CHAPTER XLVIII.

Inactivity soon engendered sedition. Other armies, other corps, which had not the excuse of being misled by a political combination, had trampled under foot military discipline. Is it strange that, in the midst of the general effervescence, my soldiers should for a moment have forgotten themselves? this episode is painful to me. I ought neither to write it, nor omit it. I can well bear the blame which Joubert, Massena, and so many other Generals, whom I do not pretend to equal, have incurred. The following are the terms in which this act of disobedience is related by an anonymous writer:—he has not thought proper to tell every thing, but it is my own conduct that is concerned; I must imitate his reserve. I submit, moreover, to the judgment which he has delivered.

“The Austrians, despairing of ever getting possession of Strasburg by force of arms, endeavoured to form an understanding with a party in the town. They succeeded by their sagacity in the application of the two means which act the most powerfully on the heart of men—gold and terror. They decoyed some by the attraction of riches, they subdued others by making them dread the vengeance of the government. When they were in this manner assured of all those whom they thought open to seduction, they hastened to execute their perfidious designs.

“From the commencement of the campaign our soldiers had been in a state of irritation, well calculated to promote the secret views of the enemy: they were acquainted with the disastrous affair of Waterloo, they knew all the details of it; but they had too much confidence in the skill of that celebrated man, with whom they had five times triumphed over all Europe—they had too often seen him, by sudden inspirations, regain his hold of victory when she was escaping from him, to believe that his military genius had on the sudden abandoned him; they were perpetually thinking of this disaster, and they could never think of it without rage. Persuaded as they were that our troops had continued the same, and that they had to do with the same enemies, such a defeat appeared to them inconceivable. Not knowing the true cause of it, they attributed all our misfortunes to treason. Traitors had given intelligence of our plans; traitors had commanded false manœuvres, traitors had raised the cry of _sauve qui peut!_ There were traitors among the generals, among the officers, among the soldiers; and who knew whether there were none but in the army of the north? Who knew whether the corps, of which they were a part, their regiment, their company, were not infested with them? Could they reckon on their chiefs, on their comrades? Every one was suspected, it was necessary to distrust every one!

“Such was the language in which anger found vent, which malevolence caught up, magnified, envenomed, and which every soldier in the end repeated and believed. This idea soon became the medium through which every thing was explained. Accustomed to keep the field, they saw themselves with pain compelled to retreat before an enemy whom they despised. It would have been natural to attribute his progress to an immense numerical superiority. They chose to explain it otherwise; their chiefs were in correspondence with the Austrians. Several circumstances, as unfortunate as they were unavoidable, concurred to give to this opinion an appearance of probability, in the prejudiced eyes of these soldiers. The first of these was the order which General Rapp received, to disband the army, and to dismiss each soldier separately, without money and without arms. The next was, an injunction sent to him by the government to deliver to the Russian commissioners ten thousand musquets taken from the arsenal at Strasburg. These two despatches obliged him to enter into a correspondence with the Allies. The frequent interchange of messengers which took place on this occasion produced a bad effect on their minds. The mystery which the General was obliged to observe, to conceal from the troops the removal of the firearms, increased the irritation; malevolence raised it to its height. It was loudly said that Count Rapp had sold himself, that he had received several millions of francs from the Austrians to introduce them into the fortress, and that if he discharged the soldiers individually, and without arms, it was in consequence of an agreement to deliver them up to the enemy.

“As soon as these seeds of discontent had been once sown in the different corps, they were developed of themselves; the instigators had nothing more to do than to observe their progress, to combine the incidents calculated to augment the disorders, and to render inevitable the catastrophe which they were preparing.

“Although General Rapp was far from suspecting such a plot, he had taken, in some way, all the measures that he could take to frustrate it. As soon as the ministerial despatch relative to the disbanding the troops reached him, he had despatched with all speed to Paris one of his aides-de-camp, the chief of squadron Marnier. This officer saw the ministers repeatedly, and represented to them into what violence the army would be led, if the whole amount of the pay due to it was not discharged; but he could only obtain, notwithstanding the most earnest solicitations, a bill for 400,000 francs, on the chest of the war department. His return with this trifling sum, destroyed all the hopes that had been excited. The General-in-chief, who saw the troops getting more and more exasperated, left nothing untried to allay the storm. The want of money was the principal cause of dissatisfaction. To put an end to this source of discontent, Count Rapp endeavoured to raise a loan in Strasburg. The inhabitants having demanded of him a security, he solicited from the minister of Finance authority to pledge the stores of tobacco in the town: the minister refused it. Nevertheless, by the interposition of General Semelé, who commanded the fortress, a sum of 160,000 francs was obtained. Such slight supplies could not satisfy the soldiers, who were inflamed by false reports, and among whom the insurrection was not slow in breaking out. It was sudden and general, and presented a character quite peculiar. I will enter into all the details of it, because they will serve to make the spirit of the French soldiery better known.

“On the 2d of September, about eight in the morning, about sixty subaltern officers of different regiments met in one of the bastions of the place. They agreed on a plan of obedience to the orders for the disbanding of the army, but on conditions, from which they resolved not to swerve. This declaration began in the following manner.

“In the name of the army of the Rhine, the officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, will obey the orders issued for the disbanding of the army only on the following conditions:

“Art. I. The officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, will not leave the army till they have received all the pay that is due to them.

“Art. II. They will set out all on the same day, carrying their arms, baggage, and fifty cartridges each,” &c. &c.

“As soon as this document was drawn up, they repaired to the General-in-chief to communicate it to him. The General, who was at the time unwell, was taking a bath. Astonished at this unexpected visit, he gave orders that they should be admitted. Five officers immediately entered the bathing room; they explained the object of their mission, and declared that the army would not submit to be disbanded till those conditions should have been fulfilled. At the word conditions the General in a rage sprang out of the bath, and tearing the paper out of the hands of the speaker, cried, “What, Sirs, do you wish to impose conditions on me? you refuse to obey! conditions on me!”

“The tone of his voice, the look of Count Rapp, and perhaps the attitude in which he presented himself, struck the deputation. It retired in confusion, and each of the officers returned to give an account to his regiment of the bad reception they had met with.

“The sub-officers, who were assembled to the number of about 500, were waiting for the General's answer. They clearly perceived, when they were made acquainted with it, that such a man was not easily intimidated, and that they were not likely to be more successful in such an attempt than their chiefs. But their determination was taken; they came and ranged themselves in line of battle in the palace-yard, and demanded to be introduced to the General-in-chief. An aide-de-camp came down to know the purpose which brought them there; they refused to enter into any explanation with him. 'Who is the chief of the troop?' asked the officer.—'No one! Every one!' they all replied together. He called into the centre of the court the oldest of each regiment; he remonstrated with them on the act of disobedience that they were rendering themselves guilty of. A thousand voices at once interrupted him. 'Money! money!—we will be paid what is due to us; we know how to get ourselves paid!'

“The chief of the staff Colonel Schneider, whose courage they had so often admired in the midst of danger, arrived at this conjuncture, and endeavoured, but with as little success, to quiet them. 'Money!' they again repeated, 'money!' Wearied with uttering their cries, and holding out useless threats, and not being able to get at the General-in-chief, they dispersed, after having fixed on a rendezvous. The greatest part went to the parade, where they immediately proceeded to the election of the new chiefs whom they had determined on having. One of them, called Dalouzi, sergeant in the 7th light regiment, well known for his ability, his courage, and particularly for a soldier-like oratory which was peculiar to him, was unanimously elected. 'You want to be paid,' he said to his comrades, 'and it is for this that you are here.'—'Yes!' they replied with a common voice.—'Well then! if you will promise to obey me, and to abstain from all confusion, to respect property, to protect persons, I swear by my head that you shall be paid within twenty-four hours.' This speech was received with cries of joy, and the sergeant was appointed General. He immediately chose for the chief of the staff the drum-major of the 58th; a second sub-officer was charged with the office of governor of the fortress; a third with the command of the first division; another with that of the second, and so on. The regiments had colonels, the battalions and squadrons chiefs, and the companies captains; in short, a complete staff was formed.

“The other sub-officers had returned to the barracks, where the soldiers were waiting with impatience for the result of the step that had been taken. The drum was immediately beat to arms, and all the corps, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, marched in order and in double quick time to the parade. The organization was scarcely ended when they arrived there. As soon as they appeared, the new chiefs went and took command, and marched the troops to the points they had orders to occupy.

“In the mean time General Rapp, astonished to see so serious an insurrection break out, had dressed himself in haste, in hopes of ascertaining the motives of these seditious movements, and of succeeding in quieting them. But the different operations of which we have just given an account had been effected with such celerity, that at the moment when he set out, accompanied by his adjutant-general and a few officers, several columns, followed by a numerous populace, were already debouching through all the streets leading from the square of the palace. As soon as they perceived the General, the troops hastily put themselves in order of battle, and charged bayonets to hinder him from passing. Immediately furious cries were heard in the rear ranks. “Fire! he has sold the army.—Fire then!” Some wretches, scattered among the troops, excited them by their gestures and voices to massacre this brave man. Rage spread from man to man, and confusion was soon at its height. The soldiers, enraged, loaded their musquets; the ranks were doubled, eight pieces of cannon arrived at a gallop, and were immediately loaded with grape-shot.

“Every time that General Rapp addressed those who menaced him, vociferations commenced, and irritating cries were uttered with increased violence. Musquets were repeatedly levelled at him, and the pieces of cannon were constantly directed against his person, and the gunners followed all his movements. 'Stand aside!' they exclaimed, 'that we may fire on him.' A howitzer was constantly kept so directly pointed at the group which surrounded the General, that he perceived it. He ran to the cannoneer who was holding the match, 'Well! what would you do, wretched man? (he said to him) do you wish to kill me? Fire then, here I am at the mouth of your gun.' 'Ah, General,' the soldier exclaimed, letting the match fall from his hand, 'I was at the siege of Dantzick with you, I would give you my life; but my comrades will be paid, and I am obliged to do as they do and he resumed his match.

“Wearied with senseless questions, with appeals without any object, deafened by the clamours of the multitude, the mass of which was continually increasing, the General decided at last on returning to the palace.

“The troops followed him, and the different avenues were immediately occupied by eight pieces of cannon, a thousand infantry, and a squadron of cavalry. This guard called itself the Exterior guard of the palace. A battalion came and established itself in the court, and took the name of Interior guard. Nearly sixty sentinels were placed in pairs at all the gates, and on the stair-case which led to the apartment of Count Rapp; there were also some for a few moments at the door of his bed-chamber. The telegraph and the mint were immediately taken possession of. To shew that they had no bad designs, a detachment was sent to the hotel of the Austrian General Volkman, who was in the place, and was put at his disposal. The drawbridges were raised, and there was no communication with any one out of the fortress without a permission signed by the new commander. The drum-major of the 58th repaired with a trumpet to the head-quarters of the Allies, and signified to them that if they respected the truce, the garrison would not commit any act of hostility, but that if they endeavoured to take advantage of the misunderstanding which existed between the chief and the soldiers, it would know how to oppose a noble resistance.

“Meanwhile Dalouzi had established his staff at the Parade, and had appointed two commissions, the one for the provisions, composed of quarter-master-sergeants, and the other for the finances, composed of sergeant-majors: they constituted themselves permanent, deliberated on the measures best calculated to maintain the public tranquillity, and to put the town in a state of security against surprise. The posts of the citadel and those of the interior were doubled; guards were even placed at some old posterns, which, till then, had been neglected; the outer line was strengthened, the troops bivouacked in the squares, and in the streets; in fact no precaution was omitted which the most suspicious prudence could suggest. In order to prevent the excesses to which malevolence might excite the soldiers, it was forbidden, under pain of death, to enter any of the places where brandy, wine, or beer, was sold. The same punishment was denounced against all who should be guilty of plunder, riot, or insubordination. Lastly, still better to secure the public tranquillity, it was resolved that the army should be informed of its situation every six hours.

“These arrangements having been made, the receiver-general, and the inspector of reviews, were sent for. The latter made a calculation of the sums necessary for the present year's pay, the other presented the account of what he had in the chest; after which, Dalouzi convoked the town council, to whom he declared the motives which had made the garrison take arms, and requested the mayor to take means to get funds necessary to pay the arrears.

“He then despatched to Count Rapp a deputation, composed of the new governor and of five or six general-sergeants: 'Well, what do you want of me again?' cried the General in a tone of indignation and contempt.—'You are unworthy to wear the French uniform. I believed that you were men of honour; I am deceived. You allow yourselves to be seduced by wretches. What do you wish to do? Why do these guards surround the palace? Why is this artillery pointed against me? Am I then so formidable? Is it believed that I wish to escape? Why should I escape? I fear nothing—I do not fear you. But to the point, what do you want of me?' He repeated this question. The agitation of Count Rapp while pronouncing these words was a striking contrast to the melancholy air of the deputation. These sub-officers, ashamed of keeping a chief whom they loved, and whose valour and fidelity were so well known to them, a prisoner, kept a profound silence. They were on the point of withdrawing, when one of them spoke: 'General', he said, 'we have learned that the other corps of the army have been paid; our soldiers also are resolved to be paid; they are in a state of revolt, but they obey us. We only ask what is due to us, the slight indemnification for so much blood and so many wounds; we only ask for what is indispensable to enable us to perform our march and withdraw to our homes. The troops will not return to order, it is a thing firmly resolved on, until every one be paid.'—'There is not enough money in the chest,' replied the General. 'It was my intention to have you paid, stoppages and all. I despatched an aide-de camp to Paris; he saw the ministers, but they could only give him 400,000 francs. It is this sum, together with that in the chest of the paymaster, which I will order to be divided among the different regiments.'—'The army will be paid, my General.'—'I have told you all that I have to say to you; withdraw, and return as soon as possible to order.—If the enemy unfortunately should be acquainted with what is going on here, what will become of you?'—'All this has been foreseen, my General: a regiment of cavalry and twelve pieces of cannon, have set out to reinforce the division which is at the camp. It is easy for you to get us paid; and you have every thing to fear on the part of the soldiers, if in twenty-four hours from this time their request is not complied with.'—'What is it to me what you and your soldiers may do? I repeat that you shall only have the funds which are destined for you. Do not hope that whatever happens, you can compel me to do what my duty prohibits.—'General, the soldiers can conduct you to the citadel, they can even shoot you; we answer for them now, but if you do not cause us to be paid....'—'I have nothing more to say to you, quit my house. If you shoot me, so be it; I prefer death to shame. You are the enemies of order, you are the instruments of malevolence and of a conspiracy which you yourselves are not acquainted with. The enemy perhaps is in concert; I make you responsible for every thing that may happen. You have heard me; begone! I am ashamed to converse with rebels!'

“The word conspiracy made a very deep impression upon them: they remained silent for some time. They began again, however, and one of them said, that if there were among them any who had secret intentions, they were ignorant of it; that for themselves they only wanted their pay; but that paid they would be, and that they were going to bring to him the civil authorities, in order that he might give directions for raising the funds: after which they withdrew.

“Whilst the council was consulting on the means of securing public tranquillity, and of liquidating the pay in arrear, the army had effected different movements; it had marched and counter-marched, always at a running pace, without uttering a word, without venting a threat against the officers whom it had put under arrest. This silence, rather extraordinary for French soldiers, had something sinister about it at which the inhabitants were alarmed. Nevertheless the troops at last became calm, but they held no communication with the towns-people; they even refused to answer their questions. In the streets, in the squares, groups were continually seen forming, which dispersed after they had communicated in a very low tone either orders or opinions. The whole town was plunged in melancholy disquietude: fatal epochs were recalled to their recollection—they feared to see them revive: every one trembled for his property—for his life. Never was there a more terrifying scene than that which this large city then presented.

“The General-in-chief having learned that the inhabitants had consented to raise the necessary funds, and that they yielded to fear what they had for so long a time refused to his entreaties, despatched the adjutant-general to the civil authorities to settle with them about the distribution of the loan. This officer was conducted to the town-hall by a corporal and six men who did not quit him. He finished his accounts, and returned to the palace under the same escort.

“In the mean time, the Generals and chiefs of corps, employed in turn threats and entreaties to bring back the mutineers to their duty. The men, who loved their superiors, and who would not have dared to fail in duty before their faces, had recourse to artifice to escape from the ascendancy and the representations which they dreaded. When an officer went in one direction, care was taken to oppose to him in the front rank soldiers of a different corps and description, and while he harangued these, the others vociferated from behind. If, in spite of this tactic, he succeeded in getting at one of his own men, and reproached him: 'Me, my Officer,' the other replied with hypocritical mildness, 'I am not doing any thing, I am not speaking a word;' and he immediately buried himself in the crowd. The troops soon adopted a general measure to free themselves from these importunate solicitations, and all those who had any important command were ordered to keep to their homes.

“The alarms of the citizens were soon tranquillized, the retreat was sounded a long time before night, and from that moment patroles succeeded one another without interruption. Several orders of the day were read at each post. They recommended tranquillity and obedience, and promised that the payments should be made within twenty-four hours. One of these orders was thus worded:

'Every thing is going on well, the inhabitants are raising the money, and the payments have begun.

(Signed,) GARRISON.'

“The town was ordered to be illuminated, in order that it might be more easy to keep up a strict watch.

“The secret instigators of the insurrection did not fail to perceive that a degree of wisdom presided in all the councils, which rendered their case desperate, that their end was baffled if they did not succeed in again inflaming the minds of the soldiery, and in exciting some commotion in which blood might be spilt.

“With this view, about five o'clock in the afternoon, a horse chasseur arrived at full gallop on the parade, announcing that three waggons full of gold had just been stopped belonging to General Rapp, who was sending them out of the city under the protection of the Austrians. 'These three waggons,' he added, 'have been taken to the covered bridge, and here is the receipt I am bearing to our commander-in-chief;—General Rapp must be shot; he is a traitor, he has sold us to the enemy.'

“Whatever irritation still remained, this speech produced little effect. The troops used their chief roughly to compel him to levy contributions, but they did not entertain any suspicion against him. His reputation as a man of honour remained unblemished, and his integrity was no more doubted by them than his courage. Such open provocations to murder excited distrust, and the soldiers became more circumspect. Some, however, propagated alarms, and wished that his person should be secured; but the army had the good sense to repel suggestions the complete perfidiousness of which it did not perhaps at first perceive.

“As soon as one expedient failed, the conspirators attempted another, and left nothing untried to spill blood, persuaded that if it had once flowed, it would be easy to make it flow again. The General's coachman was driving from the palace to the stables a cart laden with straw. The sentinels made some objections to allow it to pass: it however went on, but scarcely was it out, when some ill-disposed persons cried, Treason, and pretended that under the pretext of removing straw the military chest was carried off. Immediately the multitude rushed on the cart and on its load, in order to search it the better. Nothing was found; they loaded it again, demanding nevertheless that it should go back: the horses took fright, set off, and ran over a child.

“At this sight fury redoubled, the guards were forced, the multitude rushed tumultuously into the court of the palace, seized the coachman, and massacred him without pity in the hands of an officer who had come forth to defend him. The disorder was not meant to stop at the death of a servant; but groupes of soldiers came up, forced the most infuriated to restrain themselves, and thus the blow once more failed.

“All the attempts to get General Rapp massacred by the hands of his troops having failed, recourse was had to extraordinary means of assassinating him. As soon as night was come, a multitude of individuals succeeded each other, and used force to introduce themselves into his bed-chamber. But the aides-de-camp and some officers defended the door with courage, and preserved their chief from insult.

“In the midst of this effervescence an event suddenly happened to cool the soldiery, and contributed to restore them to order. The enemy's line drew its cantonments closer round the town, at the very moment the insurrection broke out, and also received considerable reinforcements. This coincidence of the measures adopted by the Austrians with an event which they ought not to have been acquainted with, gave much room for conjecture: thus the outer division immediately doubled their main guards; fresh troops and artillery came from the town.

“The enemy, intimidated, durst not make any attempt. Perhaps he was also awaiting the result of the plots which he had framed in Strasburg; perhaps he feared to enter into an engagement with an army so much the more formidable, as it had put itself under the necessity of conquering; and as it continued, for all that related to the military arrangements, to receive its orders from General Rottembourg, whose courage and skill the Austrians had experienced more than once during this campaign. The enemy, therefore, remained in position, and appeared to be waiting till the favourable moment should arrive. On its side, the army was on its guard against the tricks prepared for it, and pursued, with calmness and firmness, the only end which it had in view, the discharge of the pay in arrear.

“General _Garrison_ redoubled his vigilance to preserve public tranquillity, and went forth attended by his staff, all dressed in their uniform and on horseback, to secure the execution of his orders. As soon as he appeared the drums beat to arms, the guards were turned out, and rendered him all the honours due to a Commander-in-chief.

“Thus Strasburg presented the appearance of the most perfect order in the midst of disorder; and the most severe discipline reigned in an army in a state of revolt.

“The loan having been raised, the pay-officers, according to the numerical order of the regiments, were conducted under a good escort to the pay-master-general, where they received the sums necessary for the pay of their corps. But they were enjoined not to make any individual payments until all the regiments should have received what was owing to them. Thus passed the first day: there was less agitation on the second. Still there was an attempt to make the troops believe some rumours calculated to produce disturbance, but little attention was paid to them. Towards evening, the orders given to the sentinels of the palace became less strict; the aides-de-camp had leave to go out under escort. A file of grenadiers was appointed to escort them where they wished, and to conduct them back again.

“During the night the posts were all renewed. Individuals, in the uniform of sub-officers, presented themselves once more to penetrate into the General's apartments, to satisfy themselves, as they said, that he had not escaped. The altercations between them and the officers of the staff were warmer than ever; the latter, nevertheless, in the end prevailed. In fine, the division of the funds was effected towards nine o'clock in the morning. Immediately the call to arms was sounded, the army assembled, withdrew its posts, raised the siege of the palace, and repaired to the parade. General Garrison, accompanied by all his staff, drew up the troops in line, and addressed to them the following proclamation. We give it _verbatim_.

“'Soldiers of the Army of the Rhine,

“'The bold step which has just been taken by your sub-officers to obtain justice, and the complete discharge of your pay, has compromised them with the civil and military authorities. It is in your good conduct, your resignation, and your excellent discipline that they hope to find safety; that which you have maintained up to the present time is the best guarantee of it; and of this they hope for a continuance.

“'Soldiers, the pay-officers have in their possession all that is owing to you; the garrison will return to its former situation, the posts will remain till the General-in-chief shall have given orders in consequence. On their return from the parade, the sergeant-majors and quarter-masters shall repair to their pay-officers, and shall take note before paying the troops from MM. the Colonels, in order to keep back what is not due.

“'The infantry is to be disbanded—it will take superior orders; and the cavalry, still having no order, will wait its lot, in order to give up, at least before setting off, the horses, arms, and all that belongs to the Government, in order that it may be said they are Frenchmen: they have served with honour, they have obtained payment of what was due to them, and have submitted to the orders of the King, under the glorious title of the Army of the Rhine.

“'By order of the Army of the Rhine.'”

“The Sergeant-General, after having delivered this speech, which the army heard in silence, made the two divisions of infantry, the cavalry, and artillery defile before him, and went in great pomp to display at the offices of the Prefect and Mayor the white flags that had been made by his orders. The troops then returned to their barracks, and submitted themselves to the authority of their respective officers.

“As soon as they were restored to liberty, the Generals, Colonels, and superior officers were anxious to repair to Count Rapp, to express to him the pain they had experienced at seeing the army thus unmindful of the rein of discipline. They even caused a protest against the seditious movements which the army had given way to, to be printed, which they all signed, and which contained expressions very flattering to the General-in-Chief.

“Two days after, they laid down their arms at the arsenal, and all the corps were disbanded. Dalouzi, as leader of the revolt, had incurred the penalty of death; but he was pardoned on account of the good order that he had maintained in the midst of the insurrection.”[3]

[3] Summary of the Operations of the Armies of the Rhine and Jura, 1815.

The army was dissolved; my command having expired, there was nothing to keep me any longer in Alsace. But the good souls of the Faubourg Saint-Germain had imagined that we were a source of terror to Europe. On the field of battle I believe we were, and the Allies did not disallow it. In other respects this was thinking too highly of us. With regard to plots and conspiracies, it is not we who deserved the palm. I, nevertheless, went to meet that which they wished to allot to me. I wrote to the King, I did not attempt to disguise my sentiments from him. If I had been able to throw the whole coalition into the Rhine I would have done it; I did not conceal it. My letter was thus worded.

“Sire,

“I do not endeavour to justify my conduct. Your Majesty knows that the bent of my mind and my military education have always led me to defend the French territory against all foreign aggression: I could not, above all, hesitate to offer my life in defence of Alsace, which gave me birth.

“If I have preserved the esteem of your Majesty, I desire to finish my career in my own country; if it were otherwise, I should be the first to demand to go and pass my days abroad: I could not live in my country without the esteem of my sovereign.”

“I only ask this; I have need of nothing more.”

This letter was of use. Marks of regard that had escaped the Monarch kept malevolence within bounds. I passed some months at Paris without being disturbed; but the race of emigrants had filled the chambers and harangued at the tribune. Their vociferations against all the men distinguished for their talent and courage whom France can boast of, gave me such a disgust that I withdrew. I went into Switzerland, where at least aristocracy did not present the scandalous spectacle of the rage of the present time combined with the meanness of the past. The ordinance of the 5th of September was issued a short time afterwards: I returned to Paris, where I live quietly in the bosom of my family, and where I have experienced happiness which till then was unknown to me.

* * * * *

Here the Memoirs terminate. We will only add a few words.

Become a member of the House of Peers, the General was called into the presence of the King. This favour did not make him unfaithful to old recollections. So many immortal days were too deeply engraved in his mind! He could not forget our victories, or him who had conducted them, or those who had obtained them! He had often taken so glorious a part in them! Courage does not disinherit herself. In like manner the brave soldiers who were persecuted by men whom they had eclipsed on the field of battle always found in their General a devoted protector. His purse, his credit were open to them. Never did he repel the unfortunate. Those who had none of the privileges which the standard gives, participated in his benefits; it was sufficient if they were in distress. Misfortune was something sacred in his eyes.

The state of inactivity into which on a sudden he had fallen, after a life of alarms and fatigue, hastened to a fatal termination the wounds with which he was covered. His health was gone; he soon ended the term assigned him by Nature. He beheld death without emotion, ordered himself to be put in a position so as to front the enemy, whom he had always looked in the face, and expired, offering up his prayers for France and his family.

DOCUMENTS

ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE MEMOIRS.

_Letter from General Rapp to the Duke of Wurtemberg._

_June 14th, 1813._

Colonel Richemont has communicated to me the letter which your Royal Highness honoured him with, the ... of this month. I learn with pain that the very conciliatory proposals made, in my name, by M. Richemont, have not been accepted, and that discussions have arisen on points which appeared to afford no room for any debate whatever.

I must observe to your Royal Highness, generally, that the armistice was not demanded by the Emperor Napoleon, which supposes that all the articles ought to be construed favourably to the French army; but since the intentions of the treaty are disputed, I see no other means of attaining the object of your Royal Highness, and my own, than by proposing to your Excellency to leave, as regards the limits, things in their present state, and to inform the commissioners appointed by articles 9 and 12 of the armistice, of the difficulties which have arisen in the execution of article 6. I therefore beg your Highness to name, conjointly with myself, two officers who shall be instructed to repair to those commissioners, and who can speedily bring a report of the solution we are to expect.

I also consent that the article relative to supplies be only settled provisionally, that is to say, that if your Royal Highness would not take upon yourself to allow us 30,000 rations of victuals, reckoning from the day of the armistice, which, according to the returns of the force of the garrison, is necessary, Colonel Richemont will be able to settle with the Russian commissioners, the quantities which shall be supplied to us on account, to be deducted from the amount which shall be definitively appointed by the commissioners of the armistice, to whom it will be referred, as well as the article of limits.

The officer who brought the armistice would have been able to notify at the Imperial head-quarters the discussions which have arisen, if his instructions did not oblige him to delay his departure till after the first distribution which is to be made to the garrison by the directions of the General commanding the blockade.

I should have greatly desired that we could have come to an understanding, on the execution of the treaty, as I have reason to fear that false inferences may be drawn from the delay of this officer, as to the good understanding which the armistice supposes to exist between us; a contingency which I should the more lament, as it appears to me that your Highness might have acceded to the proposals of Colonel Richemont, which I should most certainly have done in your place, without fearing the least reproach for it from my sovereign.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

ANSWER.

_Sulmin, June 15th, 1813._

I received the letter which your Excellency did me the honour to write to me, dated the 14th of June, and I must frankly confess that it is my duty to enter into the fullest explanation of the cause of the misunderstandings which exist relative to the literal execution of the articles of the truce.

This treaty having laid down fixed principles, in order to avoid every subject of dispute, it appears to me, that it would be infinitely more simple and natural to adhere strictly to it. I confess to your Excellency that it is with sincere pain that I agree to depart from it according to your proposition. It appears to me that by this arrangement, which you wish, both of us, to a certain degree, exceed the limits of our powers, and that it would be much better to settle between us the line of neutrality according to the literal sense of the armistice. Nevertheless, to avoid all farther discussion, I consent to let things remain on their present footing: I will even order the commanders of my advanced posts to come to an understanding with yours about making some arrangements, which may be agreeable to your Excellency, in respect to sentinels and piquets, to prevent any collision between our light troops.

Respecting what concerns the article of provisions, the commission assembled for that purpose has already commenced its sittings, and I hope that Colonel Richemont will soon be able to announce that this article has been definitively settled.

As to what regards the two officers whom your Excellency would send to the commissioners appointed definitively to settle all the difficulties which appear to arise respecting the stipulations of the truce, I must observe, that it is not in my power to grant them the necessary passports: the article of provisions, which will be forthwith settled, will allow, in the course of a few days, Captain Planat to undertake this commission.

Be persuaded, moreover, General, that accustomed, in the course of twenty-five years' service to fulfil with exactness the orders of my sovereign, I should have acted in a very different manner, if I had agreed to the propositions which have been made to me by Colonel Richemont, and which deviated so essentially from the articles of a truce, the simple and natural expressions of which leave no room for the least discussion.

Your Excellency, moreover, will always find me ready to do whatever may be agreeable to you, and which at the same time may not be inconsistent with my duty. I shall eagerly seize all the opportunities that I can to convince you that nothing equals the high consideration with which I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to his Excellency Count Rapp._

_From my head-quarters, July 12, 1813._

(Received on the 14th, though the Duke was but two leagues from Dantzic.)

GENERAL,

A messenger, who has just arrived from head-quarters, brings me an order for suspending the allowances which have been hitherto made to the garrison of Dantzic. The corps of Volunteers under the orders of the Prussian Major Lutzow having been attacked, during the continuance of the truce, without the least cause, is announced to me as the reason which has caused this determination, and which is not to be varied from until this affair shall be definitively settled.

In communicating the orders which I have received to you, I announce at the same time that this affair, which will probably soon be settled, does not however change the other articles of the truce, which are to remain in full force.

I have the honour be, &c.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG,

General of Cavalry.

ANSWER.

_Dantzic, July 14, 1813._

Monsieur le DUC,

From the commencement of the arrangements agreed upon between us, in consequence of the armistice, I have seen, with much pain, that your Royal Highness does not fulfil them with that exactness which such stipulations demand.

I have perceived, in the delay of all the deliveries, a secret war which was destroying in detail the spirit of the armistice. In spite of my continual protests, a great part of the provisions has been left in arrear; you have not even supplied what is due at present, and it is in this state of things that I receive, to-day, the 14th, the letter from your Highness, dated the 12th, which informs me that you have orders to suspend the provisions. This suspension has actually taken place these four days past, that is to say, since the 10th; and as our correspondence may reach each other in two hours, I will not conceal from your Highness with what sentiments I must look at the difference between the date and the arrival of your despatch.

The conditions of an armistice, my Lord Duke, are alike binding on both the parties; and as soon as one of them allows himself to annul one of the principal and most essential clauses, the armistice is from that moment broken, and he puts himself in a state of war against the other. It is in this light, that I consider from henceforth the declaration you have made; and although your Highness informs me that the other articles of the truce shall remain, you must perceive that I cannot accept such modifications but by the orders of my sovereign. It only remains to me, then, to beg you to acquaint me whether the six days which are to precede the recommencement of hostilities are to be reckoned from the 12th at one o'clock in the morning, or from the 14th at twelve.

I must declare to you, that I account you responsible for the rupture of an armistice that was concluded between our sovereigns, and that I cannot listen to any evasive explication until after the reception of all the provisions which are due to me.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to General Count Rapp._

_From my head-quarters, July 15, 1813._

I have just received the letter which you have addressed to me, and I cannot conceal from your Excellency that I have been more than ordinarily surprised at its contents.

It would be absolutely useless again to repeat to your Excellency what MM. Generals Borozdin and Jelebtzou have not failed to observe to you repeatedly, that is to say, that the momentary delays which the garrison of Dantzic has experienced in being revictualled have only been occasioned by the sudden change of the arrangement that was proposed and demanded by your Excellency, of buying the provisions by your own commissaries, which has necessarily produced the greatest embarrassment; the Prussian commissaries having excused themselves on the state of entire destitution of the provinces contiguous to Dantzic, which have been already charged for so long a time with the provisioning of my troops. If, as I have several times requested, there had been at my head-quarters, conformably to the stipulations of the truce, a French commissary permanently, he would have been able to convince himself of the extreme embarrassment that the Prussian commissaries have felt in procuring waggons, and the necessary provisions for revictualling Dantzic, and for the maintenance of my own troops; so that it is not the army forming the blockade which has thrown obstacles in the way of revictualling the place. Moreover, it is only my sovereign, the august Emperor Alexander, to whom I must render an account of my actions.

* * * * *

I now come to an article of far greater importance, since it may be attended with the most serious consequences; for it appears, according to the letter of your Excellency, that you are decided on recommencing hostilities on your own authority, whilst the places, Stettin and Custrin, are also temporarily deprived, as well as Dantzic, of the provisions stipulated for in the armistice. I hope, however, that you will seriously consider what you are about to do, and I render you responsible for all the measures you may take, and which may prevent the belligerent powers from coming to an adjustment of their differences.

I send you an exact copy of the letter which I received from the Commander-in-chief of all the armies, Barclay de Tolly; you will see, that far from there being any thoughts of recommencing hostilities, I am expressly prohibited from doing so.

If, in spite of all my observations, which I have had formally certified by my Generals, commanders of corps, you do not think fit to wait patiently till the affair of the legion of Lutzow, which has caused the temporary cessation of the revictualling of Dantzic, (of which the arrears, by the way, are only suspended,) and of the other fortresses, is amicably settled, and you attack my forces, I will prove to you that my brave Russians do not stand in dread of the menaces of any one, and that they are moreover ready to shed their blood for the cause of all sovereigns and all nations.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.

ANSWER.

_Dantzic, July 16, 1813._

I received the letter which your Royal Highness did me the honour to write to me on the 15th of this month. I will not again touch on the different observations which you make on the non-execution of the conditions of the armistice; they have been constantly brought forward, and always victoriously refuted; and therefore present nothing new. General Heudelet, whom I sent to the conference that was demanded by General Borozdin, has made known on my part the only expedient for a provisional arrangement which could again take place between us.

In a letter of the 14th instant, I intreated your Royal Highness to appoint at what precise time the six days between the rupture and the commencement of hostilities were to begin; to this I have had no positive answer. I must, therefore, acquaint you, that as the letter of your Royal Highness, dated the 12th, only reached me on the 14th at noon, and I can consider your positive and official refusal to continue the supplies as nothing else than a rupture of the armistice, hostilities will recommence on the 20th; I owe this determination to the Emperor and to my corps d'armée. Six guns fired from the different forts of Dantzic, at noon, shall leave no doubt on this subject. I beg your Royal Highness not to consider as a threat the obligation which I am under to interpret the violation of one of the articles of the treaty as a formal declaration, annulling the armistice; I know the brave Russian troops, whom I have often fought with, and I know that they are worthy to be opposed to our own.

Here, my Lord, my letter would close, were I not compelled to make a remark to your Royal Highness on some expressions of your letter of the 15th, that I also am only accountable to my sovereign for my determinations; that, as for what your Highness calls the cause of all sovereigns and all nations, these are very extraordinary phrases in the letter of a prince, who knows better than any one that the Emperor Alexander, his sovereign, was engaged during five years, in our alliance against the despotism of a maritime power, which would make all the Continent tributary to it; and that his august brother, the King of Wurtemberg, has been for a long time past one of the most staunch supporters of this same cause.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to General Rapp._

_From my head-quarters, July 17, 1813._

GENERAL,

I should have nothing more to add to the letter which I wrote to your Excellency, dated the 15th of July, if the formal declaration of war which you make to me, as from one power to another, did not oblige me still to make a few important remarks, before the commencement of hostilities which you axe about to undertake.

I will observe to you, then, (although it is absolutely impossible for me, officially, to accept the declaration, that you are about to begin hostilities, and though I must declare you, once more, responsible for all the consequences that this event may produce) that if, in spite of my observations, you, nevertheless, persist in a determination which, as I believe, will not even be approved by the Emperor Napoleon, the period for the rupture which you fix for the 20th of July at mid-day, is contrary to the 2d and 3d articles of the armistice; since, after the 20th of July, the term of the expiration of the truce, hostilities should not take place, according to article 9th, till six days after the 20th of July, which will bring us to the 26th of the month; and it would be really singular for us to be the only two chiefs of corps on the theatre of war to recommence hostilities.

I am convinced, that with a little patience we shall soon hear that the affairs of the Cabinets are taking a different turn. What would be then the regret of your Excellency if, by too much precipitation, you should once more create difficulties between the two Courts, of which my own has nothing to reproach itself with, since it was very natural that it should for the time take measures of retaliation, after it had learnt the destruction of the corps of Lutzow in the midst of the armistice;—as it is not possible to bring to life the men so destroyed, while it will, on the other hand, be very possible to furnish the garrison of Dantzic with the provisions in arrear.

I now close my letter, General, compelled to make an observation or two on the last phrases in yours, which have appeared to me extremely strange. All Europe, and, I dare say, France also, is perfectly acquainted with the reasons which caused the rupture of the peace that was signed at Tilsit. It also knows the dictatorial tone which the ambassador Count Lauriston assumed in the heart of the capital of Peter the Great. The august Emperor Alexander was compelled, by such an excess of audacity, to appeal to his sword; he was obliged to surround himself with his valiant soldiers to open the churches, and to confide himself to a generous and faithful people, who have proved to him what may be done by a nation happy in its own territory, but who have not hesitated a moment to arm themselves in defence of their honour and of their sovereign.

As to what concerns my brother, the King of Wurtemberg, whom your Excellency calls one of the most staunch supporters of the cause which you defend, I can assure your Excellency that a Russian General-in-chief does not think himself inferior in any respect to a King of the Confederation, since it only depends on the Emperor Alexander to elevate me to that dignity, if he thinks fit; and then I shall be king like any other; I should, however, premise one small condition, that is, that it should not be at the expense of any power, or any person.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.

CAPITULATION OF DANTZIC.

Capitulation of the fortress of Dantzic under special conditions, concluded between their Excellencies Lieutenant-general Borozdin, Major-general Welljaminoff, in quality of chief of the staff, and the Colonels of Engineers, Manfredi and Pullet, intrusted with full powers by his Royal Highness the Duke of Wurtemberg, Commander-in-chief of the troops besieging Dantzic, on one part;

And their Excellencies Count Heudelet, general of division, the General of Brigade d'Hericourt, Adjutant-general; and Colonel Richemont intrusted with full powers from his Excellency Count Rapp, aide-de-camp of the Emperor, Commander-in-chief of the 10th corps d'armée, on the other part.

ARTICLE I. The troops forming the garrison of Dantzic, and of the forts and redoubts thereunto belonging, shall leave the town with their arms and baggage on the 1st of January, 1814, at ten o'clock in the morning, by the gate of Oliwa, and shall lay down their arms before the battery of Gottes-Engel, if by that period the blockade of the garrison of Dantzic is not raised by a corps d'armée, equivalent in force to the besieging army, or if a treaty concluded between the belligerent powers shall not by that time have fixed the fate of the city of Dantzic. The officers shall retain their swords, in consideration of the vigorous defence and distinguished conduct of the garrison. The company of the Imperial guard, and a battalion of six hundred men, shall retain their arms, and shall take with them two six-pounders, with the ammunition waggons belonging to them. Twenty-five horsemen shall also preserve their arms and their horses.

ART. II. The forts of Weichselmunde, the Holm, and the intermediate works shall, together with the keys of the outer gate of Oliwa, be given up to the combined army, on the morning of the 24th Dec. 1813.

ART. III. Immediately on the signature of the present capitulation, the fort La Corte, that of Neufahrwasser, with its dependencies, and the left bank of the Vistula, as far as the height of the redoubt Gudin, and the line of redoubts extending from this last-mentioned work on the Zigangenberg, as well as the Mowenkrugschantz shall be surrendered in their present condition, without any deterioration, into the hands of the besieging army. The bridge which at present connects the _tête-du-pont_ of Fahrwasser with the fort of Weichselmunde, shall be removed and placed at the mouth of the Vistula, between Neufahrwasser and the Nowenkrugschantz.

ART. IV. The garrison of Dantzic shall be prisoners of war, and shall be escorted to France. The governor, Count Rapp, formally engages that neither officers nor soldiers shall serve again, until their perfect exchange, against any of the powers now at war with France. There shall be drawn up an exact muster-roll of the names of the generals, officers, and soldiers composing the garrison of Dantzic, without any exception. There shall be two copies of this roll. Each of the generals and officers shall sign a promise and give his word of honour not to serve against Russia or her allies till his perfect exchange. An exact muster-roll shall be also made of all the soldiers who are actually under arms, and another of those who are sick or wounded.

ART. V. The governor, Count Rapp, engages to accelerate as much as possible the exchange of the individuals forming the garrison of Dantzic, rank for rank, for an equal number of prisoners belonging to the allied powers. But if, contrary to all expectation, this exchange should not take place for want of the necessary number of Russians, Austrians, Prussians, or other prisoners belonging to the courts allied against France, or if the said courts should throw obstacles in the way of it, then at the end of a year and a day, dating from Jan. 1, 1814, new style, the individuals forming the garrison of Dantzic shall be released from the formal obligation contracted in Art. IV. of the present capitulation, and may be again employed by their government.

ART. VI. The Polish troops and others belonging to the garrison shall be at full liberty to follow the lot of the French army, and in that case shall be treated in the same manner, excepting those troops whose sovereigns may be in alliance with the coalition against his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, who shall be forwarded to the states or armies of their sovereigns, according to the orders which they shall receive from them, and which orders they shall send officers or messengers to request, immediately after the signature of the present capitulation. The Polish and other officers shall give each his word of honour in writing not to serve against the allied powers till his perfect exchange, conformably to the explanation given by Art. V.

ART. VII. All prisoners, of whatever nation they may be, who belong to the powers at war with France, and who are at present in Dantzic, shall be set at liberty without exchange, and sent to the Russian advanced posts by the gate Peters-Hagen, on the morning of the 12th of December, 1813.

ART VIII. The sick and wounded belonging to the garrison shall be treated in the same manner, and with the same care as those of the allied powers; they shall be sent back to France after their perfect recovery, under the same conditions as the rest of the troops forming the garrison of Dantzic. A commissary of war, and medical officers shall be left with these invalids to attend to them and to claim their removal.

ART. IX. As soon as a certain number of individuals belonging to the troops of the allied powers shall have been exchanged for an equal number of individuals belonging to the garrison of Dantzic, then the latter may consider themselves free from their preceding engagement, contracted formally in Art. IV. of the present capitulation.

ART. X. The troops of the garrison of Dantzic, with the exception of those who, according to the terms of Art. VI. are to receive orders from their sovereigns, shall proceed by ordinary marches in four columns, at two days march distance one from the other, and according to the route annexed, and shall be escorted to the advanced posts of the French army. The garrison of Dantzic shall be supplied on its march according to the statement annexed. The 1st column shall begin its march the 2d Jan. 1814; the 2d on the 4th Jan. and so on.

ART. XI. All Frenchmen being non-combatants, and not in the service of the army, may follow, if they think fit, the troops of the garrison; but they cannot claim the rations fixed for the soldiery: they are, moreover, at liberty to dispose of the property which may be recognized as belonging to them.

ART. XII. On the 12th December, 1813, shall be delivered up to the commissioner appointed by the besieging army, all the cannon, mortars, &c. &c., arms, military stores, plans, drawings, sketches, the military chests, all the magazines of every description, the pontoons, all effects belonging to the engineer corps, to the marine, to the artillery, to the train, to the waggon department, &c. &c. without any exception; and a duplicate inventory shall be made of them, which shall be forwarded to the chief of the staff of the combined army.

ART. XIII. The generals, officers of the staff, and other officers, shall retain their baggage, and the horses they are entitled to under the regulations of the French army, and shall receive the necessary forage during their march.

ART. XIV. All details respecting the means of conveyance to be furnished, whether for the sick and wounded, or for the corps and officers, shall be regulated by the heads of the staff of the two armies.

ART. XV. There shall be reserved to the senate of Dantzic, the right of urging on the Emperor Napoleon all its rights to the liquidation of such debts as may exist on any part, and his Excellency the governor engages to give those to whom the debts have been contracted, acknowledgments certifying the justice of their claims, but under no pretext shall hostages be retained on account of these debts.

ART. XVI. Hostilities of all kinds shall cease on both sides from the signature of the present treaty.

ART. XVII. Every article on which a doubt may arise shall always be interpreted in favour of the garrison.

ART. XVIII. Four exact copies of the present capitulation shall be made, two in the Russian, and two in the French language, to be transmitted in duplicate to the two Generals-in-chief.

ART. XIX. After the signature of these official documents the governor, General Count Rapp, shall be at liberty to send a courier to his government; he shall be accompanied to the advanced posts of the French army by a Russian officer.

Done and agreed to at Langfuhr, this 29th of November, 1813.

(Signed,)

The General of Division Count HEUDELET, General d'HERICOURT, Colonel RICHEMONT, Lieutenant-General Chevalier BOROZDIN, Major-General WELLJAMINOFF, in quality of Head of the Staff, the Colonel of Engineers MANFREDI, Colonel of Engineers PULLET.

Seen and approved,

COUNT RAPP.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to General Rapp._

_From my head-quarters at Pelouken, December 23, 1813._ _11 o'clock at night._

GENERAL,

I am bound to inform you that I have just received a despatch from his Imperial Majesty, which acquaints me, that the capitulation concluded between your Excellency and myself has been approved by the Emperor; excepting the part which concerns the return of the garrison to France. Although it does not belong to me to examine whether an apprehension lest the garrison of Dantzic might be forced, like that of Thorn, to resume active service before it should be perfectly exchanged, and after it should have passed the Rhine, may have had its weight, I am nevertheless obliged to acquaint your Excellency with the precise will of his Majesty, being at the same time persuaded that none of the Generals or Officers, forming part of the brave garrison of Dantzic, would permit themselves in any case to be wanting to their engagements, of which I myself would be willingly the guarantee. His Majesty has also formally authorized me to declare to you, General, that the garrison shall not be sent into the distant provinces of Russia, if your Excellency gives up the fortress without further injury, according to the terms of the capitulation. You may choose for your particular abode and for that of the Generals and Officers, any one of the towns of Revel, Pleskow, Zaliega and Orel, to remain there till the garrison is exchanged. Besides, it is understood of itself, that the Generals and Officers will preserve all the advantages which have been secured to them under the capitulation. As to what concerns the Polish troops who are at present in Dantzic, the pleasure of his Majesty is, that they be sent quietly to their homes on quitting the fortress, and in like manner the German troops.

I must believe, General, that your Excellency certainly will not hesitate to consent to these arrangements, since it is to be believed that the war will not last a year, and then every one will immediately return to his own country; and I am so much the more persuaded that your Excellency will take this determination, because in the opposite case I should not be able to spare you, or your garrison, any of the inevitable rigours which a perfectly useless resistance would carry in its train, the infallible consequence of which would be transportation of the garrison to the most distant provinces of the Russian empire, without the possibility of their enjoying the least of those advantages which are now perfectly secured to them; together with all the conveniences necessary for the route stipulated for in the capitulation.

If, however, your Excellency, contrary to all expectation, should take a determination as unexpected as prejudicial to the interests of the garrison, I will then restore to you, the day after to-morrow, Saturday, at noon, all the works which have been surrendered to the besieging army, except the fort of Neufahrwasser, since the supreme will of his Majesty is that your Excellency should previously send out of the fortress all the German troops at present in Dantzic with their arms and baggage, as the Confederation of the Rhine exists no longer, and all the states which composed it have become our allies; and in this case Neufahrwasser also shall be given up to you immediately and without the smallest difficulty. I will send also to Dantzic by the gate of Oliwa, all the stragglers as soon as they shall have returned; and in the event in question, hostilities shall recommence the day after they are given up, at nine o'clock in the morning.

(Signed) The Duke of WURTEMBERG.

P. S. I beg your Excellency to be so good as to let me have your answer to-morrow morning. If General Heudelet or any other of the Generals were sent to my head-quarters, it would infinitely facilitate the conclusion of an affair which may terminate to your satisfaction.

I have written on this subject to his Majesty by a Courier.

ANSWER.

MY LORD,

I made a capitulation with your Royal Highness:—to-day you announce to me that, without having any respect for it, the Emperor Alexander orders that the garrison of Dantzic shall be sent into Russia as prisoners of war, instead of returning to France.

The 10th Corps d'Armée leaves it to Europe, to history, to posterity, to decide on so extraordinary an infraction of the faith of treaties, against which I solemnly protest.

In consequence of these sacred principles, I have the honour to inform your Royal Highness that, holding strictly to the text of a capitulation, which I must not consider as annihilated because it is violated, I will execute it punctually; and that I am ready this very day to give up to the troops of your Highness, the forts of Weichselmunde, Napoleon, and the Holm, as well as all the magazines, and to leave the fortress with my garrison on the 1st of January next.

At that period, force, and the abuse of power, may drag us to Russia, to Siberia, or wherever they please. We shall submit to suffer, to die even if it be necessary, victims of our confidence in a solemn treaty. The Emperor Napoleon and France are powerful enough, sooner or later, to avenge us.

In this state of things, my Lord, there remains no arrangement for me to make with your Royal Highness; referring myself entirely to the capitulation of the 29th of November, which, I repeat, may be infringed, but cannot be annihilated.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

_Dantzic, December 23, 1813._

_Letter from Count Rapp to the Duke of Wurtemberg._

MY LORD,

My aide-de-camp delivered to me yesterday the letter which your Royal Highness has done me the honour to address to me.

By your return of the letter which you received from me, I imagine your Royal Highness imputes to me exasperated feelings. Your Highness does not render me justice: I have been a soldier twenty-two years; I am habituated to good and to evil fortune.

Your Highness does me the honour to say, that it was quite to be expected that the Emperor Alexander should have the power of ratifying, or not ratifying, the capitulation. Either your Highness was furnished with full powers or you were not; under the last supposition my conduct would have been very different from what it has been.

Marshal Kalkreuth, after a very short defence, obtained a very honourable capitulation. I even recollect that the Emperor Napoleon, who was not twenty leagues from the fortress, was dissatisfied with it, but he would not put his commander-in-chief in an unpleasant position by annulling the capitulation. It was impossible to perform it with more fidelity and delicacy than it was executed with, by Marshal Lefebvre and myself. Marshal Kalkreuth is still living, and has preserved the remembrance of our proceedings. There are Prussian officers at your head-quarters who can also bear witness to them.

Your Highness does me the honour to say that his Majesty orders that all things shall be put upon their previous footing, if I wish to recommence hostilities. Your Highness knows perfectly well that the advantages were at the time of entering on the capitulation on our side, for you had constantly made us offers which you pretended to be favourable; you know that now it is quite the contrary: this assertion stands in no need of proofs.

Besides, my Lord, it is you who have always proposed to me to enter into an arrangement to stop the effusion of blood; offering, as the fundamental condition, our return to France. The correspondence of your Highness attests this fact.

Your Highness knows well in what situation we are placed, and that it is altogether impossible, in all respects, to prolong our defence. The choice which you leave me becomes perfectly illusory.

I pray your Highness to cause to be occupied to-day Weichselmunde, the Holm, and the intermediate works. I have only left in them small detachments to prevent waste. I desire also that your Highness will send commissaries to receive inventories of our magazines of all kinds. I attach importance to this, that there may be no complaints, and that we may not be reproached with having deteriorated any thing; not in the fear of going to Russia with fewer conveniences, which your Highness insists on in your letter, but through the desire of religiously fulfilling all my engagements.

I have the honour again to declare to your Highness, that the garrison of Dantzic will leave the fortress on the 1st of January, in the morning, in execution of Art. I. of the capitulation of November 29; to which I entirely adhere, and to which it is quite useless to add any other arrangement. Circumstances will, after the evacuation, place us entirely at the disposal of your Highness.

I have the honour, &c.

COUNT RAPP.

TO THE SAME.

_December 26, 1813._

MY LORD,

General Manfredi has delivered to me your Royal Highness's letter of yesterday, the 25th instant. Having had already the honour to treat with you on the first articles of this letter, the last is the only one that seems to require an answer. Your Royal Highness declares to me that you cannot allow me to leave Dantzic without a previous arrangement. On my part, thinking it impossible to open again the capitulation of November 29, approved of by your Royal Highness and by me, I have the honour to declare that, having no means of prolonging my defence, I put myself from the 31st of December at your disposal, together with the troops under my orders. This arrangement, my Lord, is very simple: it is for your Royal Highness to regulate the fate of the garrison.

I content myself with recommending to your generosity, the soldiers, especially those who, by their infirmities and wounds, more particularly claim my solicitude.

I recommend to you also the non-combatants, the women, the children, and the Frenchmen, resident in Dantzic.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

THE END.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY S. AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET.

┌───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐ │ Transcriber's Note: │ │ │ │ The original spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been │ │ retained, with the exception of apparent typographical errors │ │ which have been corrected. │ │ │ │ Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. │ │ │ │ Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, │ │ _like this_. │ │ │ │ Errors corrected: │ │ Charlottemberg (p. iii) and Charlottemburgh (pp. 96, 98) │ │ changed to Charlottenburg. │ │ Wittemberg (p. 90) changed to Wittenberg. │ │ Cremen (p. 102) changed to Bremen. │ │ Konigsberg (pp. iv, 162, 168, 218) changed to Kœnigsberg. │ │ Saint-Albretch (p. 324) changed to Saint-Albrecht │ │ Weljaminoff (p. 423) changed to Welljaminoff. │ └───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘