CHAPTER XVIII

Duke Guidobaldo's retired life--Cesare Borgia surprises and seizes Urbino--The Duke's flight--The diet of La Magione--Rising in the Duchy, and his return--He again retires.

Our attention has been long distracted from our mountain duchy, whose lord sought, in the peaceful retreat of his elegant court and happy home, to isolate himself from intrigues alien to his tastes and perilous to his welfare. The notices we shall gather of his social circle towards the close of his life would doubtless apply, in part, to this period, so barren of incidents as to have baffled our research. All we know of him after his return from Venice is, that at Easter, in 1500, he visited Rome, with a suite of six horsemen and sixty attendants on foot, to observe with due honour the jubilee functions, and that, in the following February, one Camillo Caraccioli was hanged at Urbino, as an emissary of Valentino, suspected of a design to assassinate the Duke. In November, 1501, he met with a severe political as well as domestic loss in the death of his brother-in-law Giovanni della Rovere, Lord of Sinigaglia, and Prefect of Rome. In pursuance of the arrangement already referred to, of adopting his son Francesco Maria as heir of Urbino, the boy, then in his twelfth year, was removed to that court; and with a view to throw these parties more completely off their guard, Alexander continued to the youth his father's dignity of prefect, with which he was solemnly invested, on the 24th of April, in the cathedral of Urbino, a hint being still held out of betrothing him to Angela Borgia, niece of his Holiness. The installation was not attended by the Duchess, who, when the ceremonies and fetes of Lucrezia Borgia's marriage were concluded at Ferrara, had proceeded to Venice, accompanying her sister-in-law the Marchioness of Mantua, and attended by her faithful Emilia Pia. They remained there during several weeks, preserving a nominal incognito, and attending public sights muffled in their hoods, but received from the Signory a compliment of confectionary and wax to the amount of twenty-five ducats. On Easter Thursday they went to Verona and so to Mantua, where the Duchess remained until joined by her lord on his flight from Urbino.

* * * * *

The ambition of the Borgia must again claim our attention. For the nominal purpose of avenging upon the Colonna and Savelli their adherence to the King of Naples, Alexander had anew instituted an active persecution against these powerful barons of the Campagna and their inviting fiefs. But a larger field was wanting for Cesare's ever-expanding designs. Tuscany and Bologna were now under the protection of Louis XII.; the heir of Ferrara had become his brother-in-law; so was he compelled to turn towards La Marca in pursuit of his plans of usurpation. The Pope, having on some idle ground declared the fief of Camerino forfeited by Giulio Cesare Varana, its hereditary seigneur, sent Valentino to expel him by arms. At the same time, Vitellozzo Vitelli, lieutenant-general in Cesare's service, laid siege to Arezzo, on pretext of avenging his brother Paolo's judicial murder by the Florentines, but having, no doubt, a secret understanding with his master. The events, now crowding upon each other, which reduced Guidobaldo within a few hours from his flourishing sovereignty to proscription and exile, are clearly narrated in a letter written by himself a few days after his romantic escape, and addressed to Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, the uncle of his adopted heir, whom we shall, ere long, have to notice as Pope Julius II. It has been printed by Leone in his life of Duke Francesco Maria I.; but our translation was made from a contemporary copy in the Vatican library.[290] That the costly visit of Lucrezia to Urbino,[*291] the journey of Duchess Elisabetta to Ferrara, the withdrawal of troops and money to Arezzo, and the demand for artillery, were all parts of a deep-laid design to embarrass Guidobaldo, and facilitate the treacherous seizure of his capital by Cesare Borgia, is established beyond question by that letter. The attachment of his subjects, the respectability of his character, the support of France and of Venice secured to him by solemn pactions, the personal influence with Louis of his relation the Cardinal della Rovere, and the strength of his country, all presented most serious political and military obstacles to the employment against the Duke of the same means by which Valentino had gained a footing in Romagna. A surprise might anticipate remonstrance and paralyse resistance. Recourse was therefore had to treachery, and its success was equal to the cunning which prepared and the dexterity which effected it.

[Footnote 290: Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 188. In No. 904, f. 43, is the diary of a citizen of Urbino during the usurpation of Borgia, which has supplied us with many of the succeeding details.]

[Footnote *291: In this year begins _Diario delle Cose di Urbino_, which FEDERICO MADIAI has published in _Arch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria_, vol. III., p. 423 _et seq._ It begins on January 18, the day on which Lucrezia came to Urbino, "_con 150 cavalli e circa 2000 bocche_." "_Andò moglie di D. Ferrante figlio del Duca di Ferrara. Fu stimato che tra Gubbio, Cagli e Urbino il nostro Duca spendesse circa ottomila ducati._" For Gubbio, see A. PELLEGRINI, _Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi d'Urbino_, in _Boll. per l'Umbria_, vol. XI., p. 211 _et seq._]

"Most reverend Lord,

"Your Lordship has doubtless ere now learned the excessive treachery used towards me by the Pope and Duke Valentino, and must feel surprise at not having received from me any confirmation of the fact. I pray your pardon for this delay; but the great difficulties I encountered in saving myself have occupied all my thoughts, although that I have reached this, may be ascribed rather to a miraculous interposition of Providence than to anything else. But to put you in possession of the whole case, you must know that the affair of Arezzo against the Florentines being disclosed to me after the return of Nicoloso Doria, I could not credit such a piece of villainy, for I never did or conceived anything in regard to the Pope or Duke Valentino except for their pleasure and profit. I therefore remained in secure reliance, considering the expeditions against Tuscany and Camerino to be great and justifiable enterprises: and I did so the more that my agent in Rome daily received pressing assurances of affection and safety from the Pope, the Cardinal of Modena, Trotti, Signor Adriano, Signor Paolo Orsini, and Duke Valentino. The Cardinal, in particular, volunteered to me, through an Observantine friar of influence who was much in my interest, the most solemn assurances on his own responsibility that I had nothing to fear, and that, having seen every despatch sent to France, Germany, and Venice, he was certain my name was never alluded to but in friendly terms. Whilst I thus remained inactive, and ready to follow your Lordship's advice, which I had already most anxiously sought through the Lord Prefect, I heard of the Duke leaving Rome with his troops, and at the same moment was applied to for a thousand infantry by Vitellozzo, who having taken Arezzo was doubtful of carrying the citadel. To whom I replied, that I had every wish to oblige his Holiness, the Duke, and himself, but that, as the Florentines were under French protection, and, as I had no personal quarrel with them to plead, I wished he would get the Pope to send a written application to me as his vicar, which I would at once obey. This answer he took much amiss, and refused me, saying that he would have the place without me.

"There arrived soon after at Perugia the Bishop of Elna, as commissary-general of the Pope for the enterprise against Camerino, who sent me two Spanish gentlemen, with a letter from his Holiness, couched in the most affectionate terms, and stating that having ever found me in all respects devoted to the Church and to himself, he prayed me to concur in all the Duke's projects, and to execute the directions which I should receive from the Bishop. My reply placed myself at his Holiness's disposal. The Spaniards then informed me that my artillery must advance by Gubbio, Cagli, La Serra, and Sassoferrato, for which purpose I should have the roads repaired, and draught oxen provided; they likewise required me to give free passage and provisions for [an escort of] fifteen hundred foot. I immediately sent back with them Messer Dolce, to inform the Bishop that these instructions should all be willingly fulfilled, and I gave the necessary orders to the commissioner of Cagli and the lieutenant of Gubbio. I subsequently wrote to Messer Dolce at Perugia, desiring him to proceed as far as Spoleto to meet the Duke, and to wait upon his Excellency with every offer of service. He was received with all possible demonstrations of gratitude by the Duke, who assured him, with many thanks, that on no one in Italy could he look with the same fraternal attachment as myself; and who further earnestly entreated that I should send the thousand men to Vitellozzo. Messer Dolce having reported these matters to me, I instantly sent him back to represent my readiness to comply, on receiving from the Pope and his Excellency such letters as should discharge me of every responsibility with the King of France, and to propose that, since the exigence did not afford time to obtain these, Vitellozzo might raise five hundred men in my state, for which purpose I should contribute 1000 ducats, a force which would probably suffice, as I had just heard of his having reduced the citadel of Arezzo. I also prepared a beautiful charger with a surcoat of brocade, and sent them with Messer Dolce next day as a present, to the Duke.

"But the latter, having suddenly taken horse at Spoleto hurried towards Costaccioro, sending forward two thousand men, whom he called the foot artillery; and these, having been admitted by my people, according to my instructions, advanced without further leave upon Cagli. The Duke, hurrying after them, was met between Cagli and Cantiano by Messer Dolce, who at the same moment received advices from Fossombrone, that of the two thousand infantry whom the former had in Romagna for the enterprise against Camerino, one half had moved upon Isola di Fano, Sorbolongo, and Reforzato, which places commanded the passes between my territory and that of the Lord Prefect, and that, besides these, a soldier was quartered in every house at Fano. It further appeared that the Counts of Montevecchio and S. Lorenzo, who were hovering on that frontier, had within the last few days been taken into the Duke's pay.

"These several pieces of intelligence, so very different from my anticipations, reached me within the interval of an hour, about eight o'clock at night, whilst I was enjoying myself at supper in the country, supposing myself in perfect security. I hurried back to Urbino, and there found a message from the authorities of S. Marino, to inform me that the remaining thousand infantry of Romagna had advanced upon Verucchio and S. Arcangelo, well officered, occasioning them great alarm. Presently there reached me a letter from the commissioner of Cagli, intimating that the Duke had avowed hostile intentions, and would reach Urbino next morning. That place being in all respects unprovided for resistance, and its defences of no strength, I thought it well to make the best of my way on horseback, along with the Lord Prefect, three of my people, and a few archers, to S. Leo, my strongest fortress in Montefeltro, which is accessible by only two passes. I left instructions that matters should be so arranged that Urbino might suffer as little as possible, and at midnight I set out. By dawn I reached a castle [Monte Coppiolo] four miles distant from S. Leo, and there learned that the troops from Verucchio and S. Arcangelo, instead of marching upon S. Marino, had seized the passes of S. Leo, which was surrounded on all sides by the men of Rimini and Cesena, well organised. On hearing this, I despatched a person to ascertain how things were, and took the road to S. Agata, another of my Montefeltrian castles, on the confines of Tuscany and Romagna, which, though not of great strength, was a good quarter, and there I halted for a short rest to the horses, then nearly dead.

"Dismissing there the archers, I, with three mounted followers, thought it best to separate from the Lord Prefect, who, with two of his people, took the most secure route towards the Val di Bagno, whilst I, disguised as a peasant, followed the mountain paths towards the Tuscan frontier, and the strongholds in the bishopric of Sarsina, then held for the Duke. About fourteen miles from S. Agata, and eight beyond the frontier, at a stream called the Borello in the territory of Cesena, I was attacked by some country people, who pursued us with cries of 'blood, blood, murder them!' Within a bow-shot of me they seized one of my people who carried my money, and a guide, but the rest of us with great difficulty reached Castelnuovo, a small place belonging to the illustrious Signory [of Venice], but surrounded by the Duke of Romagna's territories. I arrived about eight o'clock at night, half dead with fatigue, and after writing to the authorities of Ravenna to represent what had occurred, I betook myself to rest. Next mid-day there came an answer from the magistrates of that city, twenty-six miles distant, enjoining me on no account to remain there, which I believe was given with a good intention, as the place seemed weak and open to the enemy.[292] I therefore begged permission to stay still until evening, and, changing my disguise, prepared to face what then seemed inevitable death. Meanwhile another messenger, who had been despatched by the authorities of Ravenna to hurry my departure, was arrested at Meldola, a mile from Castelnuovo, and being examined as to his business, avowed the whole affair; whereupon Valentino's officers instantly ordered the passes to be guarded, especially that toward Galeato in Tuscany, and the high road to Ravenna. Having heard of this about six o'clock p.m., from a woman of Meldola, I decided not to wait for night, and took horse, accompanied by two of my people, the messenger from Ravenna, his three attendants, and two guides. To deceive the enemy, we avoided the direct roads to Ravenna and Galeato, and resolved to push right through the heart of the Duke's territory, at the risk of an encounter with his force. Passing between Bertinoro and Cesena, we crossed the highway from Cesena to Forlimpopoli, a mile from the former town, and thence by cross roads reached Ravenna without interruption; a most surprising escape, as at nightfall, whilst still in the enemy's country, we heard from Cesena, Forlimpopoli, and Bertinoro discharges of artillery and alarm bells, and saw signal fires, and a rush towards the very places which we had just passed. After riding the whole night, we got at sunrise to Ravenna, where we were well received by the magistracy; and thence, through the state of Ferrara, we arrived here [at Mantua], where we were welcomed in the most affectionate manner I could wish by the Lord Marquis.

[Footnote 292: This rudeness was, however, visited by the Signory with a sharp rebuke.--SANUTO'S _Diaries_.]

"Your Reverence has now heard all, and will excuse my lengthy details. I beg you will inform his most Christian Majesty of the treachery employed towards me, relying on the scrupulous truth of this, which may stand the test of all the world. And as to the assertion of my having been expelled by my people, which I hear the Duke begins to put abroad, be assured that all those who were aware of my departure did nothing but bewail it. I recommend myself to your Reverence, assuring you that my only earthly desire is to submit myself to the opinion of his Majesty in this affair, whose good servant, as your Lordship knows, I have ever been and will continue.

"I hope in God that the Lord Prefect will escape, as the road he took was safer, and as I have heard no bad news of him. You should also know that as soon as the Duke reached Urbino, he wrote to Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio to seize and deliver me up to him, and that along all the coast of Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, and Rimini measures were taken to intercept me. Further, that I have saved nothing but my life, a doublet and a shirt. Mantua, 28th June, 1502.

"Your servant,

"THE DUKE OF URBINO, _manu propria_."

It was on the 20th of June that Valentino, after a forced march of thirty miles under a midsummer sun, halted his little army at Cagli, and the same evening the first alarm reached Guidobaldo, on the return of Dolce. The Duke had been supping in a shady grove by the Zoccolantine convent, about a mile out of Urbino, and sat enjoying the charm lavished by prodigal nature on that fair land at the hour of sunset, which

"Fronde sub arborea ferventia temperat astra."

It was long ere his breast again knew the tranquillity of that evening. On hearing the fatal news, he remained for a few moments absorbed in thought; then striking the table with his hand, he exclaimed, "I fear I shall find myself betrayed." Within four hours he had bid a touching but manly farewell to his court and people, cheering their despondency with the hope of better days, and had passed a secret postern of his palace, carrying with him a few papers, some money and jewels.[*293] Those who have experienced the difficulty, delay, and fatigue of penetrating the rugged country between his capital and S. Leo, may form some idea of the risks and sufferings of his midnight flight among these sierras,

"As one That makes no pause, but presses on his road Whate'er betide him."

[Footnote *293: The Duke left between the fourth and fifth hour of the night (i.e. between 11 p.m. and midnight) on June 20. Cf. _Diario delle Cose di Urbino_ in _Arch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria_, vol. III., p. 423.]

But when the aggravations to a constitution broken by gout are considered, his surviving the exertion must seem almost miraculous. Two of his attendants were his favourite Giovanni Andrea, and Cathelan, his first chamberlain, the latter of whom, when hard pressed at the Borello, fell behind, and allowed himself to be taken and plundered, pretending to be the Duke, a device which slackened the pursuit, and enabled his master to escape.

At the court of his brother-in-law, Francesco Marquis of Mantua, he found the hospitable shelter which his wearied frame so much needed after this tumult of exhausting incidents; and, in the society of his beloved wife,

"Whose worthy words him seemed due recompense For all his passed pains,"

he cheerfully practised those lessons of contentment and philosophy with which, in brighter days, he had disciplined his mind. When a brief delay had given time for the Cardinal della Rovere to interpose with Louis in his behalf, Guidobaldo sought that monarch at Milan, and reminding him of his pledged protection, stated his grievances and besought redress. But state policy is ever selfish. Mutual interests rendered the close alliance of his Christian Majesty with the Borgia of primary importance to the unscrupulous ambition of both, and the outraged Duke of Urbino's appeals were responded to by cold generalities. Turning to his old allies, the Venetians, he repaired to their capital; and although they dared not resort to active measures in his behalf, situated as they were between two such formidable powers as Louis and Valentino, he received with them a cordial welcome, and enjoyed from their hospitality an honourable retirement, and an allowance of thirty pounds of gold a month, until time had given a favourable turn to the wheel of his fortune.

An impression has arisen among the historians of these transactions, founded perhaps on a passage in Bembo's gossiping discourse,[294] that, either seriously, or as a temporary security from Borgia's murderous agents, the Duke, while at Milan, declared his impotency, and held out the hope that, should the Pope on this ground dissolve his marriage, and confer on him a cardinal's hat, his duchess might marry Cesare, now a widower. The whole story is apocryphal, and the character of the Duke and Duchess prevent our crediting that such an expedient could be seriously proposed or sanctioned by either of them. It is, however, casually mentioned by Machiavelli as a rumour, at the time of Guidobaldo's second withdrawal from his state in the following year.

[Footnote 294: BEMBO, _Opera_, II., p. 637.]

The night of the Duke's flight was one of lamentation and panic in Urbino. To the grief with which the inhabitants saw their beloved sovereign driven into unmerited exile quickly succeeded anxiety for themselves. The dismay attendant upon a dreaded invasion was augmented by the well-known blood-thirsty rapacity of Borgia and of his ferocious soldiery. Abandoned to their resources, each acted upon his own plan. Some hurried their women and valuables out of the city, in hopes of reaching, among the neighbouring villages, or even at Pesaro, a safe retreat from the horrors of conquest; others sought to conceal their treasures. Many fiercely ran to arms; more resigned themselves to wretched forebodings. At length, with returning light, order and confidence were in some degree restored by the energy of the magistrates, who forbade all tumult or attempts at defence on pain of instant punishment.

Valentino, after a brief halt at Cagli, hurried his troops towards Urbino, and by sunrise was before its gates. Devoted to "the pomp and circumstance of glorious war," he entered the city in gorgeous armour on a beautiful charger, followed by his lances and men-at-arms, caparisoned as for a tournament, their parti-coloured plumes and glittering mail bearing no signs of a hurried march. He was met by the magistracy and principal inhabitants, who surrendered to him the town and citadel without any show of resistance; and his first act was to behead Pier-Antonio, a confidant of the Duke, who, at his instigation, had persuaded his master to grant the successive demands of the usurper, and so virtually to disable himself from defence, but who, by omitting to secure Guidobaldo's person, earned the vengeance of his seducer. After seizing several who were notoriously attached to the legitimate dynasty, he sought repose in the palace, where he found, and at once removed to Forlì, a vast amount of plate, tapestry, books, and other valuables, estimated by Sanuto at above 150,000 ducats, a sum now equal to perhaps a quarter of a million sterling. His orders against plundering were ill observed; and it was not till after much damage had been done by his troops, to property both of the Duke and of the citizens, that he marched them to Fermignano, a village at some distance, where their rapine was indulged without check.[*295] The various communities of the state, finding themselves in the enemy's hands, sent in their adherence; the only exceptions were S. Leo and Maiuolo: the latter speedily surrendered; the former was gained by treachery, as we shall hereafter see. Camerino was likewise reduced within a month, and Giulio Cesare Varana, its brave lord, was soon after strangled by Borgia's order, in daring breach of the terms and assurances he had received, his eldest son Venanzio, with two natural brothers, sharing his fate. Adding sacrilege to murder, the usurper carried off from the monastery of Sta. Chiara, at Urbino, Elisabetta Malatesta, the widowed sister of Guidobaldo, a lady whose mature years might have protected her from outrage, and who was released by an exchange of prisoners only on her brother's first return.[296]

[Footnote *295: The _Diario delle Cose di Urbino_ makes no mention of any terror or looting on the 21st or after. There was an earthquake on the 23rd at mid-day, "_che non s'udì mai il maggiore_." On the 25th Cesare departed towards Casteldurante. He returned on August 3rd and left on the 6th.]

[Footnote 296: See of her, p. 289.]

We here once more draw upon Capello's Venetian relation for some notice of the monster, whose misdoings have thus gradually become bound up in our narrative. To that ambassador of the Republic, Duke Valentino appeared quite as much feared as he was loved by his father, who grumbled at his regal prodigality, more than at his own favourite Perotto being stabbed by him under his very mantle, while the life-blood spurted into his face. Tall and well made, surpassing in personal advantages even the handsome Ferdinand of Naples, he prided himself on having slain six wild boars with the lance while on horseback, striking the head off one at a blow, to the wonder of all Rome, "so that the whole town trembled lest it should be their turn next to test the temper of his steel."

The strong representations made to Louis at Milan, by most of his Italian confederates, of Duke Valentino's tyranny, faithlessness, and cruelty, were neutralised by his sudden appearance in person. Meeting his Majesty in the street, the minion averted his rising indignation by proffering humble submission, and imploring protection from numberless foes. The impression thus made he followed up by abject and elaborate flattery, and so successfully did he justify himself, or rather, perhaps, so fully did he demonstrate how necessary to their several schemes was an unshrinking mutual support, that, instead of being disavowed by the French monarch, he obtained his sanction, and a squadron of three hundred lances, in aid of his scarcely disguised designs against Bologna, Perugia, and Città di Castello. The respective lords of these places were allies of France, and two of them were, or had been, actually in Borgia's pay; but such considerations availed not to save them from his avowed resolution of extirpating their races, and adding their territories to the kingdom at which his boundless ambition seems now to have aimed.

Thus aroused to their common danger, these and other chiefs sought to organise a common defence, and, about the end of September, assembled at La Magione, near Perugia, to concert their measures. In this confederacy were included Giovanni Bentivoglio, of Bologna; Gian-Paolo Paglioni, of Perugia; Vitellozzo Vitelli, of Città di Castello; Pandolfo Petrucci, of Siena; along with the Orsini, including Cardinal Gian-Battista, Francesco Duke of Gravina, Paolo, a bastard of the Bracciano line, and his son the Chevalier Fabio. With these was likewise associated Oliverotto Eufreducci, generally called Liverotto da Fermo, whose atrocities deserve brief notice. Having treacherously murdered his guardian and maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliano, seigneur of Fermo, whilst his guest at a banquet, in January, 1502, he seized that city. In the same cold-blooded slaughter were included the son and son-in-law of Giovanni, the latter by name Raffaele della Rovere (natural son of the Cardinal Giuliano), whose two infants were also murdered by orders of the monster, as he rode through the city to proclaim himself sovereign, one being thrown from the window at which it gazed on the spectacle, the other having its throat cut while in its mother's arms.[297] Such was the miscreant selected by Machiavelli as the paragon of a prince exalted by criminal means, and such Sismondi would seem to consider the type of Italian seigneurs in this age!

[Footnote 297: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 17.]

The diet of La Magione had ample cause for alarm. They had seen half of the independent feudatories of the Church, the Riarii, Malatesta, Sforza, Manfredi, Colonna, Montefeltri, and Varana dispossessed, slaughtered, or exiled, and now their turn was at hand. At this juncture an event occurred which quickly matured their wavering counsels. Of the many fortresses of his highland state, S. Leo alone held out for Guidobaldo, till, after some weeks, it was treasonably surrendered by the commander, Ludovico Scarmiglione, of Foligno. This traitor, having the assurance to present himself to his master at Venice, and, attempting to make excuses for the "misfortune," added that he would, without doubt, take steps for its reconquest, the Duke causticly replied, "Give yourself no further trouble as to that; your having lost it was already one step towards its recovery." Among its citizens was Gian-Battista Brizio, who, as page and equerry of Duke Federigo, had learned the duties at once of a gallant soldier and a loyal subject. Having gained the engineer employed to repair its fortifications, he introduced singly into the town a number of the old militia on whom he could depend, disguised as peasants; and, at the preconcerted moment, on the 5th of October, the drawbridge was jammed, as if accidentally, by some large logs of timber. On a given signal the pretended peasants rushed upon the garrison, and supported by an ambuscade planted outside, who seized the embarrassed gate, they slaughtered Borgia's officers, and carried the place by a _coup-de-main_. Their cry of "Feltro, Feltro! the Duke, the Duke!" alternating with "Marco, Marco!" the watchword of Venice, rang through the mountain passes, and was echoed from the surrounding castles, spreading the insurrection as far as Gubbio and Cagli.[298] News of the fall of S. Leo reached Urbino on the 8th, being market day, and the country people, catching up the same war-cries, rushed upon part of their garrison, who were endeavouring to secure some pieces of artillery that had been carelessly left outside the walls since the Camerino affair.[*299] The soldiers being beaten back, the citizens and militia rushed to arms; but ere the counter-revolution was completed in the town, fifteen mules, laden with valuables from the palace, had been sent out towards Forlì. Next day, by a sudden and well-supported assault, the citadel was taken, and as its assailants congratulated themselves on their easy victory, an express brought tidings that Fossombrone too had declared for the Duke. A detachment of four hundred men, hastily despatched to aid in reducing the castle, arrived there too late to save that devoted town from a savage retribution.

[Footnote 298: Sanuto has preserved the following letter of the 8th October, addressed by Cesare to the inhabitants of Bertinoro, near Cesena, in reference to this feat of Brizio:--

"The Duke of Romagna, Prince of Urbino and Adria, Lord of Piombino, to our well-beloved, greeting: The peasants of S. Leo, carrying wood into that place, induced by cupidity of new booty, captured the warder and took the castle; and it being the capital of Montefeltro, the neighbouring castles have rebelled; and as perhaps Guidobaldo, feigning to have assistance from some potentate, may attempt to go thither, we command you, as you value our favour, to exert yourselves, and guard the passes with armed men, arresting all who may come that way, giving them into the hands of our commissary, or slaying those who may make resistance. Guidobaldo is not aware of the good understanding which exists between the Pope's Holiness and the most Christian King of France, as also between other potentates and us."]

[Footnote *299: On 8 October, according to the _Diario_ above cited (p. 401, note *1) [Transcriber's Note: Original erroneously cites p. 385], news came of the return of San Leo, San Marino, and Tavoleto, and all the Montefeltro. Gubbio and Cagli had returned to their allegiance to Guidobaldo, and all Urbino armed itself and cried, "_Feltro! Feltro! Feltro!_" There was, however, at first a large party who did not wish to see Guidobaldo again. The _rocca_, still presumably in the hands of Cesare, was taken next day, four _contadini_ being killed.]

Notice of the rising having reached Michele Coreglia, Cesare's favourite minister in his worst atrocities, who, from his small figure, was surnamed Don Michelotto, he marched upon La Pergola, which was also in arms. At Fossombrone he obtained admission with his troops, by raising a cry of "Feltro" at the gates, and sacked both these towns with revolting excesses, the women seeking to save themselves and their infants in the river Metauro. He then turned his track of fire and sword towards Urbino, menacing the citizens with a similar fate. Their drooping courage was revived by news of the league of La Magione, and by Vitellozzo's arrival on the 11th, with a reinforcement of forty lances and four hundred infantry. Paolo Orsini advanced upon Cagli the same day, in order to keep the cut-throat Michelotto in check. The other leaders were equally active. They had sent urgent representations to Venice and Florence, praying support against the common enemy; but with these republics a cautious policy prevailed, and by their backwardness the opportunity of crushing him was lost. Indeed, the latter stood already committed to Valentino by sending Nicolò Machiavelli, on the 5th of October, to offer him, as an ally of France, their support against the confederation; whilst the Venetian Signory, on hearing the affair of S. Leo, assured the Pope's legate, in presence of Guidobaldo himself, that the movement had neither their sanction nor sympathy.

Borgia, deserted by his best captains, was well aware of his danger, and is described as full of alarm by Machiavelli, who arrived at this juncture; but putting the best face upon matters, he ascribed the rising in the duchy to the unpopularity of his troops, to his ill-judged clemency in not having formerly made a sufficient example of the inhabitants, and to his remissness in leaving the principal offices in disaffected hands. But affecting indifference as to Urbino, which from the moment S. Leo was surprised he regarded as lost, and remarking that he had carried it in three days, and had not forgotten how to do so again, he concentrated his cares upon Romagna. Emboldened by the timely support of Florence, he sent to Louis, who had now returned home, the strongest representations of the peril impending over their mutual designs, and pressed him for prompt and efficient succours. Meanwhile, distrusting his strength, he had recourse to cunning, in order to avert the danger, or, at least, to gain time. Disguising his indignation, he opened communications with the individual confederates, and endeavoured to amuse them with hollow professions and seeming apologies, artfully appealing to their respective prejudices, sowing jealousies, explaining away former offences, and avowing for each a sincere friendship, based upon a community of interests. Whilst these intrigues were fomenting he remained at Imola, apparently at his ease, but, in reality, recruiting the means of vengeance, to be used as soon as his enemies had been divided. Meanwhile he rallied many mountain chieftains and straggling adventurers, each with his handful of broken lances, and thus, when the moment for action arrived, had secured a not despicable following of troops prepared for any enormity. On the 29th of October, Machiavelli's despatch contained returns of above five thousand foot, and nearly a thousand men-at-arms, light cavalry, and archers, even before the arrival of his French or Swiss auxiliaries.

The first successes of his friends at S. Leo and Urbino had been communicated to Guidobaldo on the 7th, by letters urging his immediate presence, and he hastened to respond to the call.[300]

[Footnote 300: Among the Oliveriana MSS. I found a statement that his return was reluctant, and against hope of success, and that it had been somewhat forced upon him, in consequence of the injudicious zeal of a priest, who, finding his seal in S. Leo, gave out that he was arrived, ordered rejoicings, and issued forged letters in his name. The apocryphal story is not supported by any authority that I have met with. From the instructions to Machiavelli, dated 5th of October, it appears that his return was anticipated before the surprise of S. Leo had taken place,--an event probably brought about in part by such rumours, tending

"Spargere voces In vulgum ambiguas, et quærere conscius arma."

Indeed, he had secretly applied to the Signory for pecuniary aid some days anterior to the rising in his duchy.]

Having experienced the risks of the Romagna passes when in the hands of a watchful foe, he took sea from Venice to Sinigaglia, which his courageous sister still held in name of her son, the young Lord Prefect. After a brief fraternal greeting,--for night had fallen when he landed, and the hours of darkness were precious,--the Duke once more undertook a harassing ride through intricate mountain paths, and reached S. Leo, on the 17th of October, just twelve days after the banner of Montefeltro, streaming from its towers, had roused the country to arms. Thanking the gallant Brizio, and cheering his little garrison, he next morning set out for his capital, through villages and townships that vied with each other in zeal to welcome his appearance by tables placed for refreshment. When he approached Urbino, whose devotedness on this and similar occasions gained for that city the distinguishing epithet of _fidele_, or leal, the entire population turned out to receive him; and it was with much delay and difficulty his horse could penetrate their crowded ranks, and carry him to the cathedral.[*301] There he found the bishop at the head of his clergy, and after attending a solemn function to return thanks to the King of kings for his restoration, he sought repose in his palace. Worn out by severe exertion, and suffering from gout, he was confined to bed during the next three days, but none were refused access of the promiscuous multitudes who flocked to satisfy themselves as to his actual return.[*302] Of the affection entertained towards him, a touching instance occurs in the naive diary to which we have recently referred:--"I was plundered at Montecalvo by the soldiery of stuff to the value of twenty-five ducats, which prevented me from sowing this year; but my losses seemed as nothing when I saw my Prince, and especially when I touched his hand; such were the caresses bestowed upon me by my Lord, whom God preserve!"

[Footnote 301: On 18 October, 1502, the Duke returned to Urbino; he had with him but ten horse. "Non saprei estimare la moltitudine degli uomini d'ogni parte grandi e piccoli che si trovarono per la strada. Da poi che si partì da San Leo per sino a Urbino, in ogni poggio erano le tavole apparecchiate dagli Urbinati. Ogni uomo se gli fe incontro dalla terra a un miglio, a due, a tre, a quattro" (_Diario_, cf. _supra_, p. 401, note *1)] [Transcriber's Note: Original erroneously cites p. 385.]

[Footnote *302: "Our Signore," says the _Diario_, "did not leave his bed on the 19th because he had the gout ... but every man went to speak with him in bed, the _contadino_ as well as the citizen; and day and night he gave them audience, and spoke with every one willingly."]

On the 15th, Ugo di Moncada and Michelotto, after being worsted near Fossombrone by Paolo Orsini and Vitellozzo, fell back upon Fano, and the whole country rushed to arms. Four months after his first surprise, Guidobaldo was again master of his states, almost without a blow, Sant'Agata being the only fortress still held for Borgia. Had one united effort been then made by the chiefs against their common enemy, his cause might have been rendered desperate. But precious moments were lost in undecided movements and petty skirmishes, till Louis had responded to his appeal by ordering him a reinforcement of five hundred lances, and promising what further aid he might require. The harmony which actuated the confederates against Valentino became distracted when they found themselves in hostile contact with that victorious monarch. On their mutual heart-breakings and wavering resolutions Cesare's wily representations told with tenfold effect. Within a week of the fall of S. Leo, he had opened secret communications with Paolo Orsini, a man of shallow capacity, and he complained bitterly to Machiavelli of having been deceived by that chief in the affair of Fossombrone. On the 25th of October Paolo arrived at Imola to treat with him, and in two days acceded to his terms. A treaty was signed on the 28th, by Cesare for himself, and by Paolo on the part of the Diet, whereby its combined chiefs, forgetting past jealousies, were to re-enter Valentino's service, and assist him to recover Urbino and Camerino. To this accommodation there was, however, some difficulty in obtaining the sanction of their associates. Vitellozzo is said to have torn it up when presented to him, and it was not until his brother, the Bishop of Città di Castello, had met some cardinals sent by the Pope to La Magione, and had visited Petrucci at Siena, that a reluctant unanimity was obtained. The conditions of this hollow reconciliation resembled, in some respects, the bonds of maintenance and manrent then usual among Scottish chieftains. The associated condottieri were taken bound to aid and support all the race of Borgia in their quarrels and causes, and to give their sons as hostages when required by Cesare, on whom one of them was to be in constant attendance.

The contest had, from Borgia's dilatory policy, quickly declined to a guerilla war, most harassing to the Urbinites, whose alarm was aggravated by the rumours of an arrangement between him and the confederates, which prevailed in the beginning of November. When the treaty transpired, the Duke, upon the 17th, laid his case before the principal inhabitants of his state, offering to place himself in their hands, and either to retire or to live and die with them, as they might decide. Resistance to the death was their option, and so great was the enthusiasm, that a deputation of ladies waited upon him to applaud the resolution, and to lay at his feet their jewels and ornaments for the common cause. All was now busy preparation over the duchy. Men were hastily levied and drilled, free captains were enrolled, fortresses were repaired.

But a new access of gout proved how little fit their sovereign was for the field, and in so desperate a crisis the maintenance of their independence seems scarcely to have been contemplated by the most sanguine. Still, by showing a good front, they calculated upon making better terms for themselves and the Duke; nor were their opponents' views such as to render hopeless such an issue. The chiefs having bound themselves to make common cause with Guidobaldo for the re-establishment of his rights, they were anxious that he should fall easily after their desertion, and willingly lent their mediation to obtain for him such conditions as might save them from being the instruments of his utter destruction. Cesare, too, had his own reasons for seeking a more prompt solution of the dilemma than was promised by a winter campaign in the most inaccessible country of Italy and against its bravest people, fighting for their hearths and in support of a beloved dynasty. The horrors of such a war possessed no charm for him, for he had already planned a sanguinary vengeance which risked nothing, and to his crooked mind treachery was more attractive than fair fighting. Besides, he was awaiting the arrival of three thousand Swiss mercenaries, and in the interval lent himself to negotiations, conducted on his part by Gian-Paolo Vitelli, and on that of the Duke of Urbino by Ottaviano Fregosa.

At length, on the 4th of December, an arrangement was published, by which S. Leo and three other fortresses were to remain in the hands of Guidobaldo, with permission to transport thither whatever property he chose, the remainder of the Duchy passing again to Borgia. During the next two days much of the Duke's valuables were removed, and on the 7th the palace was thrown open to general plunder; indeed, all law and order being suspended, there was a scramble by the citizens for the safety of their families and effects. Paolo Orsini, to calm the excitement, offered to guarantee the full amnesty stipulated in the surrender; but, enraged at a reverse which they attributed mainly to his perfidy and cowardice, they spurned his assurances, and, being unable to tear him to pieces, wreaked their indignation by hooting him as "the Lady Paul." To the Duke there remained no alternative but once more to withdraw; yet, before setting out, he advised his people to dismantle the other castles, as these could only serve to strengthen the usurper's hold upon his country, in the event of any new effort for his restoration,--a suggestion which they carried enthusiastically into effect ere Cesare could take means to prevent them. But to have punished their precipitancy would have been all the more impolitic, when there were no longer fortresses from which to overawe their obedience; so he had no alternative but conciliation, and on taking possession of the duchy he proclaimed a general amnesty, as provided in the capitulation.

The fatigues which Guidobaldo had undergone in reaching his capital had brought on a severe attack of his constitutional enemy, which disqualified him from active exertion during most of the anxious period of his stay there, and, indeed, generally confined him to his couch. A new exertion was, however, requisite, and he met it with his wonted firmness. On the 7th of December he made a parting address to his people, and explained to them that, after applying in vain for aid to all the powers of Italy, and unable singly to resist the Pope and his son, the interests of his state left him no choice but to retire. He recommended them resignation to an inevitable destiny, and advised them to remain quietly under their new sovereign until it should please God to send them better times. Next morning, at eight o'clock, he once more bade adieu to his dominions amid the lamentations of thousands, and retired to Città di Castello. There the Bishop entertained him hospitably until the 5th of January, when news of the tragedy at Sinigaglia suggested to them both the necessity of flight. The Duke soon found a kind welcome in the castle of Pittigliano, near Bolsena, from his old friend Count Nicolò Orsini, and obtained from the Venetians an injunction prohibiting Cesare from molesting him in that stronghold of their general. But he too well knew his daring enemy to trust much to such nominal protection, and on his approach took the road to Mantua. From Rovigo he addressed these hurried lines to

"The most serene Prince and most illustrious Lord my special Lord, Leonardo Loredano, by God's grace Doge of the Venetians:

"Most serene Prince and most illustrious Lord, my special Lord,

"This is only to make known to your Serenity how, after enduring many and infinite pains and perils, I am by God's grace safely brought back into your Serenity's territory and dominions, and have been most affectionately received and welcomed by the magnificent Messer Gianpaolo [Gradenigo, governor of Rovigo]; and, please God, I mean to be presently in Venice, where I consider myself at home. All this I have deemed it right to notify to your Serenity, to whom I ever commend myself. From Rovigo, 27th of January, 1503.

"Your servant,

"GUIDO DUKE OF URBINO, _manu propria_."

Sanuto, who has preserved this letter, continues the following detail of the wanderer's reception at Venice. "On this day [31st of January] there came into college the Duke Guido of Urbino, for whom the Signory sent the chiefs of the forty, and us sages for the orders, to be his escort. He was seen with favour by an immense concourse of persons, and there on the landing I addressed him, saying he was welcome, and that the Signory was anxious to embrace him, and rejoiced at his escape from so great perils. His Highness returned thanks, and then went up by the grand stone staircase. All were gladdened on seeing him; and, being seated near the Doge, he spoke some bland words, purporting how miraculously he had reached what he might term his own house, and added, that having neither state nor property, he could offer none such, but that his person was the Signory's until death. The Doge replied in congratulatory terms at his escape from so great dangers, the account of which he said gave him more satisfaction than if his own son had been rescued from shipwreck. He then inquired of the Duke how he got away, which his Lordship thus recounted.

"Being at Pittigliano, and his surrender demanded by the Pope, who proposed going thither with the camp, he resolved on departing. His wish was to go by sea, but he could not get a brigantine, so he left by land with a single companion [Vitelli], Bishop of Città di Castello, who was also setting forth, he knew not whither. On reaching Montefiore, above Siena, the Count sent his secretary there to accompany him; and riding all night, he skirted the walls of Siena to Bonconvento, another dependency of that community, where he took post-horses, and entered the Florentine territory, the secretary leaving him, as he had not heart to act as guide. At Fucecchio he found the passes guarded, but the commissary, after examination of him, allowed him to proceed; and he also passed inspection at a second barrier guarded by a certain count. Having thus crossed the Arno, he came towards Monte-carlo, where he was brought before the commissary for examination. In reply he stated himself to be Gian-Battista of Ravenna, a messenger of the Cardinal of Lisbon's household; but the commissary said his orders were to arrest all comers and write to Florence, thirty-two miles distant. His baggage having then been seized, the Duke was searched, and locked up in a chamber without fire or bed. The answer from Florence was that counsel should be taken; and one Francesco Becchi of that city having been sent, with fifteen mounted bowmen, to examine him, he recognised the Duke, whose state he had frequented, but said 'I know him not.' He then returned to Florence, where the Duke supposes that further consultation was held, as the Ten wrote ordering him to be set at liberty, on his swearing to be the person he represented himself, and his baggage to be given up. After being thus detained for seven days he came on to a friend in Lucca, and thence passing by Grafegnana he embarked in a little barge, and with great risks reached Polesella, and so came to Rovigo, where he found himself at length in safety. Such was his marvellous voyage, during which he had suffered greatly from journeying on foot, as he walks with difficulty by reason of gout, and this very morning I was obliged to give him my arm. After taking leave of the Doge we again accompanied him to his gondola. His consort is here on the Canaregio, in the house of Malombra." This continued his residence during his exile, except for a short visit which he paid to the hot mud-baths at Abano, in the vain attempt of stewing out his gout; and he enjoyed from the Signory a monthly pension of a hundred golden scudi.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

(Pages 37, 40)

POETRY OF THE FAMILY OF MONTEFELTRO

We shall here collect a few literary remains of personages connected with the family of Montefeltro, to whom we have alluded in early chapters of this work. They can scarcely now be considered of general interest, but they indicate and test that cultivation of letters among princely houses to which we have often pointed, and, coming from sources not generally accessible, will be welcome to literary antiquarians.

The authors of whom we are to give specimens, may be thus arranged:--

I. Antonio Count of Urbino, mentioned above at pp. 36-8. To him is ascribed a sonnet on Christ crucified, in a MS. of the _Divina Commedia_, at the royal library of Naples, and published in vol. II., p. 361, of the _Giornale Arcadico_ of Rome, 1819. It is No. I. of our specimens, and but for its imputed authorship, might probably have remained unnoticed.

II. Malatesta de' Malatesti, or, as he was more frequently designated, _de' Sonnetti_, was Seigneur of Pesaro, and second cousin of Sigismondo Pandolfo, Lord of Rimini. He was born in 1370, and died in 1429, leaving the reputation of an elegant poet. Several of his fugitive effusions are referred to by Crescimbeni, III., 225, who has printed one of his sonnets. Our selections are two others, Nos. II., III., moralising on the vanity and disappointments of life, from the Oliveriana MSS. No. 454, ff. 30, 31, and part of a canzone, No. IV., describing the charms of his love, from Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 3212, f. 128. His son married,

III. Battista di Montefeltro, daughter of Count Antonio, and aunt of Duke Federigo of Urbino. We have spoken of her above at p. 39, and insert two sonnets from her pen, addressed to Malatesta, Nos. V., VI., the former an invocation of the Holy Ghost, the latter deprecating her own presumptuous spirit; also, No. VII., her letter to Pope Martin V., referred to at p. 40. A canzone, addressed by her to the princes of Italy in a fine tone of expostulation, will be found in Crescimbeni, III., 266. Her granddaughter, Costanza Varana, married, in 1445,

IV. Alessandro Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, who has been often mentioned in our Second Book, and to whom is ascribed the sonnet No. VIII. below. He was father of Battista, second wife of Duke Federigo of Urbino, and of

V. Costanzo, his successor in Pesaro, author of the last sonnet in this collection. Both of these lyrics have been given by Crescimbeni, V., 223-4.

I.

I sacri piedi, e l'una e l'altra palma Ti furo in croce, o Re del Ciel, confitti. Gl'invisibil nimici ivi sconfitti, E franto il giogo, e sposta la gran salma. D'esiglio librasti la prim' alma, E gli altri che con lei eran proscritti: Oggi purgasti i suoi primi delitti, Che me intendesser l'aula eterna ed alma. Quella pietà che in tal giorno ti mosse A salvar tutto 'l mondo, anco ti mova Verso un'altr' alma combattuta e vinta. Fragili e debil son le umane posse: A grandi assalti prostata si trova Se non è l'alma di tua grazia cinta.

II.

El tempo, el quale è nostro, i' ho smarrito In vanitade, ho speso ogni mia sorte; Seguito ho il mondo, traditor si forte, Che giusta cosa è, ch'i' ne sia punito. Di fumo e vento i' fui già ben formito, Et ora per ristor chieggio la morte, E la prosperità chiuso ha le porte; Ingrato trovo ogn'uom' ch'i' ho servito. Or sia che vuole, i' sono al fin pur giunto, Intricato, et perplexo in tanto errore, Ch'i' vorrei ogni giorno esser defunto. O tu che leggi, pensa qual dolore Esser de' il mio, veggendomi in un punto Povero, infermo, vecchio e peccatore.

III.

I son pur giunto carco, alla vecchiezza, Di peccati, dolor, pene, et affanni; Ch'il mondo traditor, con falsi inganni, M'ha privato di lume et d'allegrezza. O sciagurato me, ch'in tal lunghezza Ho consumato i giorni, i mesi, e gli anni: Ne mai ho posto a miei gravosi danni Fren di virtù, che dà somma richezza. Ohime, che tardi omai penso ritrarmi, La mal usanza m'ha si tratto al fondo Che gran fatica fia poter levarmi. Tu ben vedi, O Signor, che dal profondo Del core i' traggo i lagrimosi carmi, E sai il bisogno e 'l modo di salvarmi.

IV.

Coralli, rose, perle, ebano e stelle Adornan la tua faccia, in ciel creata Nel cerchio triumphal, dove se eterna La mane eburnee, e l'altre membra snelle, In ciascun loco sua parte affirmata, Debitamente la parte superna. Io benedico la virtù paterna La qual produsse un si bel fructo al mondo, Che simil ne secondo Vivè d'entro ne fuor da sette clima. Qual tesor, di che stima! Vale solo la terra o fermi il piede. La natura non diede Mai si grata influenza a creatura; Vergine bella, dolce, humile et pura.

V.

Clementissimo Spirto, ardente amore Dal Padre Eterno, e dal Verbo emanante; Somma Benignità, cooperante Quel mistero, ch'esalta il nostro cuore; Nella mia mente infondi il tuo timore, Pietà, consiglio: e poi, somma Creante, Dammi fortezza, e scienza fugante Dall'alma nazional ciascuno errore. Solleva l'intelletto al Ben superno, Illuminando l' tanto che difforme Non sia da quella fe ch'al ciel ne scorge. Donami sapienza, con eterno Gusto di tua dolcezza, O Settiforme Si, ch'io dispregi ciò ch'il mondo porge.

VI.

La tua superbia m'è di gran stupore, Alma presuntuosa et arrogante, Con tanto ardir la tua voce elevante, A quel sublime et immenso splendore. L'angelico consorzio, con fervore Il glorioso objetto contemplante, Benchè beato, pur vi sta tremante, E tu ardisci parlar senza rossore? Vuoi gustar qui l'aura del Ben eterno E non correggi la tua vita enorme? Ma del tuo vaneggiar Dio ben s'accorge. Il viver basso dunque prendi a scherno, Piangi, sospira amando, e segui l'orme Degli umil', a cui Dio la man sua porge.

VII.

ILLUSTRISSIMÆ PRÆCLARISSIMÆQUE DOMINÆ BAPTISTÆ DE MALATESTIS [LITERA], AD SANCTISSIMUM DOMINUM PAPAM MARTINUM V., PRO SERENISSIMA EJUS SORORE DOMINA CLEOPHE, BASILISSA, NUPTA FILIO IMPERATORIS CONSTANTINOPOLITANI, QUÆ A VIRO SUO COGEBATUR SEQUI OPINIONEM GRÆCORUM.

Paveo equidem, Beatissime Pater, nec mediocriter vereor, cum inscia muliercula sim, tuæ Celsitudinis aures inquietare incomptis eloquiis meis. Sed diuturnæ ac incredibiles angustiæ, illius videlicet fidelis ancillæ tuæ serenissimæ sororis mei, necnon admirandæ tuæ clementiæ fama quam in parte sum experta, oris claustra propulsant, maxime cum non pro sæcularibus commodis tuam Sanctitatem decreverim exorare, immo pro animæ salute quæ pro integritate fidei Catholicæ tot et tanta perpessa est, quanta neminem his temporibus sustinuisse cognovi. Quamquam igitur tui mi terreat magnitudo, visio tamen causæ, quæ me medullitus angit et afficit, tuaque benignitas et humanitas ausum præbent. Quapropter muliebri timiditate deposita, coram venerandis tuæ Sanctitatis prostrata vestigiis, tandem humiliter et gemebunde deposco, ne animam, pro qua Dominus Jesus non recusavit crucis subire supplicium, suo derelinquat patrocinio destitutam. Nosti enim, beatissime Pater, quod ovicula illa tua non absque consensu tuo corporaliter a Græcis sejuncta est. Ne igitur sequestretur et mente, enquirere eam, optime Pastor, et illius imitare velis exemplum, cujus vicem geris in terris, qui errantem propriis humeris reduxit ad caulas. Timendum namque est, ne mens illa, quæ invisibili subsidio roborata, hucusque incredibili fortitudine immota permansit, deinceps pusillanimitate deficiat, præsertim si in mediis fluctibus se derelictam sanserit, nec saltem sibi manum porrigi sublevantem. Cum ergo fidei ortodoxæ defensor et gubernator existas, illa quæ pro fide servanda tot pericula patitur, et ærumnas, a quo nisi a Beatitudine tua potest aut debet auxilium postulare, cui et potissimum incumbit cura, et adest potentia? Eja ergo, sanctissime Pater, consurge in defensionem constantissimæ filiæ, quæ tibi sanguine et spiritu conjuncta est, eoque vigilantius, quo nunc acrius impugnatam agnoveris a bello utique domestico, et intestina pugna.

Venerabilis namque Pater, præsentium lator, Sanctitati tuæ omnia serio ore expositurus adveniet, quem cum audiveris, nisi sis ex silice natus, aut hircanarum tigrium lacte nutritus, absque dubio movebuntur omnia viscera tua, solitaque pietate devictus, celerrime et benigne subvenies indigenti, minimeque hujuscemodi supplicatione opus erit in posterum, sed potius gratiarum actione apud Beatitudinem tuam, cujus pedibus me humiliter et instantissime recommitto.

VIII.

Io son si lasso, debilito, e stanco Sotto il gran fascio del terrestre peso, E tutto il ciel si mortalmente ho offeso, Che tra i sospiri lacrimoso or manco. Di dolor tremo, e di paura imbianco Come uom trafitto; il cor legato e preso In se raccoglie il tempo male speso, Ond esce il zel che gli percuote il fianco. Non mia pianeta o corso di mia stella, Non fato o mio destin, non mia fortuna, Ma solo incolpo la sfrenata voglia. Pero convien che, in solitaria cella, Le mie piaghe mortali ad una ad una Piangan mercede, con pentita doglia.

IX.

Oh tu, che con tuoi versi si mi sproni, E con soavi rime e dolci canti, Dolendoti pur meco de' miei pianti, Et a mie' affanni mi conforti e moni. Se ti rincrescon, si come tu poni Le infinite mie angosce e i martir tanti, Non mi ricordar più le doglie e pianti, E li sospir già vani e i miei gran toni. Aime che ricordando si rinfresca I colpi, e le gran piaghe che nel core Io porto, per colei qual sempre invoco. E pure il gran desio mi tira all'esca, E quanto più sgrupar mi sforza, allore M'intrico più: e sempre ardo nel foco.

APPENDIX II

(Page 48, note 1)

INVENTORY OF ARTICLES TAKEN BY BRIGIDA SUEVA DI MONTEFELTRO, _ALIAS_ SISTER SERAFINA, INTO THE CONVENT OF CORPUS DOMINI

7 pair of sheets of spun silk striped with gold; 7 pair of napkins [_paniselli_], also of silk striped with gold; 1 fillet with stripes of silk and gold; 1 _trapisello_ of silk with a stripe of gold; 4 hoods of silk wrought with gold, one made up, the others not; 2 other caps, one of crimson velvet, the other green, both embroidered; 1 other napkin of silk striped with gold; 1 other _trapisello_ of silk wrought with satin; 1 other _trapisello_ of cambric damasked at the head; 4 crimson buttons mounted in gold for pillows; 1 reticule woven of gold and silk; 3 other bags wrought in silk and gold, and one with pearls; 1 cord of silver and silk with _mape_; 2 combs wrought in ivory; 2 pieces of brocade tissue, one white the other crimson, unmade up; 2 dog-collars, silver mounted; 2 silver salt-sellers; 4 trimmings of tissue; 1 pair of small crystal-handled knives; 3 pillow-slips of crimson silk; 1 pair white ditto, with silk buttons; 1 half pillow-slip, wrought in gold and untrimmed; 1 silk coverlet, with a stripe of gold in the middle; 1 half pillow-slip of silk untrimmed; 1 netted cap with several fringes of silk and gold; 1 _agnus Dei_ mounted in silver, with a little silver chain; 3 strings of coral beads, one plain, another alternating with gold; 1 pair of large linen table-cloths with stripes of silk and gold; 1 pair of thin sheets wrought with gold and silk; 1 bundle of napkins of German cambric [_renda le man_]; 2 comfit-boxes of silk striped with gold; 2 napkins with stripes of gold and silk; 1 other bundle [_golupo_] of small towels of cambric [_reno_]; 1 other bundle of _trapiselli de reno_; 1 black striped towel, used; 41 head-kerchiefs with black stripes, in a trunk; 1 table-cover in a trunk, and _oselati_ of black cotton; 8 head-kerchiefs in another trunk with black stripes; 8 hand-towels in _oselati_ with black stripes in one piece; 12 ditto in another piece; 2 towel-cases wrought with black stripes; 2 worked napkins; 6 trimmed tissues, one purple, one alessandrine, one green, one pied [_bertina_] besides two old ones, to be given to Antonella and Victoria; 1 purple brocaded dress; 1 small brocaded cloak, alessandrine coloured; 1 other crimson brocaded, which was unpicked and used as a lining for the black brocaded dress; 1 dress of white embroidered cloth; 1 dress of green embroidered velvet, which, if she likes it, is to be sent to my Lady; 1 dress of engrained black; 1 ditto of brown; 1 pied mantle, which, if it pleases my Lady, may be made an altar-cloth; 1 dress of purple damask, which, if she likes it, I shall give to Antonia, daughter of Signor Orlandin; 1 lining of martin fur for a pair of large sleeves; 1 _conetoro da cima_ of crimson brocade lined in the back, and another of crimson also lined in the back, and another old alessandrine of ermine.

I give to Victoria de Monaldin a pair of used crimson brocade sleeves; to Francesco of Cagli, an old crimson damask petticoat; to Fra di Messer Benedicto, a little cloak of white damask, which I promised a good while since.

Another brown mantle [_camura_] I have given to my nurse.

Also two small towels striped with gold and silk, which our mother has asked of me for the altar.

APPENDIX III

(Page 50, note)

POETRY OF OTTAVIANO DEGLI UBALDINI

The two following sonnets, though rude, testify to Ottaviano Ubaldini's taste for the arts of design, and to the excellence of Pisano, who, though here and in his usual epigraph designed a painter, is best known to us by his medals, one of which accompanied this second sonnet as a gift to Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan. I found them in a MS. volume at the Vatican, and both are dated in 1442. Gretto is Allegretto Nuzio.

I.

Se Cimabo, cum Gretto et cum Gentile, Ch'a' pinger puser l'honorata mano, Et chi de l'arte fu mai più soprano, Tornassero hoggi, et crescesser lo stile; Farebbe el nome lor più basso et vile, El glorioso et dolce mio Pisano, Tanto è più grato el suo stil deretano Quanto è più de l'inverno un dolce Aprile. Arte, mesura, äere et desegno, Manera, prospectiva et naturale, Gli ha dato el celo per mirabil dono. Le sue figure son si proprie, et tale Che parer vive, sol li manca el sole: Pero de eterna fama e lui sol degno.

II.

Chi vol' del mondo mai non esser privo Venga, a farse retrar del naturale Al mio Pisano, qual' retra l'hom' tale Che tu dirai, "Non è anzi, è pur vivo!" Perchè la par' vivace e sensitivo. O mirabil pictor, che tanto vale Ch'a' la natura tu sei quasi eguale, Cum l'arte et cum l'ingegno si excessivo. Credo te manca solo, ad esser' lei. Ch'ella a suo' nati da la voce e 'l sono. Tu a depinti fai parlar tacendo. Ben potristi agli amanti tor gli omei, Far a ciascun de la sua amata un dono, Et starien' sempre, seco, hon dormendo.

APPENDIX IV

(Pages 85-6)

INSTRUMENT CONTAINING THE CONCESSIONS DEMANDED BY THE CITIZENS AND ACCEDED TO BY COUNT FEDERIGO ON BEING CHOSEN AS THEIR SEIGNEUR; TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN ORIGINAL IN THE COMMUNAL ARCHIVES OF URBINO

In the name of God, amen; to the honour and worship of the indivisible Trinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ and his mother the glorious Virgin, of the blessed Crescentius, and of the whole triumphant heavenly host. These underwritten are certain articles, conditions, and concessions made, published, concluded, and consented to between the illustrious and potent lord our Lord Federigo di Montefeltro, Count of Urbino, Durante, and various other places, and the inhabitants and community of the city of Urbino, on the 23rd of July, in the year of our Lord 1444; the seventh indiction, and the reign of Pope Eugene IV.

_First._ That your Lordship is not to bear in remembrance, against such as have committed them, the injuries and offences inflicted during this revolution on the person of Oddantonio late Duke of Urbino, and others, nor in any way, or on any pretext, to punish or avenge them publicly or secretly; further, that you are understood to forgive and take under your protection all who may be compromised in these crimes.

_Answer._ We consent, and shall observe all that we promised at our entry.

_Second._ Further, that the Lords Priors of the city of Urbino shall, in time to come, be appointed every two months, as heretofore, and shall enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and dignities conceded to them by law, except the custody of the registers; and shall be empowered to remit sentences and punishments for injuries done, and to administer the duties of the Lord Podestà of this city on extraordinary occasions as he may direct; each prior to have a salary of fifteen ducats (at forty bolognini to the ducat), payable monthly.

_Answer._ We again consent and approve; but their authority and privileges shall be those possessed during the time of our father of happy memory; and their salary of fifteen ducats to each in monthly payments shall include the whole period of their service.

_Third._ Further, as the house of the priors was in old times that now used as the great hall for the supreme court, your Lordship shall deign to concede to them, in compensation for it, that new building near the episcopal cemetery, or some other residence convenient for the despatch of public business; and this the more, as their present dwelling is going to ruin.

_Answer._ So be it, until their old house be repaired.

_Fourth._ Further, seeing that the ordinary assessment, which was of old three shillings in the pound, has been raised to five and a half, without the sanction and consent of the people,--a very grievous and insupportable exaction, reducing the soil to sterility, whereby many communities have been dispersed, and threatening further evils,--that your Lordship shall condescend to lower it to four shillings a pound, in order to relieve the poor and needy, as well in this city as throughout the state.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Fifth._ Further, that your Lordship would deign to revoke all donations made since the death of the Lord Guidantonio, in order the better to provide for your outgoings and expenses.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Sixth._ Further, that your Lordship would deign to revoke all immunities and exemptions granted to any individuals or communes, on the plea of nobility, or on any other pretext, so that no one now or henceforth may be exempt from assessments, warding, or other public burdens, real or personal.

_Answer._ So be it; but reserving all exemptions granted by our father of happy memory.

_Seventh._ Further, that your Lordship would condescend to approve the citizens deputed to watch and ward, with the customary pay; and that your Lordship may not intromit (as has been the case heretofore) with the warding moneys, nor receive any sums or contributions for that purpose.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Eighth._ Further, that one-third of all fines for convictions and damages shall be paid over to the master of works, for repair of the city walls and other public edifices, according to law and usage; and that your Lordship will deign to renounce the power of bestowing gratuities out of that tierce, seeing that a decree of the Lord Guidantonio, of felicitous memory, is still in force, prohibiting such gratuities or misapplications.

_Answer._ Be it according to that decree, and this although the payments be made before sentence, or by way of composition.

_Ninth._ Further, that your Lordship would condescend, for the maintenance of this city and state and its inhabitants, to ask from them no further contribution, nor to impose on them any loan, restraint, or other burden, beyond the ordinary assessment as above.

_Answer._ So be it, except in a case of necessity.

_Tenth._ Further, that every three months a chamberlain should be elected, and his notary be boxed [_inbussolari_] for this community, as provided by the statutes, and with the usual salaries.

_Answer._ We shall delegate a chamberlain for a competent period; as to the notary, let it be as asked.

_Eleventh._ Further, that the notary of the military and the chancery notary of sentences be boxed, with the same salaries and emoluments as heretofore.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Twelfth._ Further, that the quarter of salt be revised, and restored to its proper weight of thirty-five pounds, in order to remove numerous complaints as to this, and that it be sold for the customary price.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Thirteenth._ Further, that the podestà reside constantly in the city, and that his office last six months, with the usual honours; also that your Lordship should agree never to re-appoint any podestà, and that, at the termination of their official services, he and the other officials should render account to the priors of this city, the statutory allowance being paid to the persons employed to pass their accounts, and to the notary.

_Answer._ Such is our intention, reserving our freedom therein; but the accounts and notary shall have the usual salaries: as to the podestà's jurisdiction, we consent that it shall not be renewed beyond a year.

_Fourteenth._ Further, that your Lordship deign to select two good, competent, and skilful physicians, to be paid a salary from the community, and to be bound to visit and prescribe for all persons within the city and countship paying imposts, and for all others, at some fee or emolument, including your Lordship's family.

_Answer._ So be it; but let them be held to visit indiscriminately all citizens, our household included.

_Fifteenth._ Further, that there always be in this city a schoolmaster, with an excellent and well-qualified rehearser, at the customary salary.

_Answer._ Be it so; be it so.

_Sixteenth._ Further, that the camp-captains of this community be citizens or inhabitants of the countship.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Seventeenth._ Further, seeing that many merchants and others, passing with their effects, have and do refuse to take the road by Urbino, or through this state, in consequence of the great and enormous tolls, that your Lordship would agree to these tolls being paid as under the old laws in the time of Count Antonio of happy memory.

_Answer._ Let the same regulations be observed as in the time of our sire of good memory; be it so.

_Eighteenth._ Further, seeing that many citizens of Urbino are creditors of the Lord Guidantonio of most happy memory, and of his son and successor Oddantonio, some for merchandise and other goods supplied to them, or by their order; some for obligations and engagements incurred by their command; that your Lordship would condescend and will that these be paid out of their effects.

_Answer._ It will be our endeavour to arrange that they be satisfied in so far as possible, but we do not hereby intend to commit ourselves further than we are legally bound.

_Nineteenth._ Further, that two suitable and qualified citizens of Urbino be chosen to the office of _appassatus_ for this community, their appointment to last two years, and to be regulated thereafter as found convenient.

_Answer._ We agree as regards ourselves, but, as other interests are involved, let justice be observed.

_Twentieth._ Further, that your Lordship would condescend to depute for the priors a clerk for their business, not from those employed in chancery.

_Answer._ The communal clerk may suffice[303] for this.

FEDERICUS FELTRIUS, _manu propria_.

[Footnote 303: The extract sent me has "supplicat," probably for "suppetat."]

APPENDIX V

(Page 161)

DEVICES AND MOTTOES OF THE DUKES OF URBINO

A great deal of ingenuity, and no small amount of learning, were expended in Italy on the invention of _impresi_, or allegorical emblems used by personages of high station or celebrity, somewhat as crests and mottoes are in modern heraldry. The same quaint fashion of _devises_ or badges prevailed to a less degree in France, and found some favour even in England during the days of euphuism, but, being better suited to the pedantic conceits and lively fancy which circulated freely in southern lands, than to the practical tendency of Anglo-Saxon temperaments, it took no enduring hold among us. Giovio, Ruscelli, and other Italian writers of note, thought their talents worthily employed in publishing collections of impresi,--a jargon of tropes, illustrated by a jingle of spurious jests,--as well as in imagining them for patrons or friends; and Bernardo Tasso was considered an adept in such perverted ingenuity. Yet, as these badges are constantly met with in architectural decorations, medals, and illuminated MSS., it is useful to possess an index to their ownership, though not always to their occult meaning. In this view we shall give a list of the devices of Urbino sovereigns, which we have chanced to meet with in books or works of art, arranging them to the best of our information.

1. The _ventosa_, or cupping-glass, which, when painted half full of blood, more resembles a bomb-shell exploding.

2. A unicorn.

3. A white ostrich, bearing in its mouth a horse-shoe, or sometimes an arrow-head; motto, _Ich an vordait ein grossers_, "I'd like a larger." This is sometimes varied as a crane or stork on one leg, holding a stone in his raised claw, to be dropped as a signal of alarm to his companions.

4. A lion.

5. A bear.

6. A panther.

7. A muzzled dog, the emblem of fidelity.

8. The black eagle of Montefeltro; sometimes it is mounted on a tortoise, alluding to Duke Federigo's cautious policy.

9. The Garter of England, with its motto.

10. The Ermine of Naples, with the motto _Non mai_, or _Nunquam_, "Never." (See above, p. 223, note.)

11. St. Michael of France, or it may be St. George of England.

12. A clothes-brush of the Italian form, being a bundle of twigs closely tied and cut across. It was a device borrowed from the Dukes of Milan, of unknown signification.

13. An olive-tree.

14. A noose amid defiles.

15. A pen or box for shoeing oxen.

16. The cypher F E D X in Gothic characters.

17. A shield quartered; first and fourth, on a field vert, blazing flames; second and third, on a field azure.

18. Three golden suns, } 19. A rainbow dividing four stars, } All on an azure ground. 20. Three winged thunderbolts, }

21. Two palm-branches passed through a gold finger-ring, on a red ground.

22. A burning lantern.

23. On a field gules, a lion rampant proper, holding a rapier; motto, _Non deest in generoso pectore virtus_. It was invented by Castiglione as an assertion of Francesco Maria's worth in the affair of the Cardinal of Pavia.

24. A palm-tree bent to one side, and half crushed by a block of marble; motto, _Inclinata resurgit_, "Though bent it springs again." This was adopted by Duke Francesco Maria I. in token of his successful struggle against evil fortune.

25. Three _metæ_, or antique goal pillars, or obelisks; motto, [Greek: Philairetotatô], "To the most devoted lover of virtue." A design for these goals was sent to Duke Guidobaldo II. by Bernardo Tasso, from the Circus Maximus at Rome.

26. Two circular temples, united by a balustrade; motto, _Hic terminus hæret_, "This goal adheres."

27. A face inflated with wind; motto, [Greek: Olbios sianolbios], "Happy and prosperous."

28. A budding oak-tree, the armorial bearing of the della Rovere, inscribed _Feretria_.

29. An oak-tree whence are suspended the arms of Montefeltro or Feretria; motto, _Tuta tueor_, "I watch over their safety."

30. The initials of his own two Christian names linked by a gordian knot to those of his two wives, G.G. and V.V. _i.e._ Guido with Giulia; Ubaldo with Vittoria; motto, _Gordio fortior_, "Stronger than the gordian tie."

31. An altar, on which are the sybil's leaves.

Of these, Nos. 1 and 2, with perhaps others, were used by the early Counts; Nos. 3 to 21 by Montefeltrian Dukes; Nos. 22 and 23 by Duke Francesco Maria I.; the remainder by his son.

APPENDIX VI

(Pages 166, 212)

THE ILLUMINATED MSS. IN THE URBINO LIBRARY

It would far exceed our limits to describe these in detail, but we shall mention four MSS. of especial interest now at the Vatican.

1. The HEBREW BIBLE, alleged to have been taken at Volterra (see p. 212), is the most ponderous volume I have met with. The boards are 23 inches by 16, and the 979 leaves of stout parchment form a thickness of nearly a foot. It has been lately bound in crimson morocco--a wonderful triumph of mechanical art,--and two men are required to carry it. The prose books are in double columns, the poetical ones in triple, each having a sort of title and tail-piece of tracery, into which are introduced arabesques and grotesques entirely composed of small Hebrew characters. These, and other passages in similar caligraphy, contain the commentary called Mazorra,[304] in which parallel passages are cited. The text is written with points, the commentary without them; the character is of the description used by German Jews, but was probably executed in Italy; it appears to be all by the same hand, and bears date 5055 of the Jewish era, corresponding to A.D. 1295. In the opinion, however, of Monsignor Molza, librarian at the Vatican, and a most learned orientalist, the MS. may be somewhat later. It is said that a proposal was once made by some Jews to purchase this book for its weight in gold, or, as Giunta asserts,[305] for 30,000 scudi; Philip II. having, he adds, offered 20,000 for it. The reason assigned by him for such excessive estimation is, that this transcript was the chief authority for that reading of Isaiah vii. 14, "Behold a virgin shall conceive, and bear a son, and shall call his name Immanuel," on which is based the doctrine of the immaculate conception.

[Footnote 304: This commentary, I believe, bears also the name of Raschid.]

[Footnote 305: MS. works in the Albani library at Rome.]

2. The LATIN BIBLE, mentioned at p. 166, is now among the richest specimens of ornamented caligraphy in the Vatican library, and consists of two folio volumes, 22 by 18 inches, in modern Russia binding. It is St. Jerome's translation, with his preface. Each book is preceded by a picture of some remarkable fact in the history, crowded with figures, and surprisingly animated. The arabesque ornaments are also most perfect, and the whole may be considered, as regards beauty and preservation, one of the most important works of the golden days of manuscript illumination. It has been attributed to Perugino or Pinturicchio, and there are indications that the artists employed upon it were well acquainted with productions of the Umbrian school, but the execution, however brilliant, in no way warrants such pretensions.[306] Neither can the conjecture be well founded, lately put forward with much confidence by some Roman connoisseurs, that these splendid volumes were ornamented by the pencil of Piero della Francesca, as that artist, whose great talents will elsewhere occupy our attention, was old, and probably blind, before the date affixed to volume first, in a colophon identifying it with Florence, and preserving this curious record of the mixed motives of piety, war, and painting which influenced Duke Federigo in ordering such works.

[Footnote 306: That many of the greatest Italian painters, up to about 1500, were in the habit of illuminating religious and historical MSS. is a fact which need not here be illustrated by examples. But as the name of Perugino occurs, I may mention that one of the most perfect miniatures known to exist is the martyrdom of St. Sebastian, signed by him, in a Book of Offices of the Romish Church, purchased by me at Rome, in 1838, from Prince Albani, which now ornaments the Earl of Ashburnham's rich collection. This volume, containing several other paintings of equal merit, was executed for Giovanni di Pierantonio Bandini Baroncelli, long ambassador from the Medici at the court of Charles V., the great antiquity of whose family is sarcastically maintained by Boccaccio, on the ground that their ugliness proves them to have issued from the hands of Nature ere she had become perfect at her business!]

"Finit prima pars Bibliæ, a divo Hieronimo translata, quam illustrissimus princeps Federicus, Urbini Dux et Montisfeltri Comes, Generalisque Capitaneus et Ferdinandi Regis et sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ vexillifer, atque omnium suæ ætatis præstantissimus imperator, faciendum curavit, non minus Christianæ religioni tuendæ atque exornandæ intentus, quam disciplinæ militari amplificandæ. Absolutum autem Florentiæ opus est anno ab humanatione Christi Millesimo quadringentesimo septuagesimo sexto, Februarii mensis die quinto et vigesimo."--The two volumes contain 550 leaves: with all its beauty the first is of unequal merit, its miniatures being often poor in conception; those in the second are inferior to it in movement and expression.

3. The folio DANTE (No. 365) is remarkable on several accounts. On the frontispiece are the Montefeltrian arms, with the Garter of England embroidered in pearls; but though decorated throughout with the devices and initials of Duke Federigo--"belli fulgur, et pacis et patriæ pius pater,"--the after-portion of the volume must have been painted at least half a century later. The seventy-three earlier miniatures are characterised by more accurate perspective in architecture and landscape than Florence could then boast; while the elaborate action and varied movement of the nude groups, their muscular development, and correct foreshortening, are in advance of the age; yet the short figures and mean faces altogether want ideality and elevation of character. The Inferno is treated with a severity in colouring and accessories, alien to human associations, and befitting a grand mysterious theme, which offers nothing pleasing, gaudy, or mundane. The Purgatorio, though of less startling themes and harsh details, is still all supernatural. Towards its close commence the more modern paintings, forty-one in number, and the sudden transition of feeling and execution occurs exactly in harmony with the subject. All becomes at once bright and beautiful, sunny and smiling; flowery meadows are peopled by fair damsels. The Paradiso is treated in a like style of elegance, but with diminished intensity and variety of sentiment, qualities necessarily less called for by the subject. Agincourt erroneously ascribes the older decorations to the school of Perugino: they are, however, apparently Umbrian, and may have been done by followers of Piero della Francesca. The latter ones are generally attributed to Giulio Clovio, and seem to have been executed under his influence, although Blatner allots them to followers of the Zuccari or Baroccio, and traces a resemblance to the miniatures next to be described.

4. THE LIVES OF THE DUKES OF URBINO, in two volumes folio, richly bound in crimson velvet, and written in the cursive Italian hand, which is said to have been invented by Aldus Manutius. These are Duke Federigo, by Muzio, and Duke Francesco Maria I., by Leoni, and each contains, besides a portrait and highly decorative title, three miniatures of remarkable scenes. The likeness of Federigo is the same which has been engraved for the printed work of Muzio; that of his grandson is a copy of Titian's portrait at Florence. The incidents selected for the pencil are:--(1) The Count's welcome by the citizens as their seigneur in 1443; (2) The battle of San Fabbiano by moonlight; (3) The siege of Volterra.--(1) Duke Francesco Maria's investiture by Julius II., as captain-general of the Holy See; (2) An incident in the Urbino campaign of 1517; (3) His reception at Venice by the Doge in 1524. Notwithstanding some recent doubts as to their long imputed authorship, these volumes are probably by Giulio Clovio, and afford a favourable example of his exquisite though somewhat meretricious style.

APPENDIX VII

(Page 224)

DUKE FEDERIGO OF URBINO A KNIGHT OF THE GARTER

Paolo Cortesio tells us that, when some sycophants, after the Volterra expedition, assured the Duke that no name was more glorious or more widely famous, he exclaimed, "How so, since no one in Spain or France ever heard of me? Think you that it has ever crossed the Alps?" Notwithstanding this modest reproof, it is certain that fame was then carrying his renown even to the

"Penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos,"

and that within about two years he was by them received into the noblest and most chivalrous company whom the world has ever seen. In supplement to the meagre notice of his election as a Knight of the Garter supplied by its records and historians, we shall here translate some unpublished letters addressed to Edward IV. and his courtiers, noticing others in the same collection,[307] and adding passages from Sanzi and Porcellio, contemporary poets, who severally mention this mead of honour in Italian and Latin verse.

[Footnote 307: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198, f. 12, &c., Literæ Ducis Federici, in Latin.]

1. "To the most Serene Monarch and lofty Prince, my singular Lord, the Lord Edward, King of England, France, and Ireland;

"By the most Reverend Father and Lord, John, and the distinguished knight, Sir Bartholomew, your Majesty's all-gifted ambassadors, I have received the insignia of the Order of the Garter, wherewith you have, with singular politeness, deigned to honour me. My most Serene Prince, King Ferdinand [of Naples] having shortly before arrived at Rome to wait upon the Pope, I likewise repaired hither, and thus was already here on the arrival of Sir Bartholomew. He, wishing me to be invested with that eminent decoration at Grotta Ferrata, not far from this city, it took place in presence of that monarch in his robes of the Order, and of two reverend lords cardinals, one of them nephew of his Holiness and my connection by marriage, the other the vice-chancellor, several princes and the envoys of many states being also in attendance. Thus was this eminent dignity honoured before many distinguished personages, to my great and signal satisfaction; for, the more marked the compliments and distinctions paid to your Majesty, the fuller are my joy and gratitude. In this way have I received the distinguished gift of your Serene Highness, to whom I would ever hold myself bound in all respect and service. I have often looked into, and most willingly perused, the statutes sent me by your Highness, which I shall be careful with all diligence to obey; and I shall, to the utmost of my power, endeavour to acquit myself of my duty to your Majesty, and all others to whom I am indebted; so I trust you will never regret having conferred upon me this decoration. The matter has given pleasure to my serene Prince, King Ferdinand, and especially to his Holiness, who both are affectionately inclined towards your Majesty; and I thus impart to you their respective intentions of expressing thanks for this favour conferred upon me. The acknowledgments which I feel and owe for that distinction to your Majesty, and to the illustrious knights of the Order, I indeed never can adequately express; but your singular consideration, which has chosen to lay me under such an obligation, will not be insensible to my devotion and good will. As soon as it is in my power I shall send one of my subjects to lay all my duty before your Majesty, at whose feet I humbly commend myself." [From Rome.]

Another brief to the same monarch reiterates these acknowledgments:--

2. "Most serene Sovereign and distinguished Lord, my special Lord,

"After humble commendation. I have received, as I already wrote, by the hands of a famed knight, the Lord Bartholomew, your Majesty's ambassador, that distinguished favour the Garter, which he brought to me some months ago in name of your Majesty. For such a gift I ought to feel many thanks, and I do so, although unable worthily to offer them to your Majesty. My joy, and my estimate of the honour, may best be understood from the excellence of that dignity, worthy as it truly is of royalty; and the remarkable munificence and inherent liberality of your Majesty may teach me how willingly I ought to receive it: but all this I shall cut short in writing to your Majesty, having already fully stated it to the Lord Bartholomew. Whom, indeed, I received with the utmost satisfaction, and most cordially welcomed, not only as the envoy and ambassador of your Serene Highness, whose every least behest is to be by me observed as an honour and a pleasure, but also on account of his own worth and excellent manners. From the King of Sicily, to whom he was accredited by your Majesty, he bears the most commendatory testimonials, and was very well received by the Pope, and altogether it would be difficult to express how favourably I am inclined towards him. For more I refer to him, and to that worthy soldier Sir Pietro degli Ubaldini, who, born of a noble house, has been brought up by me, and whom I send in my name, to lay before your Majesty my duty, since it is not granted me to offer it in person, as I should greatly have preferred; whom, indeed, I should have equally sent without any obligation in the statutes of the Garter.[308] These statutes I have often perused, and they are impressed upon my memory, nor shall I omit whatever seems needful to their due observance. And this I shall ever endeavour to perform to the utmost of my poor ability, even were it less equal to so high a favour and dignity. At all events, as regards my faithful duty and obedience to these statutes, your Majesty will have no cause for dissatisfaction. For your Majesty, as for his Holiness (whose natural servant and subject I am), and for my Lord your brother the King of Sicily, I am ready heartily to expose my state and person, so often as it may be desired or required; which, indeed, I should not consider as discharging a thousandth part of my debt to your Majesty, before whose feet I humbly commend myself. For yourself, for your serene consort the Queen, and for your illustrious children, especially the Prince your eldest son, I heartily desire all safety and happiness."

[Footnote 308: The date of this mission is indicated by a letter of 22nd August, 1475. It and another are addressed to Don Antonio and Don Guglielmo, probably English courtiers, referring to that embassy to England, offering duty to Edward, and the writer's services in his behalf at Rome and Naples.]

On the return of his envoy from England, Federigo again addressed Edward as follows:--

3. "To the most serene and invincible Monarch, and distinguished Lord, my special Lord;

"After humble commendation. As in duty bound, I gladly sent to your Majesty Sir Pietro degli Ubaldini, my ambassador, on occasion of the valued gift of the Garter with which you have condescended to decorate me; and, on his return, he has reported to me the great politeness and consideration wherewith your Majesty received him, and the love and favour you so kindly exhibit towards me. Many as are these obligations, especially from so lofty a monarch, and greatly as I am indebted for such remarkable goodwill, I often repeat to myself that I cannot but surpass them in my grateful joy. I offer your Serene Highness not the thanks which I owe, for they are too great, but those which I can pay; yet your Majesty will deign to accept such as my heart possesses, which, in faith and service to you will ever be most ardent. I now send in writing to the very Reverend Lord Bishop of Salisbury, the serene Chancellor of the Garter, a message which Sir Pietro omitted to deliver, whose tardy arrival your Majesty will condescend to pardon. I also write to the very Reverend Bishop of Lyconia, Chancellor of your kingdom, some matters which now occur to me, and which he will relate to your Majesty, lest I should weary you by prolonging this letter. To these, therefore, your Majesty will please to adhibit credence; at whose feet I anxiously and humbly recommend me and mine. Your Serene Highness, &c. From Urbino."

On the same occasion he wrote in the following terms to the Bishop of Salisbury, Chancellor of the Garter:--

4. "Most Reverend Father in Christ, and my much honoured Lord Father;

"Sir Pietro degli Ubaldini was sent by me last year, that he might complete in my name all matters in regard to the distinguished order of the Garter. I know not in what way my clerks drew the mandate for him, but when charged with neglect or carelessness, they plead in their own justification that it has been always usual to send to sovereigns and princes letters accrediting the person of the bearer, without any more special mandate; however it happened, it annoyed me much. I send you these present letters, upon receiving which I shall be glad that you acknowledge them; and also that you do your utmost to get the King to write me that he has received and considered them. Which, indeed, I should have despatched earlier so as to reach you within the prescribed time, but I delayed a little lest any letter should arrive from your Lordship, instructing particulars as to the indulgence you wish granted to the church of St. George, at Windsor. I shall give all my influence to obtain your petition, and to maintain the reputation of that distinguished Order, on account of which I am under such obligations, nor is there anything that I would not undertake to the utmost of my power towards fulfilling my duty and desire in this respect; and I wish your Lordship to be assured how much it will be my endeavour, at all times and occasions, to demonstrate how highly I prize that honour. I offer to your Lordship many thanks for your kindness to my envoy, Sir Pietro, and for your courteous reception of him: he told me how difficult it would be to enumerate all the demonstrations of regard he received from your Lordship, for which I am highly indebted. I pray you to inform me of any favour that may be within my reach, as it would be to me a great pleasure to obtain it, from whatever quarter, for your Lordship, to whom I commend myself. Whenever you wish to send me letters you may safely do so by the hands of Stoldo degli Altoviti, a Florentine merchant resident in London, a person of the highest respectability, and bound to me by the most especial regard."

This letter accompanied the preceding one. Another to the Chancellor of England is much more verbose, assuring him of the Duke's grateful regard for the King, and anxious readiness to be of use in forwarding his views, especially by employing at all times his influence with the Pope, to whose goodwill towards his Majesty he bears strong testimony. It also hints indistinctly at the King's taking some interest in the affairs of Spain, suffering as they then were from Turkish annoyance. A letter to the Chancellor, written some months later, goes over the same general assurances, and is expressed in the tone of one who regarded himself as specially entrusted with the English monarch's interests at the Holy See. Both abound with proffers of service to the Chancellor himself, who seems to have been a cardinal. We shall extract one more letter in which the affair of St. George's Chapel is renewed, and which is addressed to the Chancellor of the Garter.

5. "Most Reverend Father in Christ, and my much honoured Lord Father,

"By the messenger whom I had sent some months ago I have received your Lordship's most courteous letters, and along with them the hounds adapted for all manner of hunting, and I cannot tell you how acceptable and agreeable they are to me. My son Guido also received the high-mettled ambling colt, which has delighted him beyond measure, and made him truly joyful, and he unites with me in thankfully acknowledging to your Lordship his obligation, not only for the value and beauty of the gift, but also for all your Lordship's good wishes for his future happiness, towards whom, as a father, he will ever during life look up with filial affection. I have besought from the Pope that indulgence which you desired for the chapel of the high and excellent Order of the Garter, and his Holiness has deigned to concede it in the way which your Lordship will find in the accompanying bull.[309] I understand that his Holiness has granted much more than the usual privileges, against the opinion of almost all Roman jurisconsults, so that, in case they should fall short of your Lordship's desires, I wish you to be assured that I have not omitted to do my utmost to obtain these for you; and in regard to the decoration of that chapel for the welfare of souls, more has been conceded in this case than in perhaps any preceding one, at once out of consideration for your Lordship, and from his Holiness' clemency. I should, indeed, have wished still more ample concessions, for the exaltation of that most serene Order, my interest in which it might seem an exaggeration in me to state, although most desirous to testify it by all ways and means. Along with these letters is transmitted the petitions your Lordship begged me to sign, and a copy of the letter which the Holy Father wrote to me. From these your Lordship will perceive how gladly I should conform myself to your views, which it would give me the highest gratification to see attained. It only remains for me to beg that your Lordship will remember with that courtesy and goodwill which you extend to me, to commend me frequently and humbly to his Highness my Lord the King. All prosperity attend your Lordship, to whom I commend myself, and to whom I recommend also Stoldo Altoviti, a citizen of Florence residing in London, who is my intimate and valued friend, and who will thank your Lordship in my name."[310]

[Footnote 309: Anstis refers to this as of 1476-9.]

[Footnote 310: Among the other letters in this collection relating to England, are one to the Reverend John [Morton, Master of the Rolls], counsellor to the King, with thanks for his attentions to Pietro Ubaldini; another, thanking the Lord Chancellor for a horse and hounds; another of civility to Archbishop Boutcher, Cardinal of England, presbyter of S. Ciriaco. There are three others to Edward IV. In the first he avails himself of a visit from Sir John de la Scrop, then on his return from the Holy Land, to offer the King his affectionate duty, and to express his high regard for that nobleman. In the next he alludes to Sir John, an English ambassador then at Urbino, who seems to have been accredited in order to co-operate with the Duke in obtaining a Jubilee [1475], and in recommending some one to an Irish see. In another he mentions hearing that his Majesty had crossed over to France [1475], and offers his good offices with the Pope and King of Naples.]

A volume in the British Museum (Add. MSS. No. 6298, f. 277), formerly belonging to Anstis, contains a notice of our Duke, which probably expresses those qualities which secured his admission into the Order. "Frederick Duke of Urbin was Earle of Montferrat and Durant, standard-bearer of the Church of Rome, and confederate of the Emperor. Hee founded to the glory of himself and his posterite the stately palice of Urbin; hee foughte dyvers battayles; tooke six standerds in the field; eight tymes hee overthrewe his enemyes, and in all his warres wes ever victorious, which greatly increased his riches. His justice, clemency, liberality, made hym everywhere famous, and did equalize and adorn his victories with peace. The arming sword which hee wore had this inscription, '_Son quella che difende la ragione, non ti fidar di me s'il cor ti manca_'--I am one that defends the right; rely not on me should thy heart fail thee!"

Giovanni Sanzi thus chronicles the English decoration:--

"Nor were the glories of his name confined To narrow limits, for its lustre reached The shelving shores of Britain's distant isle; Which of this peopled sphere another land We well may deem, by yon far-distant sea Disparted,--where the slowly sinking sun Seeks in the briny waves his evening bath. 'Twere waste of words to tell how Edward was King of that realm, by far-sprung pedigree, Great pomp, and grace of person eminent, And foremost by inheritance of those Linked in a holy brotherhood of arms, Each candidate for which was held to prove Rare worth and dauntless prowess, requisites Alone entitling to election In that exclusive Order, limited To six-and-twenty knights, all notable For varied martial deeds. Among whom were King Edward's eldest son, of high exploits; The sovereign, too, of Portugal was there; Matthias, Hungary's admirable King, Whose fame still loftier soars; and Ferdinand Of Naples, emulating his renown. He, too, of Burgundy, the petted child Of wayward fortune, till by Alpine bands Thrice was his banner flouted, and at last, Dying at Nancy, he the reckoning paid For all his God-outraging cruelties, Of blood a very glutton: but no more Of him. In this devout companionship Were many nobles of that land enrolled; Yet 'twas King Edward's fancy to include Our Duke Federigo, deeming him most meet, So wrote his friendly purpose in a letter, Which from the Latin I shall here translate; And, better to convey the courteous sanction Of the unanimous fraternity, Despatched with it a trusty embassy: Its tenor this, the wonted greetings said. 'Thy worth and high achievements reached our court By one who wandered long in distant lands Filled with thy fame: yet who has ever ta'en A loving heart from sites so far remote, To bind it in a fardel fast and firm With thy so glorious and signal deeds?[311] On these relying fully, and inflamed With warm affection, 'tis our only doubt Which to desire, thy presence, or this link Of friendly brotherhood, though both were best. But, choosing that which seems most feasible, And, next to death's inevitable doom, Unchanging, be it ours a knot to bind Indissoluble,--benefit unmatched, Which the our children's sons will test the force Of friendship, and a priceless jewel prove,-- Be ours the bond to clench by formal vote Of the grave college, with a full accord Their portals opening for thy free admission To a companionship of charity, Where each others' weal would willing die.' This letter read, the noble envoy next Set forth the object of his mission In solemn gracious phrase, the Duke addressing As the dear brother of his sovereign. A precious garter then produced, Remarking that, though fashioned with mean tools, 'Twas the exclusive guerdon of high birth, And pregnant with fine sentiment, In golden letters on its circle traced, 'Woe to the man whose thoughts are aught but right!' This decoration dates from Pepin's reign, An ancient king, whose far-descended line And dignities I leave to other pens. He next displayed a robe of ruddy hue Blazing with gold brocade, a mantle round Of regal cut that swept the ground, its tint A lovely Alexandrian blue. The Duke With grateful heart and kindly welcome took From him these ensigns, and these honoured robes, And so invested with that princely Order Of wide-extending fame a Knight was made, Of good St. George, upon whose festal day, In solemn concourse met, the cavaliers Observe with fitting rites his memory."

[Footnote 311: This passage, written probably in Norman French, has become somewhat obscure in its transmission through barbarous Latin into Sanzi's rugged rhymes.]

It only remains to quote the mention of this event made by Porcellio in his Feltria, which we extract as a specimen of its rugged style.[312]

[Footnote 312: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 373, f. 105, 106.]

"Rex præstans animi, et claris celeberrimus armis, Anglicus, hunc ipsum Feltrensem foedere sanctæ Jungit amicitiæ, fraternaque munere mittit, Quæ deceant tantum reges in pignus amoris; Serica regales quæ nectant cingula sures Donat habere Ducem; nitet aurea fibula, et auri Litterule splendore micant, quibus usque notatur Argumentum ingens veteris reverentia facti, DISPEREANT QUI PRAVA PUTANT. Levaque purpureo Britonis de more tyranni Traditur hæc isdem signis, eodemque tenore, Crebro intexta patet tyrio de murice subter Purpura migdoneis nivibus mage candida fulget, Et paribus capitis donatur tegminæ signis. Misit item leges in religionis honorem, Servandas fratrum de more et tempore certo. Lætus erat Cæsar, non ipso munere tantum, Sed quod erat primo regum insignitus honore: Postquam Edwardi clarissima munera regis Accepit, gratesque egit sic ore profatus: Hæc me dona ligant sub religione teneri Auxilium præstare, et duris succurrere in armis; Sed si diva meum servet Proserpina crinem, Et mea fatales non rumpant stamina Parcæ, Quantum opis et quantum dederint mea fata rependam."

APPENDIX VIII

(Page 347)

THE ARMY OF CHARLES VIII., IN 1493

The contemporary Chronicle of this expedition, reprinted at Lyons in 1842, gives a general muster-roll of the French army, which may be thus classed:--

I. THE ROYAL STAFF.

Monseigneur le Visdasme, commanding gentlemen in full sleeves 100 " de Myolans, commanding gentlemen in full sleeves and crossbow-men 100 " de Cresol, commanding archers of the French guard 200 Captain Claude, commanding archers of the Scottish guard 100 Many lords of the blood-royal, the court and the council.

II. THE LAND FORCES.

Men-at-arms 3,600 Bowmen on foot 6,200 Crossbow-men on foot 8,000 Long-pike-men 8,000 The Lord Ludovic 2,040 Dastardeurs 6,200 Masters to dress the artillery 200 Master carpenters 600 Master sappers 300 Master stone-hewers 900 Master charcoal-burners 200 Master rope-makers 120 Artillery drivers 4,000 ------ 40,360 ------

Battering guns [_bombardes_] 1,200 Large stone balls 140 Artillery horses 8,000 ------ [Transcriber's Note: subtotal is missing in original]

Monseigneur de Serve lances 40 " de Monfaucon " 40 " Robert de la Marche " 30 The Mareschal de Baudricourt " 60 Monseigneur de Guise " 40 " de Chaude " 30 " de Mauleon " 200 " Aymart de Poye " 25 " de Camicam " 35 Captain Odet " 25 ---- 525 ----

III. THE NAVAL ARMAMENT.

Gentlemen of Agenes, for Monseigneur d'Orleans's guard 4,000 " of Normandy " " " 4,000 Commissaries 200 The Duc d'Orleans } The Conte d'Angoulême } The Duc de Nemours } The Prince d'Orange } Monseigneur de Vendôme } The Conte de Ligny } " de Nevers } with their companies, } } amounting to } 15,000 Monseigneur d'Albret } The Conte de Boulogne } The Great Bastard of Burgundy } " " of Bourbon } The Marechal of Burgundy } The Governor of Champaign } " of Burgundy } Monseigneur d'Orleans lances 100 " de Foix " 50 " Gracien " 50 The Bailli of Dijon " 30 " " Swiss 3,000 Monseigneur de Montaison lances 30 " d'Allègre " 40 " de Chaumont " 30 George de Silly " 30 Castillon " 30 Julien Burinel " 30 Monseigneur de Vergy " 30 " d'Armansy " 40 Don Jehan " 30 André de l'Ospital " 54 Monseigneur de la Place " 40 The Marechal of Burgundy " 40 Monseigneur d'Aubigny " 100 " de Ligny " 100 " de la Tremouille " 50 " de Silly " 40 " the Grand Equerry " 40 " de Beaumont " 40 " de Piennes " 50 " the Prince d'Orange " 40 The Seneschal d'Armagnac " 25 Monseigneur Pierre de Bellefrontiere " 25 Despert de Bonneville " 25 ------ 27,389 ------

Great ships 24 Great galleasses 8 Quarracques 11 Galleras 226 Sailing galleys 50 Brigantines 60 Fustes 80 Boats innumerable. ---- Total vessels 459 ----

Allowing to each man-at-arms and lance two followers, and to each gentleman one, the total force would amount to nearly 90,000 men, 1200 pieces of artillery, and 459 sail. To this there falls to be added, besides the usual attendance of servants and sutlers, an immense retinue attached to the luxurious court of Charles, of which no enumeration is attempted.

APPENDIX IX

(Page 354)

THE BATTLE OF THE TARO, IN 1495

The battle of Fornovo bears so little upon the proper subject of our narrative, that we have but rapidly noted its issue. It may be well, however, now to examine in greater detail the circumstances leading to a result so opposite from that which the ordinary chances of war would have inferred, and to consider how far the fortune of that field tried the comparative superiority of French and Italian prowess. We are in possession of contemporary statements which fairly represent each side of the argument; and the narratives of Corio, Sanuto, and Guicciardini, the historians of Milan, Venice, and Florence, may be accepted as exhausting those pleas by which the frank and graphic commentaries of Philippe de Comines and the more confused details of the _Vergier d'Honneur_ ought to be tested.

The French march through Italy had been rather a pageant than an invasion: as they advanced, difficulties disappeared,--enemies fawned, crouched, or fled without hazarding a blow. A career of such success, trying to any judgment, intoxicated the young and giddy monarch, and, though startled by the northern confederacy, he was not fully roused to the danger of being caught and enclosed in an enemy's country. We accordingly find the pages of Comines full of lamentations at the careless ease with which he loitered on his retreat, and the infatuation of weakening his army by leaving small garrisons at Siena, Pisa, Lucca, and Pietra Santa, as well as by detaching a useless expedition against Genoa, whose resistance closed the coast road against him. At the two first of these places above a fortnight of valuable time was lost, whilst the allies were mustering to intercept his passage of the Apennines. As he approached the danger, blunders consequent upon divided councils were aggravated by imperfect discipline; and the wanton destruction by the Swiss of Pontremoli with its magazines exposed the army to famine in the mountain passes. A new obstacle now presented itself in the enormous artillery train, consisting of fourteen culverins from twelve to fifteen feet long. The Sieur d'Argenton, whose mission at Venice taught him to appreciate the urgency of a retreat ere the allies could concentrate their forces, and others who knew the difficulties of such a march, would gladly have seen these cumbrous impediments abandoned, but the Swiss, tackling themselves by hundreds to each piece, dragged them up defiles and lowered them down precipices, where beasts of draught could have been of no avail. This feat is described in the _Vergier_ as "une execrable peine, merveilleux travail, et très penetrant ennuy, attendu la façon de proceder, le lieu estrange, et la chaleur grande et terrible que lors se faisoit." The army, after crossing the summit, slowly descended on Lombardy, by the left bank of the Taro, until its vanguard under Marechal de Gie, being thirty miles in advance, reached Fornovo on the 2nd of July, and halted for three days until the King should come up.[313] The allies were encamped at Ghiaruola, about three miles further in the open plain. Had they at once attacked the Marechal, his division might have been exterminated, whilst the army thus weakened, and unable from fatigue and exhaustion to fall back upon Tuscany, must have become an easy prey, or have surrendered at discretion. Opportunities so precious are rarely offered to men's exigencies, and once lost cannot be retrieved.

[Footnote 313: The former march of the army by the same passes required but three days from Fornovo to Pontremoli; on this occasion the King was four days in crossing, besides a halt of three more to enable his artillery to get ahead of him. It is probable that in 1494 much of his ordnance, baggage, and stores had been sent in the fleet.]

The estimate by Comines of the two armies is admitted to be a fair one. That to which he belonged was reduced to a tithe of the original armament, and numbered much under 9000 fighting men, who had to cut their way through at least four times that strength, with every disadvantage of ground. Both were now on the right of the Taro, a mountain torrent here subsiding into a shallow stream, which the French had to cross within half a mile of the enemy. So convinced was Comines of the risk, that on the 5th he availed himself of the anxious feeling which began to manifest itself among his countrymen, when in presence of so formidable a host, and opened negotiations. These appear to have been continued next day, even after the battle had commenced, but led to nothing. That they should have been entertained by the confederates might occasion surprise, but for Sanuto's ready admission that, even at such a moment, the hesitating and ruinous policy habitual to Venetian _proveditori_, sacrificed the advantages of the emergency. He tells us that they, "conducting themselves most wisely, wished to let the King pass, without perilling their cause, seeing that, as all know, a general action is essentially hazardous, and ought therefore to be avoided by a powerful state such as Venice."[314] The narrative of Guicciardini inculpates others in these craven counsels, which carried the day, and induced the scarcely credible resolution to wait for instructions from Milan and Venice: scarcely was it formed ere its fatuity became apparent.

[Footnote 314: It is curious to find this cowardly policy openly laid down by such authority as a maxim, and it affords a clue not only to the lax military operations of the grasping Republic, but betrays the secret that their mainland advantages were oftener gained by tortuous diplomacy than in open field. The Venetian _proveditori_ were at first of the nature of quartermasters and commissaries-general, their duty being to distribute pay and quarters to the troops, as well as to levy and allot taxes whereby the military finances were maintained through the agency of local sub-commissaries. But they became tools of the ever-jealous Signory, empowered to control the commanders, as well as to watch and report their proceedings. We have frequent occasion to notice the bad consequences of this narrow policy.]

At eight on the morning of Monday the 6th, the French army, once more united, resumed its march. The advance, still commanded by the Marechal de Gie, included the Swiss, and was followed by the artillery; the King was with the main body; and to De la Tremouille and Guise was committed the rear-guard. The baggage was detached on the left under Odet, and from the first was in some confusion. The confederates having opened their fire from a large gun, it was promptly dismounted by the French artillery, and the army, crossing the Taro, marched steadily on for above a mile. On the feint of exchanging a prisoner of rank, a Venetian trumpet was sent to Charles, for the purpose of ascertaining his position and appearance, that he might be singled out in the charge which the Marquis of Mantua immediately made at the head of the Stradiote irregular horse. This Cossack-like force, recruited in Dalmatia, and used by the Republic with infinite effect under the new mode of warfare, cut its way almost to the King, whose conduct during the day was bold and energetic beyond what might have been expected from his feeble constitution and effeminate habits. By this time the vanguard had likewise been attacked, and the mêlée was at its height, when the Stradiotes of the Marquis, having seized upon the baggage, gave themselves up to pillage. The example was contagious upon the other undisciplined Albanians; but although Italian writers impute to this casual and untoward incident the loss of the battle, they scarcely question the Sieur d'Argenson's allegation, that their men-at-arms had already yielded at all points. Making their way back with difficulty through the Taro, which a severe thunder-storm had swollen to a dangerous torrent, they fled towards Parma, although partially rallied by Nicolò di Petigliano, a captain of the Orsini, just then escaped from the French, with whom he had been prisoner. The fortune of the day might still have been retrieved by him and by the reserve, which, under Antonio di Montefeltro, stood vainly waiting orders to engage; or, on the other hand, had Charles followed up his success by a general assault, it seems admitted by Guicciardini that the confederates would have been routed. But his policy was security rather than success; and he encamped about a mile from the field, leaving the bulk of the allied forces to resume their former quarters. Even next day the latter might have struck a blow sufficient long to preserve the Peninsula from foreign aggression; but jealousies distracted their captains as well as their councils, for each thought more of preserving intact his own contingent of troops, as a defence against his neighbour's ambition, than of making common cause against the general enemy. The Italians claimed the victory; and the Venetians, with their usual arrogance and insincerity, ordered triumphant festivities on the strength of having captured the King's baggage, carrying off his rosaries and a portfolio of meretricious portraits--recollections of his harem! History has disowned the claim, and has justly awarded to the French the honours of the day, upon the better title of having continued an orderly retreat, with the loss of but a small proportion of those who fell at Fornovo.

APPENDIX X

(Page 375)

THE ARRIVAL OF DUKE VALENTINO AT THE FRENCH COURT

Brantome[315] has preserved, from an unedited rhyming chronicle, the following curious account of this upstart's entry, on the 18th of December, 1498, into Chinon, where Louis then held his court:--

[Footnote 315: _Vies des Hommes Illustres_, Discours 48.]

"First came eighty most beautiful mules, laden with trunks, portmanteaus, and packages, with red cloths whereon were the Duke's armorial bearings. Then eighty more mules, whose cloths were party-coloured red and yellow, for they bore the royal liveries, such as I have seen our Queen Margaret's pages and footmen wear. These were followed by twelve mules, in cloths of yellow satin all _barré_ transversely. Then ten others in striped cloth of gold alternately waved and plain.

"Next there came sixteen fine tall racers, led with Turkish bridles, and in cloths of gold, red, and yellow. Also eighteen pages, each on a beautiful racer, sixteen of them in crimson velvet, the other two in waved cloth of gold, while the people wondered why these minions were so much finer than the rest. Further, six footmen led, as was then the fashion, as many beautiful mules richly caparisoned with saddles, bridles, and housings, they and the footmen in crimson velvet. Then two mules laden with chests, over which was cloth of gold: 'Think how much richer their burdens,' said the bystanders,--'perhaps bright and splendid jewels for his bride, or bulls and indulgences from Rome, or, it may be, holy relics!' Thereafter came thirty gentlemen in gold and silver stuffs: 'Too small a troop,' said the court, 'considering all the preceding equipage, requiring at least some five or six score in French and Spanish costumes.'

"There were also three musicians, two being tabors the other a rebec, then much in use, as still, among the high noblesse and commanders of Germany, who have kettle-drums in marching, as had the ostentatious Baron Dhona, till the gallant M. de Guise broke and silenced them, to his great disgrace. These drummers of Borgia were clad in their national costume of gold cloth, and their rebecs were decked out with gold cord, the instruments being of silver, with golden chains. And these musicians went between the gentlemen and the Duke of Valentinois, playing incessantly. There were likewise four trumpeters and clarioneers, richly dressed, ever sounding their silver instruments; and twenty-four laquais, in crimson velvet party-coloured with yellow silk, surrounded the Duke, with whom the Cardinal of Rouen was in conversation.

"As to the Duke, he rode a tall and large courser, very richly accoutred, with a robe of red satin party-coloured with gold cloth, and trimmed with many costly stones and pearls. On his cap a double row of rubies, the size of large beans, glittered brilliantly. Its turn-up had also a great quantity of jewels; and even his boots were all stuck over with gold cords, and edged by pearls;

"With collar which, to say the truth, Was thirty thousand ducats worth,

"The charger he bestrode was quite covered with leaves of gold bedizened with jewellery, stones, and pearls. He had besides a pretty little mule for riding about the town, with saddle, bridle, breastplate, and other harness, studded in roses of fine gold an inch thick. Last of all, there were likewise four-and-twenty mules, with red cloths, bearing this lord's armorial ensigns, and a quantity of baggage-carts with camp-beds and other furniture.

"Such was the entry, challenging renown, Of this grandee into Chinon.

"The King, being at the window, saw him arrive, and there can be no doubt how he and his courtiers ridiculed all this state, as unbecoming the petty Duke of Valentinois."

APPENDIX XI

(Page 385)

DESPATCH OF SER BENEDETTO TREVISANO, ENVOY OF VENICE AT THE COURT OF LOUIS XII., DETAILING THE ENTRY INTO LYONS OF LUDOVICO DUKE OF MILAN, THE 2ND OF MAY, 1500

Most serene Prince and excellent Lord [Doge],

This day, at half-past four o'clock, the Lord Louis was brought into the city in the following manner. First, there came twelve town serjeants on foot, who prevented the very dense crowd from shouting; next the governor of the city with the provost-marshal on horseback, followed by a hundred archers of the King's guard; after them the Lord Louis, dressed in a vest of black camelot with black boots, and a cap of black cloth which he held almost constantly in his hand. He kept looking around him, and seemed anxious to appear unmoved by this great reverse of fortune. Although he had been shaved this morning his face did not evince health, and his arms, hands, and all his person trembled. Immediately near him was the captain of the King's archer guard, followed by another hundred archers, and thus was he led through the town to the castle, which stands on a mount, where he will remain well watched and guarded for the next eight days, until the completion of the iron cage, which will be his constant night chamber. The said cage is very strong; its irons are bound with wood, and the metal is so tempered that if forcibly touched by a file, or any other instrument, it would instantly fire the wood. I must not omit to tell you that I being with the Spanish minister at a window by which the Lord Louis had to pass, the said Lord, on having the Spanish envoy pointed out to him, raised his cap, and then being told that your Serenity's ambassador was likewise there, he stopped and made a sign that he wished to speak, but I did not move. And the captain of archers who was near him cried, "Let us get on! let us get on!" but afterwards reported to the King's majesty that the Lord Louis then said, "Go tell him that I made not my reverence to him; he is of an evil race, devoid of faith," &c. I replied that I should have considered myself disgraced, not honoured, by any demonstration of goodwill from such a one. I afterwards went to the King's majesty at his palace, and mentioned having seen the Lord Louis pass, and I found there many other lords and nobles, who said some one thing some another concerning Il Moro. The King told me he had determined on not sending him to Loches, as he at first said, because he was in the habit of going thither himself at certain seasons of the year to hunt, and was averse to seeing his captive, but should have him taken to Selys in Berri, about two leagues from Bourges, where there is a very strong castle with wider moats than those at the citadel of Milan, and full of water. This place is in the centre of France, and its warder will be a former captain of his Majesty's archers when Duke of Orleans, with a company of most faithful persons, all brought up under his Majesty.

On dismounting from his mule, the Lord Louis was carried like a sack into the castle, for he cannot walk a step without assistance, and all think his days must be few. I humbly commend myself to your Serenity. From Lyons, the 2nd of May, 1500.

BENTUS TRIVISANUS, _Eques, Orator_.

APPENDIX XII

(Page 391)

Ahi bella Italia, già sublime e diva! Come ti pon' in man de' tuoi ribelli Che ti darann' ognor aspri flagelli, E di ciascun tuo ben resterai priva. Hor ogni alta virtute in te fioriva, Arme, dottrine, sculture, penelli, Architetture, fabriche e martelli: La prisca età tant' alto non saliva. Già tutti i stuoli barbareschi e rei Furono soggetti al tuo Felice scanno, Et or t'inclini a lor come a' tuoi Dei. Adunque piangi con perpetuo affanno, Pensando a quel che fosti e a quel che or sei, Che quanto è il ben ch'è perso, è tanto il danno.

MARCELLO FILOSSENO.

APPENDIX XIII

(Page 398)

The following narrative from Sanuto's Diaries of the Marriage Festivities of the Princess of Ferrara gives an ample idea of the pageants often alluded to in our volumes.

ORDER OF THE POMPS AND SPECTACLES FOR THE MARRIAGE OF THE LADY LUCREZIA BORGIA, ON HER COMING TO HER HUSBAND AT FERRARA, THE LAST DAY OF JANUARY, 1502.

First, the bridegroom Don Alfonso went to meet his bride at Malalbergo. Then, on the 1st of February, the most illustrious Lady Marchioness of Mantua went in the bucentaur, or state-barge, at the fourteenth hour, with her attendants, almost to Malalbergo, where she met the most illustrious bride, who was in a vessel with the most illustrious Duchess of Urbino and a few others. My Lady Marchioness then quitted her bucentaur for the bride's vessel, accompanied by the illustrious Lady Laura di Gonzaga and the Marchioness of Cotrone, when they embraced most courteously and proceeded towards Ferrara. On reaching the moat-tower, they all disembarked, and the bride made her reverence to the Lord Duke, who awaited her on the banks of the Po, with seventy-five mounted bowmen drawn up in file, in red and white uniform. The Duke having kissed her, and the foreign ambassadors with him having touched her hand, all of them embarked on board the bucentaurs, and so they arrived about the twenty-fourth hour at Casale, a possession of Lord Alberto d'Este on the opposite bank of the Po. The bride was received and led to her apartments by the Lady Lucrezia Bentivoglio, with many other noble dames, who all returned to Ferrara, after the steward of Don Alfonso had presented the Lady Teodora and twelve damsels as companions for the bride, all dressed in bodices [_camore_] of crimson satin and black velvet gowns with black lambskin. She was also complimented with five carriages, the first of which was covered with gold brocade and drawn by four horses, each worth fifty ducats. The next was in black velvet with bay horses, and the others in black satin drawn by horses of different colours. The bride wore a robe of cloth of gold, with _tirate_ and _galezoto_ of crimson satin, the sleeves of her chemise being in the Spanish fashion. Over these was a mantle [_albernia_] slashed on one side with black satin and trimmed with martens' fur. Her throat was bare, and her sleeves slashed in her own taste. On her neck was a string of large pearls with a garnet pendant pierced with a pearl; on her head a gold cap without any bandlet. The Lady Marchioness wore a robe of green velvet embroidered in gold, and a black velvet gown trimmed with lynx-skin, a cap of gold on her head, and a golden bandlet on her forehead, with a circlet of gold studded with diamonds round her neck. The Lady Duchess of Urbino wore a black velvet robe embroidered with golden ciphers.

Next day, the 2nd of February, the entry was made into Ferrara. First, there came an advanced guard of seventy-five mounted archers of the Duke in long coats [_salioni_] of white and red cloth, their three officers all differently dressed. Then followed eighty trumpeters, their long coats being half of gold brocade, and half of black and white satin; next to whom twenty-four fifes and trombones; and then the courtiers and nobles of Ferrara indiscriminately, seventy of whom had gold collars, worth one with another 500 ducats, some of them being from 800 to 1200 ducats. Thereafter the Duchess of Urbino's company, in satin and velvet, this division being closed by the Lord Don Alfonso, along with Messer Annibale Bentivoglio; he bestrode a tall bay horse caparisoned in black velvet, with trappings of massive beaten gold, wrought in relief, and a long coat of grey velvet covered with gold scales, the whole equipment being estimated at 6000 ducats. His black velvet cap had a fringe of beaten gold and white plumes. The gaiters [_brusadrini_] on his legs were of grey _sumacho_. The attendants at his stirrups were four pages and four tall men in French doublets of gold brocade and black velvet with hose of black and red cloth.

Next came the bride's company, in which were ten couple of Spaniards with gold brocade frocks [_saghi_], over which they wore velvet tabards lined with brocade or velvet; they had in all twelve gold chains of no great weight. These were followed by the Bishops of Adria, Comacchio, and Cervia with two others sent by the Pope, near whom were the envoys of Lucca, Genoa, Siena, Florence, with two from Venice in long robes of crimson velvet lined with fur, and four from Rome in mantles of gold brocade lined with crimson satin, behind whom were six tambourine players and a couple of running footmen.

Then came the bride, under a canopy of crimson satin borne by the doctors of laws; and in advance of it was led a tall piebald horse given her by the Lord Duke, with crimson velvet housings embroidered with gold, upon which she made her entry as far as the bridge of Castle Tealto, where it started at the discharge of fire-arms, and nearly threw her, but she was supported by eight of her stirrup-men, who were arrayed in long coats of black and yellow satin with hose to match; after which accident she mounted a black mule, with furniture of velvet covered with gold and studded with nails of beaten gold, a most beautiful and rich sight. Her dress was a _camora_, with wide sleeves in the French mode, of gold tissue and black satin slashed in stripes; over that an _albernia_ of woven gold brocaded in relief, which was open at the side and lined with ermine, as were also the sleeves of her robe. On her throat was a collar of diamonds and rubies, once belonging to our Lady of Ferrara of happy memory, and on her head a jewelled cap (sent her to Rome with that necklace by the Lord Duke), but no coronet. Her mule was led by six chamberlains of Don Alfonso variously arrayed, and all with massive gold collars, and she was attended only by the French ambassador.

The Lord Duke of Ferrara followed, with the Duchess of Urbino on his right. She rode on a black mule, caparisoned in black velvet, embroidered with woven gold. On her _camora_ of black velvet there were certain triangles of beaten gold, being astrological signs; a string of pearls surrounded her neck, and she wore a cap of gold. The Lord Duke bestrode a brown horse, with housings of black velvet, and wore a long cloak [_robbone_] of black velvet. Then came two noble dames, the Lady Girolama Borgia and one Ursina, in black velvet, behind whom the Lady Adriana, a widow related to the Pope: these were the only ladies on horseback. Next to them was the Lady Lucrezia Bentivoglio, in a carriage covered with gold brocade, followed by twelve others filled with the bride's ladies of Ferrara and Bologna; after whom there were led two of her sumpter mules with black velvet furniture, garnished with beaten silver in various designs; and behind these fifty-six other mules, covered with black and yellow cloth, and twelve more with satin of these liveries brought up the rear.

Triumphal arches had been raised in some of the streets through which the bride passed, and certain representations enacted; and so, at sunset, the procession reached the piazza, where a spectacle had been prepared of two men descending by cords from the Rugobello tower, and from the turret of the Palazzo della Ragione, at which moment all the prisoners were set free. The Lady Marchioness of Mantua stood to receive the bride at the stairs of the castle court, arrayed in a _camora_ embroidered with musical notes, and accompanied by her mother-in-law, the Lady Laura di Gonzaga, whose _camora_ was of gold brocade striped with black velvet: many ladies of Ferrara were also in their company. When the bride dismounted, the Duke's archers seized the canopy as their perquisite, whilst his stirrup-men and those of Don Alfonso contended for the mule, which was finally obtained by those of the bridegroom. The bride was then escorted by the ambassadors and Don Alfonso, with the Marchioness of Mantua and the Duchess of Urbino, into the grand hall and the ducal chambers, which were prepared with household requisites; and after remaining there awhile, all at length retired, and she and the bridegroom kept each other company that night.

On the 3rd, after dinner, two dances were performed in the hall, but with great difficulty, by reason of the crowd; and then the Duke reviewed all the actors in the five forthcoming comedies, one hundred and ten in number: they were in their stage dresses of taffety and camlet, in the Moorish fashion. First, there came one who represented Plautus, and recited the subjects of the proposed comedies, namely the _Epidicus_, the _Bacchides_, the _Miles Gloriosus_, the _Asinaria_, and the _Casina_. Then, about six o'clock, the first of them was commenced, with some good Moorish interludes, one of which was performed by some soldiers in antique dresses, with red and white plumes, having mock breastplates, helmets, and arms; one party wielding maces, the other axes, but each having swords and daggers. The former were victorious: they attacked with maces and axes, then with swords, finally with daggers, until half of them, having fallen down, were led away prisoners by the others, and removed from the stage. The second interlude was performed by some dressed as foot soldiers, with gorgets and breastplates, a feather on their heads, and hatchets in their hands; they fought like the others, after making a review to the sound of the trumpet, as if going to battle. The third interlude was musical, followed by certain Moors with two lighted candles in their mouths. The last one was also played by Moors bearing lighted torches, and making a fine show. Also, before the exit in the third interlude, there came to the sound of fife a fire-eater, who acquitted himself very well.

The bride did not make her appearance on the 4th until about noon, when, having taken a slight collation, she came into the hall attended by the diplomatic body. She wore a dress of gold thread in the French mode, and an _albernia_ of dark satin, with narrow stripes of beaten gold studded with small gems, and trimmed with ermine; on her head a cap bossed with garnets and pearls, and on her neck a jewelled collar. At the moment of her entrance into the hall there appeared also the most illustrious Marchioness of Mantua: her dress was embroidered with gold, her neck had a string of large pearls, with a great diamond in the centre, and a richly jewelled bandlet on her brow. The most illustrious Duchess of Urbino was with her, in a _camora_ of brown velvet slashed, and bound with chains of massive gold. They spent the day dancing in the hall until near sunset, when all adjourned to the representation of the _Bacchides_ by Plautus, with two Moorish interludes. One of these was executed by ten men dressed as if naked, with aprons and long hair; in their hands were ten cornucopiæ, each of them holding four lighted torches filled with turpentine, which emitted flames when shaken. They were preceded by a damsel, who moved timorously about, without music, towards the back of the stage, whence a dragon issued to devour her; but a dismounted man-at-arms defended her, combated and vanquished the dragon, and carried him off captive, followed by the damsel in the arms of a youth, the ten men dancing round them and making their turpentine blaze up. The second Moorish interlude represented maniacs in their shirts, their hose over their heads, and in their hands fly-flaps and inflated bladders to beat themselves with.

During next day, which was Saturday, the bride was occupied all the morning in washing [dying?] her head, and writing, nor did she appear during the day; so the other lords and ladies, nobles and dames, went for their pleasure through the city. And in the forenoon the Lady Lucrezia presented privately to the Lord Duke the patent of the fief of Ferrara from his Holiness. The Lady Marchioness of Mantua wore to-day a gown of white silver tabi, and her head and neck were decked with pearls; the Duchess of Urbino had a dress of velvet striped with woven gold.

On Sunday, the 6th, solemn mass was chanted in the cathedral by the Bishop of Carniola; of the principal lords only Don Alfonso being present, accompanied by the French ambassador, but there were many courtiers and a crowd of people. When mass was over, one of the Pope's gentlemen of the bedchamber, named Messer Leandro, presented to Don Alfonso a sealed bull, which being opened was of the following tenor:--That it being usual for the Pontiff, every year, on Christmas eve, to bless a sword and hat, as a present for some Christian prince deserving well of the Church, his Holiness had made choice of his Highness, in consideration both of the dignity of his house and the excellency of his own person, the sword being in defence of the Christian faith, and the hat for that of himself individually. This brief having been publicly read, Don Alfonso went to the altar and knelt, and the aforesaid Bishop, having recited some prayers, placed on his head the hat of grey velvet, surmounted by a knot embroidered in pearls, and fringed with gold, which crossed and hung down in the form of a broad band, lined with ermine, with pendent tails. He then placed in his hand the sword, which was very richly ornamented with gold; and after he had remained thus for a short time, the Bishop ungirded him, when, rising on his legs, he called for Messer Giulio Tascone, who took the sword in his hand, having the hat on its point; and thus they went to dinner by sound of trumpet.

After dinner the Lady Marchioness, arrayed in a black velvet robe, in the French fashion, lined with crimson satin, slashed and bound with lacets of massive gold, and buttoned down the front with garnet studs, her cap being formed of certain golden bars set with precious stones, and having round her throat a string of pearls and a golden necklace, went to escort the bride from her chamber, accompanied by her brothers and the Duchess of Urbino, whose gown was of black velvet closely embroidered in gold, her head and neck in gala attire. The bride wore a dress, in the French style, of dark satin, all striped with fish-scales of woven gold, each stripe being of two fingers' breadth: on her head were a cap and a richly jewelled coronet, and a pearl necklace of great price round her throat. And thus they led her down to the grand hall, where they danced for two hours, the bride with one of her maidens performing _busia_ very admirably in the French style. Then at sunset they went to the spectacle of the _Miles Gloriosus_, a comedy of Plautus, which lasted five hours and a half including three Moorish interludes. In the first of these, Cupid came upon the stage, shooting arrows and spouting verses; and he was followed by twelve men cased in tin, covered with lighted candlesticks, with looking-glasses on their heads, and pierced paper balloons in their hands, also filled with candles; so that it was a fine sight. The second interlude represented goats rushing and leaping about the stage, with the goatherd after them. The third was performed by foot soldiers in doublets of gold and silver brocade, with white and red hose, and on their heads black velvet caps with white plumes and false hair. In their hands were darts, and at their sides daggers; they first moved about the stage, thrusting at each other with the darts, and then with the daggers, but always keeping time; and when this was concluded all went to supper.

Next day, the 7th, about two o'clock, all met to witness a combat between two men-at-arms, who had been allowed to fight in the piazza fronting the cathedral. One of them was named Vicino da Imola, in the Marquis of Mantua's service; the other was Aldobrandino Piatese, of Bologna. At the third sounding of the trumpet they made their onset, spurring their horses, and meeting near the extremity of the Palazzo della Ragione, when Aldobrandino received a thrust in the shoulder from his adversary, and was unhorsed. Throwing away their lances, they then took to their swords; but Aldobrandino having lost the naked sword of his bridle-hand at the first charge, employed the other, with which, at close quarters, he gave two wounds to his enemy's horse, one in the neck and the other in the shoulder. At length Vicino broke his sword's point, and unwittingly used it thus for some time; but on becoming aware of the fact, he seized his mace, and having soon lost this also, he instantly took his dagger, dodging about the lists with it, and courageously followed by his antagonist, who sought out his exposed and wounded points with his sword; until, finally, having cut him in the hand, Vicino's horse at the same instant beginning to stagger from his two wounds, Aldobrandino would doubtless have vanquished and slain his enemy, had not the Duke caused them to be parted, having reserved to himself this right of separating the combatants. Aldobrandino, after a very brief delay, was the first to mount a fresh horse and ride round the lists, amid infinite shouts of applause, and cries of "Turk, Turk!" [being a sort of slang for "Pluck, pluck;"] his adversary exhibiting his broken sword. And this duel of an hour's duration being so ended, the Duke, as umpire, reserving his award, all went from this spectacle to that of the comedy of Plautus, named the _Asinaria_, which was beautiful and delectable. Its notable interludes were, first, ten wild men, who ran about the stage jumping most fearfully, and then, terrified by the cry of dogs and hunters, retreated into a wood, whence, on seeing some coneys pass by, they pursued them with sticks and caught them. Then, on hearing the horns again blown, they hid themselves a second time, but came forth to chase some kids and chamois, which also they took. Finally, at the third blast of the horns, they once more fled into the wood, where they gave chase to a lion and a panther with their sticks; and these animals, defending themselves, were at length taken and bound by them, with great applause. Thereafter, all the ten met at one end of the stage, jumping, and four of them having formed a circle with their hands joined, other four sprang up and stood upon them with joined hands, they all bounding and dancing to pipe music, whilst the remaining two capered round them until they all separated. They all wore bells, which sometimes rang and were sometimes mute, but all in perfect time. Thereafter came some Mantuan music of the _tromboncino_, _paula_, _poccini_, &c., and last of all twelve peasants made their appearance with a tambourine, to represent the progress of agriculture. First, they dug the ground with spades; then they sowed from baskets filled with gilt copper chopped fine; then, with sickles, they reaped the corn, and so, going through each step, winnowing and housing it, until some peasant girls came forth with panniers and covered caldrons for a repast, preceded by fifes, with whom the husbandmen commenced dancing, and so went off the scene. The performance ended at nine o'clock, when all moved to supper.

On this day the bride appeared in a dress of woven gold, and an _albernia_ of dark satin lined with ermine; on her neck was a great chain [_canata_, or fence of canes] of most valuable stones, and on her head a coronet of diamonds and emeralds. The most illustrious Marchioness wore a gown of crimson velvet striped with gold brocade in open work; on her neck was a very rich chain of stones, and a coronet of immense diamonds on her brow. The Lady Duchess had a black velvet dress, striped and crossed with gold and silver brocade, with pearls and jewels [_prede_] on her neck and head. The French envoy presented the bride to-day with a string of Venetian gilt beads.

On the 8th, being Shrove-Tuesday of the carnival, the ambassadors entered the bride's chamber to offer their gifts, the Duke having already presented her with almost all his own jewels, which are most beautiful and of great value. The Venetian first, after a fitting exordium, presented robes and hoods of crimson velvet lined with paunch fur. Then the Florentine gave her a beautiful piece of cloth of gold flowered in relief, thirty-five yards long. The Sienese donated two silver vases of considerable size and well wrought. Lastly, the Lucchese gave a beautiful silver basin and ewer. Thereafter came the bride arrayed in a robe of gold brocade and dark satin, slashed and bound with white silk, with an _albernia_ of crimson satin lined with ermine, and a most beautiful long chain of pearls and _prede_ on her throat, with a jewelled cap on her head. She was accompanied by the Lady Marchioness, in a dress of dark velvet covered with acorns woven in gold, a collar of large pearls with a garnet centre, and a most beautiful tiara of diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, along with the Lady Duchess of Urbino in a gown of black velvet striped with gold, with a jewelled necklace and diadem. They went into the hall, where they danced till after sunset, and then proceeded to hear the last of the comedies, the _Casina_, which was performed with great applause of the spectators. The interludes were, first, one of music, in which a _buffo_ was sung in praise of the bridal pair: this preceded the comedy, after the first act whereof, a women in the French dress came forward to the sound of a tambourine followed by ten youths clad in taffety of Don Alfonso's colours of white and red, holding baskets on which were inscribed "Love wills not." Then they danced, and the woman, following them, snatched and threw away their baskets, on which feigning anger they left the stage, but returned with darts in their hands, wherewith they wounded her, leaving her half dead. Cupid then came, and with his arrows floored these youths and freed her, when all arose and left the stage. Thereafter music was performed by some Mantuan barbarians, who sang a ballad, the burden whereof was Hope. On the conclusion of the second act, six wild men appeared, and drew a large globe to the centre of the stage, wherein were enclosed four virtues, Justice, Fortitude, Temperance, and Prudence, who, on the globe being opened at the blast of a horn, sang a song. After the third act, some very good music was performed by six viols, one of them played by the Lord Don Alfonso. In the fourth place, twelve men in German arms came forward, with breastplates, halberds, and knives, having plumes on their heads, and they performed a very fine Moorish dance. Finally, there came other twelve with long torches lighted at each end, who paced about in the Moorish fashion, making a most beautiful display; and thus the spectacle ended at eleven o'clock, when all went to supper.[316] During these nuptials, the most illustrious Lady Marchioness of Mantua has made many presents, both in money and dresses, to the trumpeters, buffoons, tambourine and fife players, and other musicians: amongst them she gave dresses to three Spanish buffoons, two being of gold brocade, the other of dark satin, all beautifully figured.

[Footnote 316: It is scarcely necessary to point out in these interludes the germ of the modern ballet spectacles (which in Italy are still introduced between the acts of the opera), as well as of various carnival pastimes. The details illustrate the history of the stage, as well as the social manners of the cinque-cento, which may excuse the length of this extract.]

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

GENEALOGICAL TABLES

[Transcriber's Note: Missing legends for natural children in some of the genealogical tables have been added. In some tables, the original uses the same symbol to indicate both natural children and skipped generations. In order to distinguish between them, the skipped generations are indicated by the § symbol, as that symbol is used for that purpose in the other original tables.]

DESCENT OF THE MONTEFELTRI, COUNTS AND DUKES OF URBINO.

N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

I. ANTONIO, Lord of Monte Copiolo. | II. MONTEFELTRINO, made Count of Montefeltro in 1154. ___________|___________________________ | | III. BUONCONTE, Count of Montefeltro TADDEO. and of Urbino in 1216. | § | V. GUIDO IL VECCHIO, Count of Montefeltro = COSTANZA. and Urbino, d. 1298. | _________________________________|____________ | | VI. FEDERIGO, Count of Montefeltro BUONCONTE. and Urbino, d. 1322. | ___________|_______________________________________ | | | | GUIDONE. VII. NOLFO, VII. FEDERIGO SPERANZA. Count of or NOVELLO. Montefeltro VIII. | and Urbino. | ____________________________|______________________________ | | | | | | | 1378. | | | VIII. ANTONIO, = GIOVANNA NOLFO = ---- GUIDO. GALEAZZO. ANNA. C. of | GONZAGA. GABRIELLI. Montefeltro | and Urbino, | d. 1404. | _|_______________________________________ | | | 1. | 2. | | RENGARDA, = IX. GUIDANTONIO, = CATERINA, ANNA. BATTISTA, = GALEAZZO d. of | C. of | d. of d. 1447. § MALATESTA, Galeazzo | Montefeltro | Lorenzo Lord of Malatesta S.P. and Urbino, | Colonna, Pesaro. of Rimini, d. 1442. | d. 1438. d. 1423. ! | ________! ________|________________________________________ ! | | | | | ! X. ODDANTONIO, | VIOLANTE = DOMENICO | SUEVA = ALESSANDRO ! DUKE OF | | MALATESTA | SFORZA of ! URBINO, BIANCA = GUIDANTONIO | NOVELLO | Pesaro. ! d. 1444. MANFREDI, | of Cesena, | ! of Faenza. | d. 1465. AGNESINA = ALESSANDRO ! | GONZAGA of ! S.P. Castiglione. !___________________________________________________________ | | 1437. | 1460. | GENTILE, d. of = X. FEDERIGO, = BATTISTA, d. of AURA = BERNARDINO Bartolomeo | DUKE OF URBINO, | Alessandro | UBALDINI Brancaleone | b. 1429, | Sforza of | DELLA CARDA. of Mercatello | d. 1482. | Pesaro, | Durante, | ! | b. 1446, d. 1472. OTTAVIANO. d. 1457. S.P. ! |________________________________________ ! | _______________________!_________________________________________ | | | | | | BUONCONTE, ANTONIO = EMILIA PIA BERNARDINO, AGOSTINO FREGOSO, = GENTILE. | d. 1458. DA CARPI. d. 1458. of Sta. Agata. | | _________________________________________________________________________|________________________ | | | | | | | | 1489. | | 1474. | 1474. | | CHIARA, a Nun. XI. GUIDOBALDO I., = ELISABETTA, | GIOVANNA = GIOVANNI AGNESINA = FABRIZIO | | DUKE OF URBINO, | d. of | 1475. | DELLA | COLONNA, | VIOLANTE = GALEOTTO b. 1472, | Federigo, ELISABETTA, = ROBERTO | ROVERE | Lord of | MALATESTA. d. 1508 | Marq. of b. 1461. MALATESTA | of | Marino. | | Mantua, of Rimini, | Sinigaglia, ______|______ COSTANZA = ANTONELLO | d. 1526. d. 1482. | Prefect | | SANSEVERINO, | | of Rome. ASCANIO VITTORIA Prince of S.P. | COLONNA, COLONNA, Salerno. THE DELLA ROVERE Claimant of Marchioness DUKES OF URBINO. Urbino, in of Pescara. 1522-1530.

DESCENT OF THE MALATESTA, as connected with URBINO.

N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

MALATESTA, of Verucchio, = MARGHERITA PANDOLFINI. Lord of Rimini, in 1280. | | | PANDOLFO MALATESTA, Lord of Rimini, d. 1326. | _____________|_________________________________ | | MALATESTA GALEAZZO, MALATESTA, or GALEOTTO Lord of MALATESTA, Pesaro. Lord of ______|_______ Rimini, | | Faenza, and MALATESTA PANDOLFO = CONSTANZA Fossombrone, MALATESTA, MALATESTA, | D'ESTE, d. 1383. called Lord of | of | _l'Ungaro_, Pesaro, | Ferrara. | d. 1372. d. 1373. | | ______________| | | | | _____________________________________| | | | | | | CARLO PANDOLFO ANDREA RENGARDA, = GUIDANTONIO, | MALATESTA, MALATESTA, MALATESTA, d. 1423. Count of | Count of Lord of Lord of Urbino, | Rimini, Fano, &c., Cesena, d. 1442. | d. 1429. d. 1427. d. 1416. | ! ______|______ ! | | ! MALATESTA SIGISMONDO ____!______________________ MALATESTA, MALATESTA, | | | Lord of Lord of GALEAZZO SIGISMONDO DOMENICO = VIOLANTE DI Pesaro, Pesaro. ROBERTO, PANDOLFO, MALATESTA MONTEFELTRO, d. 1429. Lord of Lord of _Novello_, of Urbino. |______________ Rimini, Rimini, Lord of | d. 1432. married,-- Cesena, | 1. GIUNIPERA d. 1465. | D'ESTE, | 2. POLISSENA | SFORZA, | 3. ISOTTA | DEGLI ATTI, | d. 1468. | ! | ! 1 | 2 ! BATTISTA DI = GALEAZZO = MARIA DE' ! MONTEFELTRO, | MALATESTA, MEDICI, ! of Urbino, | sold Pesaro d. of ! d. 1447. | in 1444. Pierino. ! | ! ELISABETTA = PIER-GENTILE ! MALATESTA | VARANA, of ! | Camerino, ! | d. 1433. ! | ! COSTANZA = ALESSANDRO ! VARANA | SFORZA, ! | Lord of ! | Pesaro, ! | d. 1473. ! | ! BATTISTA = FEDERIGO, ! SFORZA, Count of ! d. 1472. Urbino, ! d. 1482. ! ! ! _____________________________________!_________________________ | | | | | | ROBERTO = ELISABETTA | | | MARGHERITA = CARLO DI GIOVANNA = GIULIO MALATESTA, DI | | | MONTONE, CESARE _the_ MONTEFELTRO, | | | of VARANA, _Magnificent_, of Urbino. | | | Perugia. Lord of Count of | GIOVANNI.| Camerino, Rimini, | | d. 1502. d. 1482. VALERIO. SALLUSTIO. ! ! PANDOLFO, = VIOLANTE died BENTIVOGLIO, in an of Bologna. hospital.

DESCENT OF THE ORSINI, as connected with URBINO.

_From Litta._

N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

1 2 PERNA GAETANI = MATTEO ROSSO ORSINI, = GIOVANNA DELL'AQUILA. a great Campagna baron, 10th in descent from Orso, who lived A.D. 1000; d. 1246. ____________________|________________________________ | | | GENTILE ORSINI. RINALDO ORSINI, NAPOLEONE. | of Monterotondo, | § d. 1267. § | | | NICOLÒ ORSINI, | GIOVANNI ORSINI, = BARTOLOMEA Count of Petigliano, | 6th from | SPINELLI. a famous Condottiere, § Napoleone. | 9th from Gentile, | | d. 1510. | | | | ____________|__________ | | | | CLARICE = LORENZO ORSINI, GIACOMO ORSINI. | ORSINI, of | of Monterotondo, | | Bracciano. | 6th from Rinaldo. CLARICE, = LORENZO DE' | | d. 1488. § MEDICI, _the | | Magnificent_. | |_______________________ | _____________________________|______________ | | | | | GIULIO ORSINI, = MARGHERITA GIANBATTISTA, GIOVANNA = GIOVANNI | Condottiere, | CONTI. Cardinal, | DA CERI. | d. 1513. | poisoned 1503. | | | | | MARIO ORSINI, = VIRGINIA RENZO DA CERI, | Condottiere, DELLA ROVERE. Condottiere. | d. 1529. | | _________________________________________________________| | | FRANCESCO ORSINI, = MARGHERITA DELLA MARRA. CARLO ORSINI = PAOLA Duke of Gravina, | | ORSINI, of d. 1456. § | Tagliacozza. | | FERDINANDO ORSINI, = VIRGINIA DELLA ROVERE, | Duke of Gravina, da. of Guidobaldo II. | 6th from Francesco. Duke of Urbino. | | __________________________________________________________|__________ | | | NAPOLEONE ORSINI, = FRANCESCA ORSINI, ROBERTO ORSINI, = CATERINA LATINO ORSINI, of Bracciano | of Monterotondo. Condottiere, | SANSEVERINO. Cardinal, d. 1480. | d. 1476. | d. 1447. | | ! | ALFONSINA = PIETRO ! | ORSINI DE' MEDICI. ! | ! | PAOLO ORSINI, | Condottiere, | strangled 1503. __________|__________________________ | | | | GENTILE VIRGINIO ORSINI, = TRIFALDA BARTOLOMEA = BARTOLOMEO | of Bracciano, | ORSINI, of D'ALVIANO, | Condottiere, | Pacentro. Condottiere. | d. 1497. | | ! |_____________________ | ! 1 | 2 | CARLO ORSINI, MARIA CECILIA D'ARAGON, = GIANGIORDANO = FELICE DELLA | Count of bastard of Ferdinand, | ORSINI, of | ROVERE, bastard | Anguillara, King of Naples. | Bracciano. § of Julius II. | Condottiere, | | | d. 1505. NAPOLEONE The Dukes of | ORSINI. Bracciano. | | ______________________________| __________________________________________|____________ | | | FABIO ORSINI, = GIROLAMA CAMILLO ORSINI, = BRIGIDA PORZIA = VITELLOZZO VITELLI, Condottiere. BORGIA. Condottiere, | ORSINI, of of Città di Castello, d. 1559. | Bracciano. strangled 1503. | | 1541. PAOLO ORSINI, = LAVINIA FRANCIOTTI Condottiere. DELLA ROVERE.

TABLES SHOWING THE DISPUTED SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN OF NAPLES.

_From Le Sage, &c._

N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

I. LINES OF NORMANDY, HOHENSTAUFEN, AND ARAGON.

TANCRED, Lord of Hauteville, in Normandy, before 1000. ____________________|_____________________ | | ROGER, ROBERT GUISCARD, Count of Sicily, his fourth son, d. 1101. Duke of Puglia, | d. 1085. | ROGER, 1st King of Naples and Sicily, d. 1154. | __________________|______________________ | | | WILLIAM THE BAD, ROGER, d. 1149. CONSTANTIA = HENRY VI. of Hohenstaufen, 2nd K. of N. & S., ! | Emperor of Germany, d. 1166. ! | d. 1197, | TANCRED, bastard, | 6th K. of N. and S. | 4th K. of N. & S., | | d. 1194. | WILLIAM THE GOOD, | FREDERICK II., Emp. of Germany, 3rd K. of N. & S., | 7th K. of N. & S., d. 1250. d. 1189. WILLIAM III., | ! 5th K. of N. & S., | ! deposed by CONRAD IV., MANFRED, bastard, Emp. Henry VI. Emp. of G., usurped N. & S., in 1194. 8th K. of N. & S., d. 1266. d. 1254. | | | CONRADIN, CONSTANTIA, = PETER III., K. _de jure_ of d. 1300. | K. of Aragon, N. & S., d. 1268. | became K. of Pope Clement IV. | Sicily after gave his kingdom | the Sicilian to Charles | vespers, of Anjou. | d. 1285. | __________________________________________________|___ | | | ALFONSO III., K. of JAMES, K. of Aragon, FREDERICK III., Aragon and Sicily, and K. of Sicily, 3rd K. of Sicily, d. 1291. abdic. 1295. d. 1337. | | | | ALFONSO IV., PETER II., of Aragon, 4th K. of Sicily, d. 1336. d. 1342. | | | | PETER IV., | of Aragon, _________________|_ d. 1388. | | | LOUIS, FREDERICK III., | 5th K. of S., 6th K. of Sicily, | d. 1355. d. 1377. | | | | _______________|_________ | | | | ELEANORA, = JOHN I., MARTIN I., | d. 1382. | K. of Castile. of Aragon, | | 8th K. of Sicily, | | d. 1410. | FERDINAND THE JUST, | | K. of Aragon, MARTIN, = MARY, 9th K. of Sicily, Prince of Aragon, heiress of Sicily, d. 1416. 7th K. of Sicily, d. 1402. | d. 1409. | _____|______________________________________ | | JOHN II., = JANE ENRIQUEZ. ALPHONSO V., K. of Aragon, | K. of Aragon Sicily, and | and Sicily, Navarre, | and I. as d. 1479. | K. of Naples, | by adoption of | Joanna II., | d. 1458. | ! | ! | FERDINAND I., | K. of Naples, | d. 1494. _______|______ | | | | ISABELLA, = FERDINAND JANE = FERDINAND I., ALFONSO II., heiress of | THE CATHOLIC, K. of Naples. K. of Naples, Castile, | K. of Aragon, d. 1495. d. 1504. | Castile, | | Naples, | | and Sicily, FERDINAND II., | d. 1516. K. of Naples, | d. 1496. | _________________|_______________________________________________________ | | | | ISABELLA, JANE THE INSANE, = PHILIP THE FAIR, MARY, CATHERINE, Q. of Portugal. heiress of Aragon, | son of Emperor Q. of Portugal. Q. of England. Castile, and | Maximilian, Sicily, d. 1555. | d. 1506. | | The Emperor CHARLES V., d. 1558.

II. LINES OF ANJOU.

LOUIS VIII., K. of France, d. 1226. ________________|___________ | | ST. LOUIS, CHARLES, Count of Anjou and Provence, K. of France, invested by Clement IV. d. 1270. with Naples and Sicily, 1265, | d. 1285. | | | | | CHARLES II., K. of N., d. 1309. | | | ________________|___________________ | | | | | | CHARLES MARTEL, ROBERT, PHILIP, JOHN, | K. of Hungary, K. of N., d. 1332. d. 1335. | d. 1290. d. 1343. | ____|_____ | | | | | | | | CHARLES, | LOUIS, CHARLES, = MARY of | CHARLES d. 1328. | d. 1362. d. 1348. | Naples, | ROBERT, | | | d. 1366. | K. of H., | | | | d. 1342. _|_____________ | __________ |____________ | | | | | | | ___|_____ | ____|___ | | | | | | | | 2 | 1 | | LOUIS, ANDREW, = JOANNA = LOUIS of PHILIP, = MARY, = CHARLES = MARGARET, | K. of d. I., Tarento, d. d. of | d. 1412. | Hungary, 1345. Q. of N., d. 1362. 1368. 1366. Durazzo, | | d. 1382. d. 1382. d. 1412. | | ___________________________| | | | | LADISLAUS, JOANNA II., Q. of Naples, | K. of Naples, who adopted 1st Alfonso V., | d. 1414. K. of Aragon and Sicily; | 2nd René of Anjou and | Provence, +1435. __|___________________________ | | PHILIP THE BOLD, CHARLES of K. of France, Valois of Anjou. d. 1285. | PHILIP VI., of Anjou, d. 1350. | JOHN II., of Anjou, d. 1364. ________________|__________________ | | | CHARLES V., LOUIS I., PHILIP, K. of of Anjou, D. of Burgundy, France, Titular K. d. 1404, d. 1377. of Naples, great-grandfather of | d. 1384. | _________|_________ | | | | | § CHARLES VI., LOUIS, | | K. of France, D. of LOUIS II., | d. 1422, Orleans, of Anjou, | grandfather of d. 1407. Titular K. CHARLES THE BOLD, | | of N., D. of Burgundy, § | d. 1417. d. 1477. | | | LOUIS XI., CHARLES, | K. of F., D. of O., | d. 1483. d. 1465. |____________________________________ | | | | | | | LOUIS III., RENÉ LE BON, CHARLES, CHARLES = ANNE of = LOUIS XII., of Anjou, C. of Provence, Count of Maine, VIII., K. Bretagne, K. of F., Titular Titular d. 1472. of France, d. 1514. d. 1515. K. of N., K. of N., | d. 1498. d. 1434. d. 1480. | | CHARLES, Tit. D. of Calabria, bequeathed his claims on Naples to Louis XI. of France, d. 1481.

THE SFORZA DESCENT

N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

GIACOMO MUZIO ATTENDOLO SFORZA, Count of Cotignola, 1369-1424. ! ______________________________!____________________ | | FRANCESCO = BIANCA ALESSANDRO = COSTANZA SFORZA, | MARIA SFORZA, | VARANA of Duke of | VISCONTI. Lord of | Camerino. Milan, | Pesaro, | 1450, | b. 1409, | b. 1401, | d. 1473. | d. 1466. | | | | __________|_________________________________ | | | | | | GALEAZZO = BONA CARDINAL IPPOLITA LUDOVICO = BEATRICE | MARIA, | of ASCANIO, MARIA, IL MORO, | D'ESTE | D. of | Savoy. d. 1505. 1446-1484, D. of | of | Milan, | m. Milan, | Ferrara. | 1444-1476.| ALFONSO, K. 1451-1508.| | ! | of Naples. | | ! | | | CATERINA | | | RIARIO | | | SFORZA. | | | | | | ____|________________ _______|____ | | | | | | GIOVANNI = ISABELLA BIANCA MAXIMILIANO, FRANCESCO, | GALEAZZO,| of Naples. MARIA, D. of Milan, D. of | D. of | 1472-1510, 1493-1530. Milan, | Milan, | m. the 1495-1535. | b. 1469, | Emperor | d. 1494. | Maximilian. | | | | __________________________________| | | | | FRANCESCO SFORZA, COSTANZO = CAMILLA GINEVRA, BATTISTA, b. 1490, d. 1522. SFORZA MARZANA m. m. of of Sessa. BENTIVOGLIO Federigo, Pesaro, of Bologna. D. of d. 1483. Urbino. ! ! 1 ! 2 LUCREZIA BORGIA = GIOVANNI SFORZA = GINEVRA TIEPOLO. of Pesaro, | d. 1510. | | COSTANZO SFORZA.

DESCENT OF THE BORGIA, as connected with URBINO

_From Moreri, &c._[H]

[Transcriber's Note: This table is not historically accurate, but is presented here as it appears in the original.]

_N.B.--Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

GIOVANNI BORGIA, or BORJA of Xativa. | _________________________|__________________________ | | | ALFONSO BORGIA, CATERINA = GIOVANNI DEL MILA. GIOVANNA = GIUFFREDO elected Pope as | or ISABELLA | or ALFONSO Calixtus III. | | LENZUOLI. 1455, d. 1458. LUIGI GIOVANNI, | ! Cardinal, d. 1507. | ! | FRANCESCO B. | Cardinal in 1500, | b. 1441, d. 1511. | ____________________________________________________| | | PIERLUIGI B. DOMENICO = VANOSIA by RODERIGO by GIULIA = MONOCULO Prefect D'ARIGNANO ! BORGIA, ! FARNESE, ORSINI. of Rome. or ARIMANO. ! elected ! called | ! Pope as ! BELLA, | ! Alexander ! sister |? ! VI. 1492, ! of | ! b. 1431, ! Pope | ! d. 1503. ! Paul III. _______|____________________ ! ! | | | ! ! GIOVANNI B. GIOVANNI B. PIERLUIGI B. ! GIOVANNI B. Cardinal Cardinal Cardinal ! Duke of Nepi. in 1492, in 1496, in 1500, ! d. 1503. d. 1500. d. 1511. ! ! ________________________________________!____________________________ | | | | FRANCESCO, = MARIA CESARE = CHARLOTTE GIUFFREDO = SANCIA, | or | ENRIQUEZ. BORGIA, | D'ALBRET, B. Prince bastard | GIOVANNI | Duke of | sister of of | B. Duke | Romagna, | of Jean, Squillace. Alfonso | of Gandia, | d. 1507. | King of II. of | d. 1497. | | Navarre. Naples. | | | | | | 1. GASPARE PROCIDA = Lucrezia | | Count of Aversa. | | | | 2. GIOVANNI SFORZA = | | of Pesaro, d. 1510. | | | | 3. ALFONSO = | | Duke of Bisceglia, | | d. 1500. | | | | | RODERIGO B. | | Duke of Sermoneta. | | | | 4. ALFONSO I. = | | Duke of Ferrara. | | | | | § | | Dukes of Ferrara. | | | LOUIS DE LA = LOUISA = PHILIPPE DE | TREMOUILLE. BOURBON-BUSSET. |_________________________________ | | GIOVANNA, = GIOVANNI B. = FRANCESCA ISABELLA, d. of | Duke of § DA CASTRO. a nun. ALFONSO, | Gandia. bastard of | Ferdinand | II. of | Spain. | ___|___________________________ | | SAINT FRANCESCO B. = ELEONORA RODERIGO, Duke of Gandia, DA CASTRO. Cardinal, General of the +1537. Jesuits, b. 1510, d. 1572.

[Footnote H: Cf. with the Table in YRIARTE, _César Borgia_, vol. I.]

DESCENT OF THE VITELLI of CITTÀ DI CASTELLO, as connected with URBINO

_From Litta_

N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ ! ! !

GEROZZO, a Citizen = GUGLIELMA MIGLIORATI. of Città di Castello, | d. 1398. | ________________|_____ | | VITELLOZZO VITELLI, GIOVANNI VITELLI, = MADDALENA a successful partisan d. 1415. | GHERARDO. leader, d. 1462. | | NICOLÒ V., head of = PANTASILEA his party after 1462, | ABBOCATELLI. d. 1496. | ! | ! | GIULIO V., d. 1530. | | _____________________________________________________|____ | | | | VITELLOZZO V., = BORGIA, PAOLO V., = GIROLAMA GIOVANNI V., CAMILLO V., = LUCREZIA strangled at d. of beheaded | ORSINI, d. 1487. Count of BAGLIONE, Sinigaglia, Paolo at | sister | Montone, of 1503. Orsini. Florence | of the | Duke of Perugia. in 1499. | wife of | Gravina, ! | Pietro | d. 1496. ! | de' | ! ALESSANDRO V., | Medici. GIOVANNI VI., ! d. 1556. | d. 1513. ! | VITELLO, ____________________|_________ d. 1528. | | NICOLÒ V. = GENTILINA CHIAPPINO V., d. 1529. | STAFFA. d. 1511. | ___|____________ | | CHIAPPINO V., PAOLO V. d. 1575.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s Errata List

Page xxi, number 18: Price is missing in original.

Page xxii, number 21: "Sazi" should be "Sanzi".

Page xxii, number 22: "Luigo Allemanno" should be "Luigi Alamanni".

Page 460, bottom: Subtotal is missing in original.

Missing legends for natural children in some of the genealogical tables have been added. In some tables, the original uses the same symbol to indicate both natural children and skipped generations. In order to distinguish between them, the skipped generations are indicated by the § symbol, as that symbol is used for that purpose in the other original tables.

In the first table relating to the succession to the Crown of Naples, Jane, wife of Ferdinand I., is actually his second wife, and not the mother of his issue listed here. The original table lists this marriage twice; both instances are combined here for clarity.

The Borgia genealogical table is not historically accurate, but is presented here as it appears in the original. (See the author's comment on the Borgia pedigree on p. 320.)

Footnote 226: Errors in the Boccalini quotations have been corrected by comparison with the 1612 edition of 'De' ragguagli di Parnaso' at the Internet Archive.

Footnote 299: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.

Footnote 301: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.