Chapter 38

I suggested, I acquiesced in it. The accounts which you give me of the D----'s language certainly seem to tally with his conduct, but yet I cannot conceive what possible arrangement he can look to to remove him; to recall him would really be a signal of civil war; and I do not see to what place he could be removed, but to the Cabinet or to Paris. For the latter, he would be particularly unfit, and it would not be easy to make room for him in the former but by removing Westmoreland, which I conclude the Lowthers, &c., would resent in a manner which would be inconvenient.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Although the current of politics seemed to be getting smoother, much uneasiness existed at Court in consequence of the King's state of health, which is thus described:--

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, April 4, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I came here for a few days during the Easter, fortunately after the Pavilion party had broken up, or probably I should not have found a room at the hotel. I merely write to give you the gossip of the King; the papers would make you believe he is quite well, but _tout au contraire_, he has appeared not more than twice or three times, and for the last three days has been in his bed. He held his Council yesterday in bed, and during this last visit of the Duke of York, he has never been out of his bed or bedroom. You may rely upon it he is most extremely unwell, and I take it to be a complete break up; he is low to a degree, and his expressions yesterday, while the Council were sitting in his bedroom, were most melancholy. The Council consisted of Lord Bathurst, Colchester, Conyngham, Becket, and Vice-Chancellor, who was here by accident. I suppose if they had wanted another they would have sent for me. There is no party at the Pavilion, and everything looks glum and melancholy.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, April 10, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I imagine that Lord Liverpool's statement of Monday will scarcely be allowed to pass off without reply. Indeed it will afford a fine opportunity for dealing in general assertion and declamation. But if it should, I imagine that the Opposition will be the side to fix upon the time and nature of any ulterior proceeding. We don't propose to make any further proposition. Indeed, I doubt the expediency and propriety of doing what we are about to do without previous motion.

I don't recollect Mr. Henry Murray. But that is not surprising, considering that there are so many in the same situation who apply to me.

I hear that the King is now better. Could you not write to Sir W. Knighton, and recommend to his attention your course of regimen, &c.? He is not now the King's medical adviser; but he is not a person to mount his horse upon such a letter being written to him; and I am certain that such a letter from you will be received as an affectionate attention, even though it should not produce any other effect.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The smoothness of the political current did not long continue; a passage in one of Mr. Charles Wynn's numerous communications thus describes its disturbance:--

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

April 10, 1823.

It is a time when it is necessary to press for all the exertion to which Lord L---- can be spirited up to resist the motion of Brownlow on Tuesday next, which will receive a most formidable support from the Opposition, the Irish Orange members, and the irritated English Protestant country gentlemen.

Macnaghten has already tendered his resignation (but now says he will wait to hear Pl----'s explanation), which, connected as he is with Lord Hertford, is somewhat ominous. O'Neill is expected to do the same.

Opposition, notwithstanding a considerable schism among themselves, are, I hear, elated with the expectation of carrying the question. Lord Grey and the Mountain are most eager. Mackintosh, on the contrary, promises to attend and speak. Calcraft, Michael Angelo [Taylor], Grenfell, Ricardo, Newport, Rice, and some others, will support Plunket. Abercrombie is, I hear, undecided. But what is material is that it should be considered that all who vote with Brownlow are declaring direct hostility against the Government, and that a censure upon the Irish Administration is a censure upon the English, which supports and continues it.

I think we shall certainly have a good deal of desultory debate on Monday, when the papers are produced, after Canning's detailed explanation and statement; but as Lord Althorpe's motion for the repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Bill stands for Wednesday, that will open a better vent for the comments upon the papers when they have been read. I feel little doubt, however, that the Opposition will originate some question in both Houses upon them, especially when they are accompanied with the news of passing the Bidassoa.

The Duke of Norfolk is, I hear, very indignant at the intention of Opposition to vote against Plunket, and threatens to break with them.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Mr. Fremantle wrote the next day as usual, _de omnibus rebus_.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office. April 11, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I find we are in a great fright about Plunket's motion on the 16th. The Opposition are fortunately split upon it, but our _country_ support is very slack upon it, and if Plunket don't make a better case than he did before, we shall be in a scrape--in fact, it will come to the question of whether the Irish Government is to stand or fall, or whether the Catholic or Protestant is to have exclusive powers.

You may be assured the K---- is breaking up. He may rally for a short time, but he has no stamina to resist attacks of the gout constantly prevailing in his habit. I have this from an authority I cannot doubt. He was in his bed the whole time I was at Brighton, from Wednesday to Monday, and I believe has not been out since. I am assured here that the markets are rising, and along the coast where I pursued my trip--I mean at Hastings, E. Bourne, &c.--the markets were improving greatly, and the corn rising. If you are not in town on Monday, I will let you know what passes in Canning's explanation.

The Duc d'Angouleme is thought to have started well, as far as his orders go, but the impression in town is still that France cannot succeed. I have not seen or heard what Fitz Roy Somerset says upon it, but he gives the most lamentable account of the state of the Constitutional Spaniards' preparation. Never was anything so disorganized, so wanting altogether in preparation, concord, or means.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--I cannot get you Canning's papers before Monday, for there is so much erasure, and change, and discussion in them, that you may depend upon it they will not be ready till the moment of their presentation.

To these extracts may be added the following communications:--

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, April 14, 1823.

MY DEAR B----,

We continue to be most nervous about the result of to-morrow. There is a disinclination to attend among the friends of Government which is alarming. The resignations of Barry and Macnaghten, the latter in particular, who is supposed to be as fond of money as any man, are strong indications of the violence of Orange feeling.

P---- has with great difficulty kept his _beau frere_, Dawson, from pursuing the same course. At the same time, he and Lord G. Beresford have done all the mischief they could by their conversation and language.

Lord Grey has been particularly active to stimulate the Opposition to violent hostility and censure, but it was supposed yesterday, that in order to avoid the hazard of a permanent and acrimonious split, they would all unite in favour of inquiry as a _mezzo termino_. Should this be the case, it is almost certain we shall find ourselves in a decided minority; still, the infinite evil attendant upon an inquiry, the irritation which it would create in Ireland, are considerations so weighty that we all think it better to be beaten on such a question than to concede it.

We are trying in secret to stimulate Wilberforce, Wortley, Acland, &c., to take the line of rising immediately after Plunket has concluded his defence, deprecating discussion as likely to exasperate and prolong the inflammation of both parties, and then proposing an adjournment. This I think is a course which the country gentlemen in general would be disposed to fall into, and which would be adopted by several of those who are equally disposed to avoid offending their Orange constituents and the Government.

It is in itself far from desirable to meet a censure by anything but a direct negative, but I think that such an expedient is, on the whole, preferable to the chance of defeat either on censure or inquiry.

The papers were not ready yesterday. We had some of the proofs at the Cabinet yesterday, but they were not then arranged or in any forwardness. I think it so likely that they may not be sent to the House of Commons till too late for the post, that I have desired Fremantle to go to Planta and beg that a copy may be sent down to you from the Foreign Office. I cannot conceive that any regular debate can take place to-night; some observations may be made, but it is obvious that they must wait till they have read the papers and compared them with Canning's speech, before they can really proceed to any discussion of the conduct of Government.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Wednesday.

Nothing, my dear B----, could be more satisfactory than the result of last night. The triumph of Plunket was complete. He addressed a House evidently unfavourably disposed to him, and for the first hour we could scarcely raise a decent cheer to encourage him. It then became evident that he was making progress, and he proceeded till the applause fairly rung from every part of the House, and his adversaries, who had every reason to expect a majority, found it impossible even to venture on a division. On his account I wish more confidence had been placed in the effect of his speech, and that it had been determined to meet the motion with a direct negative, but the extreme reluctance of the majority of the friends of Government to pledge themselves beforehand to any course more decided than the orders of the day, would have made it too hazardous. In one respect the line adopted is fortunate, as it enables us the better to resist Burdett's motion for inquiry on Tuesday.

Canning's speech on Monday would have been a very good one for an independent member who spoke his own sentiments only, but ill suited the character of a Minister for Foreign Affairs. Such a speech in the Chamber of Deputies from Chateaubriand with regard to England, would at some periods disable an English Administration from maintaining neutrality. I conclude that the discussion of the papers in the House of Lords, of which Lord Grey gave notice, will bring you to town.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, April 16, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I find you do not come till Thursday or Friday, I therefore send you a few lines to say how triumphantly the business went off yesterday. Brownlow made a very eloquent and able speech, but Plunket's explanation was perfectly satisfactory and convincing to the House, and the general feeling was decidedly in favour of crushing all further discussion upon it. The friends of Government had been summoned in the morning by Canning, and then a very calm and friendly communication took place, in which the violent Orangeists, I mean Sir George Hill, Dawson, &c. &c., all concurred in the propriety of preventing, if possible, any decision being pronounced upon the question, which could only go to the increase of the irritation and violence now existing, and could be of no advantage, but on the contrary the greatest disadvantage, to Ireland; and accordingly the motion of Courtenay's was suggested and unanimously approved; I must, however, do Peel the justice to say, that he distinctly stated that if the result of the debate was to be an opinion on Plunket's conduct, he should not hesitate one moment in giving his heartfelt and sincere opinion in favour of the proceeding he had adopted.

In the House, Plunket laboured, I think, a good deal in bringing his precedents to bear on the subject, and showed infinite dexterity in all this part of his argument; but when he came to the whole of the proceedings of the Grand Jury and the High Sheriff, he carried the House along with him, and ended his speech with the unanimous feeling of the House in his favour; indeed, I am not sure but that we might have carried a decided negative; however, altogether it is better as it is, more particularly as Plunket is equally satisfied.

The King comes to town to-day, and I understand has made up his mind to hold a drawing-room, and sit during the time; I doubt even his ability to do this, if he has not greatly mended since I left Brighton. We shall lose the Catholic question to-morrow, at least this is my opinion; the state of Ireland, and of parties in that country, has made a great alteration in opinions of those who were not very stout upon it before.

The papers which have been presented to Parliament regarding the negotiations at Verona, and Paris, and Madrid, are considered so far satisfactory as to meet the feelings of the country in maintaining a neutrality--that is, in avoiding to commit England to any share in hostilities; but I should say that they have given an impression that we were duped by the French Government up to the moment of the King's Speech, and even afterwards, and that the tone maintained by England throughout the whole of the proceedings was not sufficiently high and commanding. There is also throughout the whole of the negotiations, a continued exertion on the part of England to induce the Spaniards to give way by some modification of their constitution, without a corresponding attempt to induce France to remove her army. The Opposition think that the papers altogether afford them a very good case; no notice is yet given in the House of Commons upon the subject, but probably there will to-day or to-morrow.

Adieu, my dear Duke,

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--I fear poor General Grenville cannot last many days, he is considerably worse.

General Grenville died a short time after the date of this letter. He was the younger brother of Lord Glastonbury, and therefore the second son of Mr. James Grenville.

The state of our foreign relations began to create some uneasiness in the public mind; indeed, a grave complication was arising, that demanded the exercise of the profoundest statesmanship to treat in a manner worthy the reputation of this country.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, April 17, 1823.

MY DEAR B----,

My letter of yesterday will show you that we do not disagree in principle as to the speech of Monday night. I cannot conceive a course more derogatory to the dignity or contrary to the interest of two great nations, than for the Ministers of Foreign Affairs to animadvert on the conduct of each other's Government, as those of England and France have done.

Still, I am very far from viewing it in the light which it has on the first impression appeared to you, nor can I participate in your apprehensions of its leading to the withdrawal of the Minister of the Court of France, or that it will be considered tantamount to a declaration of war.

Lord Grenville concurs in disapprobation of the speeches, but not to the degree which you seem to feel, and expresses his opinion that "the papers are, on the whole, satisfactory, and the last instructions _good_."

You have not stated what your objections to them are, and therefore it is impossible for me to address myself to meet them.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I fear that we have not a chance of success to-night.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, April 18, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You will see by the papers the turbulent discussion we had last night. I was not in the House till afterwards, and therefore can only give you what I heard of the impression made, which was altogether favourable to Canning. His want of temper was condemned in the first instance, but at the same time it is thought that it will be most beneficial in stopping those strains of invective and abuse which are daily increasing, and likely still more to increase if not put down. The fact is, that the Opposition have been buoying themselves up with the hope and expectation of connexion and friendship with Canning--they now see this to be visionary, and are determined to try and drive a dissention in the Cabinet by violence; and in this they are encouraged by the language held, and general conduct of the Chancellor.

Wynn made an indiscreet speech, as far as it regarded Peel, but I hope nothing will arise from it--indeed, there is no reason to fear there may, as the explanation was perfectly satisfactory. As to our Catholic question, it is gone to the d----l, and what is to be the result of this I have not a guess.

With regard to the negotiations, I perfectly agree with you that nothing can display greater weakness than the papers do; but the feeling in the country is so strong in favour of neutrality and of the Spaniards, and also the feeling of Parliament, that you may rely on it the Government will come out of the discussion triumphantly. I do not entertain the smallest idea that France will carry her resentment so far against Canning's and Lord Liverpool's speeches as to recall her Minister, or to think of quarrelling with us. I can understand your feeling with regard to their declarations in favour of the revolutionary Spanish Government; but however you may feel, depend upon it no Minister, no Government, and no man is powerful enough in this country, either in political or personal character, to stand up to fight the battle of the Ultras. I should say that the King and the Duke of York would do so if they could find the means, but these are impossible, and the public odium which would follow such an attempt would be fatal to any man or set of men.

There will certainly be a Levee on the 21st, and I suppose a Drawing-room. I take it for granted some notice will be given to-day in our House of a motion on the papers. As I shall see you so soon, I will add no more.

Yours truly,

W. H. F.

The relations between France and Spain continued to attract very great attention, both in and out of Parliament, and not only were suggestive questions asked of the Government as to this country being bound by treaty to support the Bourbons in France, but the Earl of Liverpool in the House of Lords, and Mr. Canning in the House of Commons, while producing papers illustrating the late negotiations at Vienna, Paris, and Madrid, gave an exposition of affairs that strongly reflected on the conduct of the French Ministers. A still more important debate on the same subject came on on the 24th of April, in which Lord Grenville and the Duke of Buckingham spoke in favour of Ministers.

The question of the Catholic claims came on for discussion in the House of Commons on the 17th of April, but Mr. Plunket went through the usual arguments in favour of the Catholic claims with less than the ordinary amount of success, and the last of these motions of adjournment was carried by 333 to 111. In a subsequent debate, a misunderstanding between Mr. Peel and Mr. Charles Williams Wynn, as to the system on which each considered Ireland was to be governed, threatened serious consequences, according to the following representations:--

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Ten o'clock.

I have been here from ten, and am going to the Aylesbury Commission, or should have called on you. I met the Duke of Wellington yesterday in the Park, who had been sent to by Lord Liverpool in the morning, to discuss the question regarding Wynn and Peel. He threw the whole blame on Lord Liverpool for not having originally shown the papers to Peel, but said that it could not lead to ultimate quarrels--that Lord Liverpool must interfere, and that he, the Duke, was to see Peel _this morning_. It appears to me, from the Duke's language, that the discussion and the settlement of the difference must now proceed from Lord Liverpool, as it is the complaint of Peel against him for not being apprised of the terms on which we came into the Government. The Duke appeared to entertain no doubt of settling it amicably, but my object, pressed upon him, was to take care it should be done speedily, and that no public appearance of difference should be manifested in the House of Commons. Probably you have seen the Duke of Wellington before you receive this. A good speech from you in the House of Lords to-night would be more likely to strengthen us and set us right than anything else.

W. H. F.

The Duke of Wellington had never seen the correspondence till yesterday, when shown to him by Lord Liverpool.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 31, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I met the Duke of Wellington this morning, and had a great deal of conversation with him of a most confidential nature. He began it by asking if you had left town, saying he had received your letter, and had taken immediate steps for bringing matters right between C---- and W----.[113] That "I knew perfectly well how ticklish a gentleman the former was, and how difficult to manage, and with how little ground he was in the habit of taking exception; that in this case he knew he could have no ground, but on the contrary he (C----) ought and must know, that he owed W---- every attention and kindness for the manly and decided manner you had acted on the proposal of taking him into office after the death of Lord L----."[114] I found evidently that the Duke of W---- disliked C----, for he could not resist the pleasure of attacking and condemning him in many points of his conduct since he has held the Seals, and entered at large into it in a manner that I cannot well detail in a letter, going through his quarrel with the Chancellor, and what had since occurred in an attempt which the Duke had made to reconcile them, and in which he thought C---- had behaved with great want of judgment and temper; again, in his conduct about Spain, and on the questions regarding Ireland; but with all this (admitting of course), his value to the Government, and the necessity of keeping him in good humour if possible. It was most satisfactory to hear him say, that the whole of Wynn's conduct in the Cabinet since he had belonged to it had been uniformly conciliatory and temperate, and such as had universally given satisfaction, and that he could not understand why C---- had taken the exception.

I see evidently from all this that the K---- still continues to feel indisposed to C----, for I am quite sure the language the Duke holds is the same held by his Royal Master; and there is another view which is not less satisfactory, namely, that he (C----) is not sufficiently strong with the Cabinet to carry everything his own way. All I should recommend to W----, and which I shall speak to him about, is to follow the Duke of W----'s advice in going on, not pretending to see the coolness, and leave C---- to amuse himself with his own ill-humour.

I was delighted to hear from Wynn of his Majesty's gracious language about you, and at the manner in which he was received, and that you have judged quite wisely in writing to express your feelings upon it; at the same time I would recommend you not to press it further at present, but to see how matters go on, and whether anything occurs previous to the prorogation. I still think the Chancellor will go when this takes place, but not before, but I doubt of the manner in which the law arrangements are to be made. The Government are determined to get the Irish Tithes Bills through if they can, and Canning told me he thought nothing could be so dangerous or desperate as to leave them still hanging over.

You shall hear from me whenever I hear anything further.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

[113] Canning and Wynn.

[114] Lord Londonderry.

The Duke of Wellington, who undertook the office of peace-maker between Mr. Canning and Mr. Wynn, refers in the course of the following communication to the well-known verse--

"I do not like thee, Dr. Fell, The reason why, I cannot tell, But this, in truth, I know full well, I do not like thee, Dr. Fell."

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, May 30, 1823.

MY DEAR D----,

I received your letter of the 28th, and took steps immediately to effect your object. Although not so important as the affair of the same description I settled before, it is not so easy, as the disposition and manners of the men are very different, and it will take more time. But I am at work upon it, and have communicated with Lord Liverpool, who agrees with me; and I recommend that Charles Wynn should act as usual, and take no notice either of the continuance of the contrary state of things, or of any change which we may produce. I know there is no reason for the conduct complained of, excepting it be the same that was given for the dislike of Dr. Fell.

I will let you know anything that may pass upon this subject; and I beg you to

Believe me,

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The state of our foreign relations elicited from Lord Grenville the following characteristic communication, referring to a boastful speech often attributed to Mr. Pitt.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Tuesday.

I send the petition by the coach. I believe I mentioned to you my wish that nothing should be said upon it, except that you present it in my absence on account of illness.

As I do not at all partake in the _virtuous_ enthusiasm for the cause of Jacobinism in Spain, I allow myself to hope that things there are going on well. I am entirely of opinion that the war is a most unadvised step on the part of France, and that nothing could be more impolitic, except our having the folly to mix ourselves in the squabble either way by word or deed.

Some wiseacre in the House of Commons has said that Lord Chatham declared that not a gun should be fired in Europe _without his leave_. Lord C---- came into office when this country was involved in a war in which she had so much the worst of it, that all men despaired of the issue. He went out of office before the peace was made, and his merit was that he had by his successes in the war secured the means of making an advantageous peace. Secondly, in which part of his administration did any power of Europe take out a licence for shooting from him? Yet this is the sort of nonsense that passes current. Adieu.