the Hudson, but remained with his army at Phillipsburg, about midway between New York and Stony Point. Immediately on the arrival of Wayne at head quarters, Washington commenced laying plans for the recapture of Stony Point, and in a conference between the commander-in-chief and Wayne, the latter, emphatically to express his willingness to undertake the perilous enterprise, is said to have remarked:--“General, if _you_ will only plan it, I will storm _Hell_!”

As no industry had been wanting in completing or repairing the works at Stony Point, which the length of possession by the British would admit of, that post was now in a very strong state of defence; its garrison consisted of the seventeenth regiment of foot, the grenadier companies of the seventy-first and some artillery; the whole under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Johnson. The garrison at Verplanck’s was under the conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Webster, and was at least equal in force to that of Stony Point. General Wayne was appointed to the difficult and arduous task of surprising and storming Stony Point, for which Washington provided him with a strong detachment of the most active infantry in the American service. These troops had a distance of about fourteen miles to travel over high mountains, through deep morasses, difficult defiles and roads exceedingly bad and narrow, so that they could only move in single files during the greatest part of their journey. About eight o’clock in the evening of the 15th of July, the van arrived within a mile and a half of their object, where they halted, and the troops were formed into two columns as fast as they came up. While they were in this position, Wayne, with most of his principal officers, went to reconnoitre the works, and to observe the situation of the garrison. It was near midnight before the two columns approached the place; that on the right, consisting of Febiger and Meigs’ regiments, was led by General Wayne. The van, consisting of one hundred and fifty picked men, led by the most adventurous officers, and commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Fleury, advanced to the attack, with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. They were preceded by an avant-guard, consisting of an officer of the most distinguished courage, accompanied by twenty of the most desperate private men, who, with other officers, were intended to remove the _abatis_, and whatever obstructions lay in the way of the succeeding troops. The column on the left, was led by a similar chosen van, with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets, under the command of Major Stewart; and that was also preceded by a similar avant-guard. The general issued the most positive orders to both columns, (which they strictly adhered to,) not to fire a shot on any account, but to place their whole reliance on the bayonet. The two attacks seem to have been directed to opposite points of the works; whilst a detachment under Major Murfree engaged the attention of the garrison, by a feint in their front. They found the approaches more difficult than even their knowledge of the place had induced them to expect; the works being covered by a deep morass, which, at this time, happened to be overflowed by the tide.

The general, in his official papers, says, “that neither the deep morass, the formidable and double rows of _abatis_, or the strong works in front and flank could damp the ardor of his brave troops; who, in the face of a most incessant and tremendous fire of musketry, and of cannon loaded with grape-shot, forced their way at the point of the bayonet through every obstacle, until the van of each column met in the centre of the works, where they arrived at nearly the same time.” General Wayne was wounded in the head by a musket-ball, as he passed the last _abatis_; but was gallantly supported and assisted through the works by his two brave aids-de-camp, Fishbourn and Archer, to whom he acknowledges the utmost gratitude in his public letter. Colonel Fleury, a French officer, had the honor of striking the British standard with his own hand, and placing in its room the American stars and stripes. Major Stewart and several other officers received great praise; particularly the two Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox, one of whom led the avant-guard on the right, and the other on the left. Both, however, had the good fortune to escape unhurt, although Lieutenant Gibbons lost seventeen men out of twenty in the attack.

There is nothing in the annals of war which affords more room for surprise, and seems less to be accounted for, than the prodigious disparity between the numbers slain in those different actions, which seem otherwise similar or greatly to correspond in their principal circumstances, nature and magnitude. Nothing could well be supposed, from its nature and circumstances, more bloody, in proportion to the numbers engaged, than this action; and yet the loss on both sides was exceedingly moderate.

Nothing could exceed the triumph of America and Americans generally, upon the success of this enterprize, and the vigor and spirit with which it was conducted.

It must, indeed, be acknowledged, that considered in all its parts and difficulties, it would have done honor to the most veteran soldiers. General Washington, the Congress, the General Assembly, and the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, were emulous in their acknowledgments, and in the praises which they bestowed upon General Wayne, his officers and troops. In these they particularly applaud the humanity and clemency shown to the vanquished, when, by the laws of war, and stimulated by resentment from the remembrance of former cruelty received from the British, they would have been justified in putting the whole garrison to the sword.

As soon as Stony Point was taken, the artillery was directly turned against Verplanck’s, and a furious cannonade ensued which necessarily obliged the shipping at the latter place to cut their cables and fall down the river. The news of this disaster, and of Webster’s situation, who also expected an immediate attack on the land side, no sooner reached Sir Harry Clinton, than he took the most speedy measures for the relief of Verplanck’s. The whole British land and naval force was in motion. But, however great the importance or value of Stony Point and Verplanck’s, Washington was by no means disposed to hazard a general engagement on their account; more especially in a situation where the command of the river would afford such decisive advantages to his enemy in the disposition and sudden movement of their troops, whether with respect to the immediate point of action, or to the seizing of the passes, and cutting off the retreat of his army, as might probably be attended with the most fatal consequences.

In his letter to Congress, he says, that it had been previously determined in council not to attempt keeping that post, and that nothing more was originally intended than the destruction of the works and seizing the artillery and stores. This adventurous and daring feat kept the advanced posts of the British in a state of serious alarm.

By the journals of Congress for July 26, 1779, it appears that the attack on the fort at Stony Point was ordered by General Washington on the 10th of July. General Wayne issued his orders on the 15th, on the night of which day the attack was made. The prisoners taken were five hundred and forty-three; not a musket was fired by the Americans; and although the laws of war and the principle of retaliation for past cruelty, would have justified the sacrifice of the garrison, yet not a man was killed who asked for quarters. Soon after this gallant action, General Wayne repaired to his family in Chester county, and thence to the seat of Government, to use his exertions in stimulating the councils of the nation in behalf of the suffering army, one-half of which was at this time nearly barefooted, and otherwise destitute of comforts. As the winter was now approaching, Washington was preparing to take up his quarters at Morristown, New Jersey, in order to restrain the British, who were then stationed at New York, from incursions into the adjacent country.

In May, 1780, Wayne was ordered to repair to the camp at Morristown, and resume his command in the Pennsylvania line. Little more than useless marches, and casual skirmishes with the enemy was accomplished during this year.

In November of the same year Wayne appears before his government supplicating supplies for his soldiers. This he accomplished, and returned in December to his winter quarters at Morristown, where he remained till the end of February, 1781. Receiving orders to join the southern army under General Greene, now in Virginia, Wayne accordingly commenced collecting his troops; but, from so many and unaccountable delays, it was May before he could concentrate them at York, Pennsylvania. Early in June the Pennsylvania troops, eleven hundred in number, formed a junction with Lafayette, whom they met in Virginia, and determined at once to march against Cornwallis, who was now retreating. Lafayette held a position about twenty miles in the rear of the British, whilst the advanced corps of Wayne kept within eight or nine miles, with the intention of commencing an attack on the rear guard, after the main body should have passed the river. Lafayette, having received intelligence that the enemy were preparing to cross the James river, he immediately took a position at Chickahominy church, eight miles above Jamestown. Early the following morning, Wayne believing that the main army of the British had effected its passage, was determined to march forward and attack the rear guard; but upon arriving within sight he found he was mistaken, and that he had now to confront the whole British force with only five hundred men; the only safe mode which he could now calculate upon, was that of attacking vigorously and retreating precipitately. “For,” said he, “moments decide the fate of battles,” and accordingly the firing was commenced with great firmness at three o’clock, and continued till five in the afternoon.

In this severe but gallant action one hundred and eight of the Continental troops were killed, wounded and taken; most of the officers were severely wounded, and many of the field officers had their horses killed under them. Lafayette, in his official notice of this action, says--“From every account the enemy’s loss has been very great, and much pains taken to conceal it.”

In a letter from General Washington to Wayne, he adds:--“The Marquis Lafayette speaks in the handsomest manner of your own behavior, and that of the troops, in the action at Green Spring. I think the account which Lord Cornwallis will be obliged to render of the state of southern affairs, will not be very pleasing to ministerial eyes and ears, especially after what appears to have been their expectations by their intercepted letters of March last. I am in hopes that Virginia will be soon, if not before this time, so far relieved as to permit you to march to the succor of General Greene, who, with a handful of men, has done more than could possibly have been expected; should he be enabled to maintain his advantage in the Carolinas and Georgia, it cannot fail of having the most important political consequences in Europe.” The movements of Cornwallis indicated a permanent post at Yorktown, a short distance up the York river, where he had removed the principal part of his forces, and commenced his fortifications. Washington hearing of this movement, commanded Lafayette to take early measures to intercept the retreat of Cornwallis, should he discover the intended blow, and attempt a retreat by North Carolina.