Chapter 30

1832 to 1836.

Political opinions and conduct of Lord de Saumarez.--Death of his second son.--His letter on that occasion.--Anecdotes of his carriage being robbed.--Of Sweden.--The King of Sweden presents him with his portrait.--Count Wetterstedt's letter and Lord de Saumarez's answer.--Lord de Saumarez's last illness and death.--His Christian fortitude.--His professional character.--Moral and religious character.--Remarks and conclusion.

After Sir James's elevation to the peerage, he came during the session from his residence in Guernsey to London, in order to attend his duty in Parliament, but did not join any party in politics. We have already said that he voted for the Reform Bill, being fully convinced that some reform was necessary; but we know that he was firmly attached to the Constitution and to the Established Church, and he may be said to have followed nearest to the opinions of Earl Grey, after whose retirement from office he did not appear in Parliament. When the Author paid his lordship a visit at Tunbridge Wells in the winter of 1833, he found him much altered, and it was but too evident that his constitution was broken. In the summer of 1834 he had to deplore the loss of his second son (Thomas), who died on the 4th of July, on which mournful occasion he wrote the following letter to his son.

In the heavy affliction with which it has pleased the Almighty to visit us, he has not left us without consolation; and our confidence in the Divine mercy, and the hope that your beloved brother is removed to a better world, in the enjoyment of the blessed, through the precious merits of our dear Redeemer, must tend to assuage our sorrow, and induce us to submit with due resignation to the divine will. It will be to me a source of the greatest consolation, as it must be to us all, my dear James, to have witnessed his meek and patient resignation during his severe illness. It has been to me, as yourself and your dear Mary will readily believe, a most distressing and truly painful trial; but it has pleased God to support me through the whole of this sorrowful time far beyond what I could ever have thought myself to have been equal to, and I trust that your dear mother and beloved brother and sister will continue resigned to the will of Providence.

Lord de Saumarez's amiable disposition afforded him support under severe and unexpected losses of every description, of which the following anecdote is a proof. In the spring of 1834 he met with a loss on his journey to visit Sir John Orde at Beckingham, which we will venture to say would have been borne in a very different way by many of his brother officers. His own carriage being under repair, he had borrowed one from the coachmaker, which could only take one trunk behind; in this trunk the female servant, who had lived a long time in the family, had deposited his valuable diamond star of the Order of the Bath, together with some costly jewels and trinkets belonging to Lady de Saumarez and her daughter. On their arrival at Sir John's mansion at Beckingham, it was discovered, to their utter consternation, that the trunk had been cut off by thieves and carried away with its contents, the value of which amounted to near 1000_l._ Sir James bore the loss with the most philosophic coolness; for, instead of finding fault with the servant for placing such valuable articles in so hazardous a situation, with his true habitual kindness, he used his utmost endeavours to soothe the distress she felt as having been the unintentional cause of the loss. Information was immediately given at the Police-office, but none of the property was ever heard of, excepting the trunk, which was found empty in a field by the road side.

In Sweden the name of Saumarez will be for ever spoken of with gratitude and respect, and all strangers who visit that country are sure in their memoirs to mention the services which he had rendered. In Mr. Lloyd's book we find:

To the good understanding which existed between Count Rosen and Sir James Saumarez, our admiral on that station, may be ascribed the flourishing trade which was afterwards carried on during a period of nominal war, and the re-establishment of peace between the countries which soon after followed. Of Sir James Saumarez the inhabitants still speak in the highest terms of respect and regard, for his mildness and moderation in command, and for the attention he invariably paid to their numerous applications and wants.

A tourist in Sweden writes as follows:

Stockholm, 22nd Jan. 1832.

To-day I shall again have the honour of dining with Count Wetterstedt. Many, many inquiries were made after the health and happiness of the gallant and amiable Lord de Saumarez, whose name is beloved and respected throughout the whole kingdom. I landed at Christiania and travelled by land within fifty miles of Stockholm, and even the peasantry are familiar with my Patron's excellent name and character, the great friend of Sweden.

In October 1834, Lord de Saumarez received the last mark of Royal favour from the King of Sweden, who sent him a splendid full-length portrait of himself, which was forwarded with the following letter from the late highly respected Count Wetterstedt, then Minister for Foreign Affairs at Stockholm:

Stockholm, le 7 d'Octobre 1834.

MILORD,

Depuis longtems le Roi mon auguste Souverain vous avait destine, Milord, son portrait en pied comme un temoignage de son estime des services signales que vous avez rendus a la Suede dans les annees 1810-12.

Divers incidens en avaient retarde l'expedition, d'autant plus regrettables au Roi, que sa Majeste avait appris l'interet que vous aviez attache a ce souvenir de sa part. L'occasion opportune qui se presente maintenant de pouvoir embarquer ce portrait a bord du batiment a vapeur, le Lightning, de la Marine Britannique, qui transporte ici Monsieur de Disbrowe, a ete saisie par le Roi, et j'ai l'honneur de vous annoncer en son nom que cette expedition vient d'etre effectuee.

En faisant placer sur ce portrait cette inscription, "Charles XIV. Jean, a James Lord Saumarez, au nom du Peuple Suedois," sa Majeste s'est plue a transmettre a la posterite une preuve eclatante des souvenirs qui restent chez elle, et chez la Nation qu'elle gouverne, des vues eclairees du Gouvernement Britannique a une epoque a jamais memorable, et de la noble loyaute que vous mites, Milord, dans leur accomplissement.

Il m'est d'autant plus agreable, Milord, d'etre aupres de vous l'organe de ces sentimens de mon Souverain, que je trouve une occasion d'y ajouter ceux de la haute consideration avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'etre,

Milord, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur, LE CTE. DE WETTERSTEDT.

This portrait, which is the natural size of the illustrious donor, arrived safely at Guernsey, where the Author saw it, and can affirm that it is an excellent likeness of his Majesty, who was always grateful for the services which Lord de Saumarez had rendered to his adopted country. Not less so were the merchants in London, who were preparing a splendid piece of plate, which the noble admiral did not live to receive, but which was presented to his son, the present lord.

We now approach the last days of this great and good man. He had yet another contest to encounter, and he entered upon it with that same moral courage, which, being founded on his trust in the Almighty, had hitherto enabled him to overcome every difficulty, and to face every danger; he had yet another victory to achieve, in which he came off more than conqueror. We are now to behold him as no longer holding intercourse with earth, but rather standing on the confines of either world; not indeed as preparing to meet his God, for that had been the business of his whole life, but as ready to obey whenever his summons came.

With the exceptions of occasional attacks of gout, which in general were more tedious than severe, he may be considered to have enjoyed a good state of health; but for the last three years his friends perceived that advanced age was gradually bringing on its debilitating effects. He was no longer able to walk with that firm commanding step, and that erect posture of body for which he had always been noted; but his mind retained its usual energy, and when he fell in with any of his old companions he would converse on the deeds of his more active life with all the vigour and animation of youth. Notwithstanding he had nearly attained the latest of those periods assigned by the Psalmist as the general boundary of human life, his children had still fondly hoped that he might yet have been spared a few years; neither had she, who for forty-eight years had been the joy and solace of his existence, and who had watched over him with the most sincere and devoted affection, any particular reason to think that they were so soon to be severed. A few weeks before his death, his increasing debility; attended with loss of appetite and inability of retaining food, excited some slight apprehensions, which, though not sufficient to cause alarm on the first appearance of those symptoms, led, as they increased, to the conviction that the system was decaying.

On the 30th of September Lord de Saumarez seemed to have recovered his usual good looks, and appeared with the cheerfulness which, when in health, he always assumed. That day he received several friends, who congratulated him on his convalescence; but the members of his family who watched him most attentively, observed that he received their congratulations with distrust, as if conscious of his declining state; and, on their departure, calling one of them aside, he emphatically told him, that his looks were not to be depended on, for that he really felt ill. It is even said that he had already given directions to his confidential servants respecting some of the last duties. On the morrow his increased debility showed that his opinion of his own state was but too correct, and on the next day, which was Sunday, he awoke, after an uneasy night, under the pressure of distressing symptoms. Finding it was too late for his family to go to church, he requested they would read the service to him, and was afterwards much employed in meditation. It was now apparent that he was impressed with the belief, that the time of his departure was at hand, for he seemed as if taking a farewell of terrestrial objects and resigning his soul to his Maker and Redeemer.

More than once he exclaimed, "I am the resurrection and the life, saith the Lord; he that believeth in me, though he were dead yet shall he live, and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die." "What comfort, _shall never die_," he repeated, in a manner which showed the hope he himself entertained of a blessed immortality. He was well acquainted with every page of the sacred writings, the perusal of a portion of which, including the psalms of the day, had for many years formed part of his regular employment, and it was now he felt the comfort which they inspired and the support which they afforded under the near prospect of death and the grave.

Monday brought no amendment; it was evident that nature was sinking, and his medical attendants no longer concealed their apprehensions of the result. Those of his family, who had the privilege of attending him at this solemn period, while they were filled with sorrow at the prospect of losing one so deservedly dear to them, could not contemplate the calmness and composure with which he met the approaching change, without feelings of the most devout admiration.

Still seeking comfort from its only true source, Heavenly themes were the prevailing occupation of his thoughts. "The Lord," he said, "is my light and my salvation; of whom then shall I be afraid?" He also repeated from memory the 23rd and 34th Psalms, together with some other parts of the holy volume. On the Thursday, which may be considered as the last day on which he enjoyed the full power of speech and consciousness, his tongue was still employed in magnifying the God of his salvation: several times he repeated, "If God is for us, who can be against us?" sometimes adding, "Who shall lay anything to the charge of God's elect?" Once he said, "Oh, my poor mind!"--"Not a poor mind," was the reply, "but a rich one, stored as it is with such heavenly things:" when he meekly answered, "I have tried to make it so."

The two following days he felt increased difficulty in breathing, and though only able to give occasional utterance to his thoughts, the constant joining of his hands, and the devotion of his countenance, showed that his understanding was still able to unite in the supplications which his family offered up in behalf of the dying husband and parent. His recollection, however, was gradually leaving him; for, on Lady de Saumarez approaching his bedside on the morning of Saturday, he no longer recognised her; he appeared to be fast passing from this world to better and everlasting habitations. It was, as this excellent and truly Christian woman acknowledged, more than mortal strength which enabled her to contemplate without a murmur the separation that was so soon to take place, and which raised her mind above the distressing scene before her, to find utterance in prayer for herself and for the departing spirit of her husband. She was not sensible that she was heard, till, a few moments after she had concluded, he distinctly said, in the metrical version of the 122nd psalm, "It was a joyful sound to hear." It is uncertain whether this alluded to the words of the prayer just uttered, or whether the Almighty was already pleased to vouchsafe to him, as there is reason to believe he does to his faithful servants when approaching the great conflict, some assurance of his salvation, by admitting him to a distant sound of the Hallelujahs of those blessed spirits which surround the throne. From whatever source sprung this sentence, dear and precious must it ever be to those who loved him; for these were the last words he distinctly pronounced,--the last sound of his voice in this world!

The next day (Sunday) was the 9th of October, a day which had been one of peculiar interest to him, being the birth-day of his eldest son, who was unfortunately prevented by a weak state of health, attended with bodily infirmity, which would not admit of his crossing the water in the stormy weather then prevailing, from being present at the dying bed of his beloved parent.

His breathing now became very laborious, but his lordship was apparently at ease and free from pain. Sometimes it was thought a degree of consciousness existed; for when at noon his second son, who had just arrived from England, appeared in the apartment and spoke, a slight movement of the body was perceptible. Towards night the pulse rapidly declined, the breathing, which had been much relieved during the day, became gradually fainter, every limb was at rest, the whole body in repose, as if indicating the happy state of that spirit which was about to be resigned into the hands of Him that gave it.

A few minutes before midnight, the wise Disposer of all things was pleased to close the mortal scene; the cessation of the act of breathing was the only sign of dissolution; and even at that moment his countenance bore an expression no language can portray; unimpaired by illness, or the course of nearly fourscore years, time seemed to have restored to his features and complexion the freshness and bloom of the prime of life. In beholding such a blissful termination of mortal existence, we have here a happy illustration of the words of the prophet, "The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness quietness, and assurance for ever."[14]

[14] Isaiah, xxxii. 17.

In order to form a correct estimate of the merits of the late Lord de Saumarez, his character should be viewed under the opposite relations of life--professional and domestic; and very few who have belonged to the navy, or indeed any service, have been more distinguished in either. Rear-Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton, Bart. &c. now Lieutenant Governor of the Royal Hospital at Greenwich, has given us the following sketch of his professional character, of which he must be admitted to be the best judge, having served several years as his captain under the most trying circumstances of his life.

I had frequent opportunities of observing him in both characters, and knew not which to admire most--that perfect enjoyment which he seemed to possess in the bosom of his family; that peculiar faculty of giving and receiving happiness in the truly happy circle of which he was the centre--or that energy of character which led him with enthusiasm into active service, and which made the good of his country paramount to every other consideration. Perhaps the most weary of all situations, to a naval officer, is, when placed in command of a squadron, watching an enemy's fleet, particularly on such a station as that of Brest; and there my noble friend was severely tried, first, as a captain with a squadron under his orders, and afterwards as a flag officer. The rapidity of the tides, as well as their irregularity, and the constant heavy gales from the westward, render the service a most anxious one; and he indeed felt the full force of the responsibility; but the determined resolution with which he maintained his position, under the most threatening circumstances, gave the fullest assurance to the commander-in-chief, that this most important post was in able and sure hands. All his officers and crew had their regular portions of repose; but sleep to the officer charged with this immense responsibility was almost impossible during the night, and a few transient snatches of rest through the day, when danger could be seen or avoided, were all that could be obtained, and these enabled him to sustain the fatigue to which he was exposed.

During the long winter nights, we could all observe the effects of this most trying situation upon the Admiral's appearance, who, having alone the responsibility for the safety of all the ships under his command, suffered in proportion to its amount. It was, at the same time, a subject of general remark, how every trace of fatigue and anxiety instantly vanished on the arrival of a letter from his family. It would have been natural to suppose that, deeply as he felt the happiness of home, so in proportion would have been his distaste for a service that deprived him of it; but the moment that he was assured of the welfare of the objects of his affectionate solicitude, his countenance was lighted up by the utmost gratitude to the Giver of all blessings, and he again devoted himself to the fulfilment of his arduous duties with renewed energy.

It was frequently said by Earl St. Vincent, that when an officer of the navy married, he lost much of his value in his profession. There are, doubtless, many exceptions to that rule, and Sir James Saumarez was a most striking one; for I believe he was most powerfully stimulated to great and good actions, by the consideration of the share those dear to him would enjoy in their results. And, certainly, no energy whatever was wanting to get his ship, or squadron, ready for sea, or to proceed with the utmost despatch in the execution of his orders, however it might curtail the period of his domestic enjoyments; everything gave way to duty, and every possible degree of energy and zeal was brought into action for the execution of it.

The lively sensibility, which formed so prominent a feature in the character of our lamented hero, was most remarkable. It was not only in the intercourse of private friendship and in acts of kindness and benevolence, that this feeling was evinced; but upon all occasions, public as well as private, he manifested how deeply his heart was engaged in events which might bear on the interests of his friends and his country. I well remember, when off the Black Rocks in April 1801, his coming on board, from a visit he paid to the commander-in-chief, and bringing a newspaper, containing an account of the landing in Egypt, and the attack on the Danish fleet at Copenhagen by Lord Nelson. He directed me to cause the hands to be turned up; but when they were assembled, his feelings had so completely overcome him, that he found it utterly impossible to read the account. Many instances of this peculiar depth of feeling and goodness of heart might be enumerated. I shall only add, that he was most exemplary in his conduct, and most exact in causing all the offices of religion to be performed on board his ship, allowing nothing short of the most imperative duties of the ship to interrupt divine service!

In conclusion, we must seriously recommend to our young readers, and particularly to those of the Royal Navy, to whom indeed the whole memoir is addressed, to read with attention the following remarks on the moral and religious character of the late illustrious and noble Admiral.

His lordship was a sincere Christian, in the most exalted sense of the word; his religion was a strong principle, pervading every decision and action of his long and distinguished life. It was a principle emanating from a sound knowledge and love of scripture truth; those who were honoured with his confidence, and who saw him at all times, and under different circumstances, particularly in the hour of sickness and in affliction, can testify with what earnestness he turned to the great source of strength and consolation, with what warmth of feeling he spoke of the redeeming mercies of God in Christ Jesus; it was a theme to which he delighted to give utterance, and in a way which convinced those who heard him, that it constituted the firm, prevailing, comforting belief and support of his own mind and heart. A friend, who visited Lord de Saumarez during a severe illness, was deeply affected on hearing him say, that he had passed a sleepless night, not so much from the bodily sufferings he endured as from the painful reflection of the misery and danger of the multitudes who were living without God in the world, particularly those who were opposed to the gospel of Christ, and that he had earnestly prayed to God on their behalf. It was a similar feeling which led him to employ himself with so much zeal, and such magnificent liberality for the erection of St. James's church in his native island: it owes its existence mainly to him. No sacrifice appeared too great to ensure the success of an undertaking which provided four hundred free sittings for the use of the poor population. More recently, in the same spirit, he became a bountiful contributor to another church, in a populous district of the island; and his last public act was laying the foundation-stone of that edifice. The multitudes who there saw his benign countenance, will not quickly forget the devotion which mingled with the performance of the ceremony. He ever liberally supported the schools and religious institutions; but indeed his charity was unbounded. In every case of public emergency, or of private distress, he was a sure refuge; and the hopes entertained of his assistance and sympathy were never disappointed. The success which attended his Lordship in his profession, has proved that moral and religious worth, far from unfitting men for the naval service, only qualifies them the more for the right discharge of their arduous duties. No commander ever possessed in a higher degree the confidence of the navy, the respect of the community at large, and the love and veneration of friends and relatives; and surely it is not too much to add, that this homage was paid, not more to his professional skill and valour, not more to the eminent services he had rendered to his king and country, than to the Christian excellency which ever adorned his life and actions.

ADDENDA.

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF LIEUT. GENERAL SIR THOMAS SAUMAREZ.

In adding the following memoir of this distinguished officer, who is a younger brother of the late noble Lord, we feel confident that it will be read with interest, his services having been in some degree mixed up with those of his illustrious brother, in the prosecution of the American and the late Continental war. The author having been intimately acquainted with Sir Thomas, and having for many years kept up a constant correspondence with him, has peculiar satisfaction in discharging this duty of gratitude to a friend for whom he had always the highest regard and respect, and to whom he materially owes his advancement in the profession to which he has the honour to belong.

Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Saumarez entered the army in January 1776, at the early age of 15 years, when he purchased a second lieutenancy in the 23rd regiment or Royal Welsh Fusiliers. He was at the taking of New York Island, and assisted at the storming of Fort Washington and in capturing 3300 men.

In April 1777, he embarked on board transports with the regiment, and proceeded to destroy all the military stores and provisions the enemy had collected at Danburg in the province of Connecticut. He first distinguished himself in the action fought at this place, and in the actions of Ridgefield and Compo Point. Having obtained a lieutenancy in 1778 without purchase at Philadelphia, he soon after was selected to serve in the company of grenadiers which was then attached to the brigade, composed of more than fifty companies of grenadiers. He was in the severe action fought at Monmouth, in the Jerseys, when the captain, and more than one-third of the company to which he belonged, were killed or wounded. His services were volunteered with the regiment to serve as marines on board Lord Howe's fleet, destined to attack the French fleet, under Count D'Estaing, at Rhode Island, very superior in size and weight of metal to the British: a dreadful storm arose when the two fleets were within gun-shot of each other, which prevented the engagement. In 1779, he embarked and went up Hudson's River to East Chester, and Ver Plank's Point, and was at the attack of Fort La Fayette and other fortified places, which surrendered.

On the return of young Saumarez to New York in September 1779, he was strongly recommended by his commanding officer to General Clinton, the commander-in-chief, and, in consequence, was permitted to purchase a company in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, although he was only 19 years of age. The day following, he embarked with several regiments, under the command of Earl Cornwallis, with the intention of attacking several French West Indian Islands. A few days after leaving New York, a frigate hove in sight, the captain of which gave information to Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, that two days before he had seen a large fleet of men-of-war, under the command of Count De Grasse, very superior in numbers to our convoy, and that he supposed the enemy to be within a day's sail of our ships. Upon this the Admiral made the signal for all the transports to return as expeditiously as possible to New York, where he disembarked.

In December, our young officer embarked with many regiments, under the command of Lieutenant General Clinton, and sailed for South Carolina, to besiege the city of Charlestown, which surrendered on the 12th of May 1780. Soon after this, he was detached with 4000 men, under the orders of Earl Cornwallis, and after marching upwards of one hundred miles took possession of Camden. At this place, our little army became so sickly that we had more than 1100 men in the hospital, which, with many detachments, reduced our number to less than 2000 effective men. The enemy being apprised of this, was induced to collect a force of more than 7000 men, with the intention of attacking and capturing our little army, under the command of General Gates. On the 15th of August, Lord Cornwallis was informed that the Americans were within twelve miles of Camden, and consisted of six to one in numbers more than we had to oppose to them. Upon this, his lordship considered it was too late to think of retreating to Charlestown, and not wishing to abandon our sick in hospital, decided at once that, by attacking the enemy, we had a great deal to gain and little to lose. He accordingly issued an order to march at nine o'clock the same evening. About two hours after, the advance guards of the British and of the Americans encountered each other, as the enemy had begun to march precisely at the same hour: after skirmishing some time, the firing ceased, and both armies waited most impatiently for the dawn of day of the 16th, when they formed, and immediately engaged; the Americans at the same time detaching troops on both the flanks of the British, to prevent their escaping, under the expectation of taking the whole prisoners. On the other hand, the British marched coolly to meet the enemy, although under a very heavy fire of cannon and musketry, until they came within twenty yards of their opponents. Here Lord Cornwallis took off his hat, which was a signal for the line to give three hearty cheers, advance, and, when within a few yards of the enemy, fire a well-directed volley and charge: this was done with such effect that the first line of the Americans ran away and overset their reserve; the result was, that the British killed (mostly with the bayonet), wounded, and took prisoners 300 more than they had men in the field, took seven pieces of brass cannon, 150 waggons, full of all sorts of military stores, camp equipage, &c.

About three weeks after this action, Lord Cornwallis, upon finding the greater number of the sick had left the hospital, issued an order for all the officers' baggage which could possibly be dispensed with to be destroyed immediately, as the little army was going by forced marches in pursuit of the enemy. The troops accordingly marched seventeen successive days, from five o'clock in the evening to eight or nine the following morning, oftentimes with a very scanty allowance, or no provisions, as it was through an exhausted country, without bread, (as the corn mills had been rendered unserviceable,) except some Indian corn used by the cattle, and this corn was taken from the fields. The troops were without tents or any covering to shelter them from the intense heat and heavy rains peculiar to the climate. They had to ford frequently four or five rivers and creeks in a day; some of these were deeper than their waist, and so rapid, that the officers and soldiers found it requisite to tie and support each other. Under these circumstances the men were frequently exposed to a most galling fire from the enemy, strongly posted: if a man was wounded, he was let go down the stream and drowned.

During a march of 1500 miles through South and North Carolina and Virginia, the officers and soldiers were subjected to the greatest sufferings, privations, and hardships, which, (as Lord Cornwallis frequently observed in his despatches,) could not be possibly exceeded, their clothes being worn out, especially their boots and shoes. They were, moreover, almost without wine or spirits, having destroyed the greater part when orders were issued at Camden to lessen the baggage as much as possible, which deprived the officers of the comforts they so much required, and which they had obtained with the greatest trouble and expense: for this sacrifice, they never received the smallest recompence. The officers having the rank of captain were allowed to ride on a march, but in consequence of a requisition made to Lord Cornwallis by Colonel Tarleton, commanding the cavalry, not only for the riding horses, but also for all the cart horses, which were most serviceable to mount his troopers, his lordship most reluctantly compelled every officer to deliver the best of the horses for the cavalry. The captains naturally lent their horses to the officers and men who might require them from illness or otherwise; it was soon found out that they could not be dispensed with, so that cast-off horses were substituted for those they had been obliged to give up.

The little army being nearly exhausted with fatigue, the officers and men became most anxious that, instead of the minor actions and skirmishes to which they were frequently exposed, the enemy would collect all his force and give them an opportunity to fight and end their labours.

On the 14th of March 1781, Lord Cornwallis received intelligence that General Green, with a force five times greater as to numbers than the British, was within ten miles. His lordship determined to attack them the day following, and put his little corps in motion at daybreak of the 15th of March. About noon, he fell in with the enemy most advantageously posted, and formed in three lines; the first, which was behind rails, kept up a most incessant fire, from four six-pounders and musquetry, upon the British troops as they advanced upon a ploughed field, which was very muddy from rain that fell the day before. Notwithstanding all these disadvantages, they marched coolly to the Americans without firing a musket until within a few yards, when they halted to fire a well-directed volley and charged. Upon this, they had to encounter the enemy's second and third lines, which were attacked in the same manner and totally dispersed, leaving their four six-pounders, the only guns they had, in the field, which were bravely taken by the brigade of guards: these four six-pounders were soon after retaken by a charge from Colonel Washington's cavalry, and two of these guns were ultimately taken by Captain Saumarez, who had the command of the left wing of the regiment from the commencement of the action, after Captain Pater, who commanded the royal Welsh Fusiliers, was wounded in the early part of the engagement, and the left wing had been separated from the right wing when in pursuit of the first line of the Americans. The other two six-pounders were also taken by Colonel Tarleton's cavalry: these four guns were all the Americans brought into the field.

The enemy's loss in killed and wounded was very considerable. The Welsh Fusiliers and most of the other corps of Lord Cornwallis's army had about one third of the officers and soldiers in the field killed and wounded, and most unhappily, during the action, the lighted paper of the cartridges set fire to the dried leaves, so that many of the unfortunate wounded, which could not be removed, belonging to the British and Americans, were burnt to death. Earl Cornwallis mentioned in his despatches, "that the conduct and actions of the officers and soldiers that compose this little army, will do more justice to their merit than I can by words. Their persevering intrepidity in action, their invincible patience in the hardships and fatigues of a march of many hundred miles, in which they have forded several large rivers and numberless creeks, many of which would be reckoned large rivers in any other country in the world, without tents or covering against the climate, and often without provisions, will sufficiently manifest their ardent zeal for the honour and interests of their sovereign and their country."

This engagement was generally considered to be the hottest and bloodiest, as well as the best fought throughout the war.[15] The army marched from Guildford the 18th of March for Wilmington, where it arrived the 7th of April. At this place the officers and soldiers fortunately were enabled to supply themselves with a small quantity of wine and spirits, with which they had been without for some months, also with tea and sugar and some clothing, of which they began to be in the greatest need, in consequence of having been compelled to destroy the greatest part of their baggage twice for the good of the service, since they arrived at Camden in June 1780.

[15] The action of July 1779.

On the 25th of April 1781, he marched from Wilmington, North Carolina, for Petersburg, Virginia, a distance of 800 miles: here he arrived on the 20th of May, after undergoing the greatest privations and hardships, which Lord Cornwallis deplored, and felt the distresses of his little army so much that he became very ill with a fever, which prevented the possibility of his lordship's sitting a horse, and made it indispensably requisite for his being conveyed in a waggon over mountains, rivers, and creeks.

On the 4th of July the troops marched from Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia, for James Town, near which place there was a river three miles wide, which the army had to cross. On the 5th, the baggage of the army passed over the river, and some of the troops. The day following, Lord Cornwallis received intelligence that the Marquis De La Fayette with 2000 Americans were within a short distance of the British, with the intention of destroying the rear guard: upon this, his lordship prevented the main body of his little corps from embarking, and placed it in ambush behind a high hill to wait the attack of the enemy. About four o'clock in the afternoon, the Americans began to attack the piquets, which had orders to sustain their ground as long as possible; in consequence, several officers and soldiers were wounded: at length the main body of the enemy formed in front of the British, when the latter, after receiving the repeated discharges of the former from two six-pounders and musquetry, advanced, with the greatest impetuosity, fired a volley and charged, which completely dispersed the Americans, who were pursued until dark, the enemy leaving the two pieces of cannon and more than 300 killed and wounded on the field. Another hour of day-light would in all probability have prevented a single man of the Americans escaping.

Earl Cornwallis was so well pleased with his little army, that in his despatches he mentioned, that he could not sufficiently commend the spirit and good behaviour of the officers and soldiers. On the 25th of July the little corps marched for Portsmouth, and arrived at York Town and Gloucester on the 9th of August, when orders were issued to fortify both places as well as practicable. The Welsh Fusiliers were directed to erect a redoubt on the right flank of the town, more than five hundred yards in advance, there being a ravine between York and the position allotted. Lord Cornwallis declared that the Fusiliers would have to defend this post. On the 28th of September, 8000 French troops under the command of Count Rochambeau, and 1500 American troops under General Washington, with a large French fleet of ships of war, made their appearance, with the avowed intention of besieging the army under Earl Cornwallis, consisting of only 4017 men fit for duty: 1933 officers and soldiers were wounded and sick in hospital. The night following, the enemy broke ground within three hundred yards and continued their approaches.

On the 6th of October, 3000 French grenadiers made a most vigorous attempt to storm the right advanced redoubt, and were bravely repulsed by only 130 officers and soldiers of the royal Welsh Fusiliers, and 40 marines. Two other attempts were made by the French to take the redoubt, which proved equally unsuccessful. For the gallant defence made by the troops in the right redoubt, they received the particular thanks of Earl Cornwallis, and also the most flattering testimonials of approbation and of admiration from the general officers of the army, for their intrepid conduct during the siege, and upon all other occasions. Even the French general officers, after the termination of the siege, gave the Welsh Fusiliers their unqualified praises for their firmness and courage in repulsing the three attacks made by such vastly superior numbers on the redoubt, and could not be easily convinced that so few men defended it. Captain Saumarez was the second officer in command in the advanced right redoubt.

On the 19th of October 1781, the garrison of York Town capitulated. Lord Cornwallis having ordered that one captain and three subalterns of each regiment be required to remain with the prisoners, the captains drew lots, when Captain Saumarez proved so unfortunate as to be the one to remain with the regiment, in order to visit the non-commissioned officers and soldiers very frequently; to be an eye-witness of their treatment; to take care that the quantity and quality of the provisions issued to them were conformable to the terms of the capitulation; to distribute clothing and necessaries, and also to be of every other use and benefit to them in his power. On the 29th of October, he marched from York Town with the regiment, and arrived on the 15th November at Winchester, in the back settlements of Virginia, where the soldiers were confined in barracks, surrounded with a stockade. The 12th of January 1782, he marched with the regiment and a part of Lord Cornwallis's army from Winchester, through the State of Maryland to Lancaster in Pennsylvania, where they arrived the 28th following. The cold was so intense during the march, which proved so harassing and fatiguing, that many of the men were frost-bitten, and many others suffered exceedingly.

The 2nd of June 1782, Captain Saumarez and the other twelve captains[16] taken prisoners with the army under Earl Cornwallis, were ordered by the American Congress and General Washington to assemble at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania; and to draw lots, that one might be selected to suffer death by way of retaliation, when the lot fell on Sir Charles Asgill, who was in consequence conveyed under a strong escort to the American army, stationed in the Jerseys, the place fixed upon for his execution. Here he remained in prison for six months, enduring the greatest hardships, expecting daily that his execution would take place. The manner adopted for drawing lots, was by placing the names of the thirteen captains in one hat, and in another twelve blank pieces of paper, beginning with the names one by one, and by each piece of paper, until the paper was drawn upon which was written the "_unfortunate_." It may be observed that Captain Asgill had to pass through Philadelphia, where the Congress was assembled; and he being attended voluntarily, and most humanely, by Major Gordon, of the 80th regiment, the senior officer of the British troops prisoners of war, he made it his business to wait upon the French Ambassador, and desired in the most impressive manner his Excellency's interference with the Congress, to prevent the execution of Captain Asgill. The Ambassador refused complying with the entreaty, but it was thought he afterwards relented, as he was seen going to Congress; and that his remonstrances, together with the strong representations of the captains, who wrote and applied in the most decided manner to General Count De Rochambeau, who commanded the French troops in besieging York Town, had the effect of at least suspending the sanguinary intentions of Congress and of General Washington, to put Captain Asgill to death, until the Government and the Queen of France, to whom application had been made to interfere in his behalf, and if possible save his life, were ascertained. The only reason alleged for the above transactions, was, that a rebel captain named Huddy, who was patrolling with Americans, fell in at night with another patrol of royalists commanded by Captain Lippencott, who was taken prisoner by Huddy, and who, without trial or any other cause but his being a loyalist attached to the British army, hung poor Lippencott. The latter's brother, shortly after this most infamous occurrence, was patrolling and took Huddy prisoner, upon which, to retaliate for the murder of his brother, he executed Huddy. The above transactions were made known to the thirteen captains whilst prisoners on parole, and credited by them. They were also informed very frequently, that General Washington had often declared, that of the two events of his life which grieved him and that he lamented most, one was his not having done his utmost to prevent the thirteen captains taken by capitulation drawing lots.

[16] Brigade of Guards:--Earl Ludlow, Sir Charles Morgan, Captains Eld, Greville, Asgill, and Perrin. Captain Saumarez, 23rd, or Royal Welsh Fusiliers. Captain Coote, 37th Regiment. Captains Graham and Barclay, 76th Regiment. Captains Arbuthnot and Hathorn, 80th Regiment. Captain ----, name unknown.

Captain Saumarez being the senior officer of the British troops, during the time they were prisoners at Winchester and at York Town, in Pennsylvania, had the charge and superintendence of 3000 men, stationed at each of these places during nineteen months, which caused the greatest anxiety, and often-times the utmost distress. In consequence of his unremitting zeal and exertions upon this arduous service for the comfort and welfare of the soldiers under his superintendence, as well as to prevent their deserting to the enemy, from whom they received every enticement to do so, he was frequently offered passports and encouragements to go to England, and abandon the soldiers, by the American authorities; but flattering himself that he was most useful to them, and being impelled by a sense of public duty, he voluntarily continued a prisoner on parole, until, in May 1783, he had the satisfaction at the end of the war of conducting the first division of the army to New York, where upon his arrival he was honoured in obtaining the thanks and approval for his conduct from Sir Guy Carleton, the Commander-in-chief, and also from the Field Officers of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers.

Soon after his arrival within the British lines, he was permitted to embark for England. On landing at Portsmouth, he had the mortification of hearing he had been placed on half-pay, in consequence of the army having been reduced, although he had fought in three general actions, several skirmishes, and two sieges, since he purchased his company in 1779. Having repeatedly offered his services, he was preferred to a company in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers in 1787, upon the augmentation of the army, and when war was expected to take place; but was unfortunately reduced three months after, as the peace continued. In 1789, he was appointed to a company in the 7th or Royal Fusilier regiment, and joined it in Scotland: soon after he embarked at Leith for Gibraltar, to join his colonel, his Royal Highness Prince Edward, who was pleased to form a company selected from all the bad and worst-behaved soldiers in the regiment, and appointed Captain Saumarez to command and take charge of them: some time after this, he was honoured with his Royal Highness's best thanks, for the reformation he had caused in the conduct and discipline of these men, and for doing this without corporal punishment. The Duke was pleased to honour him with the appointment of Equerry, and afterwards of Groom of the Chamber to his Royal Highness.

In 1791, he embarked with the regiment for Canada, and soon after this he was permitted to go to England. In 1793, on the declaration of war with France, he offered his services to raise a regiment, when Mr. Secretary Dundas and Major General Thomas Dundas, the latter being appointed to command-in-chief at Guernsey, earnestly solicited him to accompany the Major General to the island, on account of his knowledge of the language, the laws, and customs of the island, and of its inhabitants; and being informed that the enemy meditated to attack it, he was induced to accept the appointment of Major of Brigade to 2000 militia of the island: he besides voluntarily did the duty of the quarter-master-general's department to the troops. He also had the superintendence and examination of all strangers as they landed, which enabled him to cause many disaffected persons and rebels from Ireland to be apprehended: he had the selection and appointment of pilots to the ships of war requiring them, and otherwise rendered himself as useful as possible to the public service, without additional pay or emolument whatever, for the space of five years, and until the arrival of 7000 Russian troops, when he was appointed assistant quarter-master-general, and, upon four French corps arriving in the island, he was appointed their inspector.

Mr. Secretary Dundas, and Mr. Windham, secretary at war, were pleased to confide to him the secret correspondence with the enemy's coast, from Havre to Brest, when he obtained intelligence of the utmost importance, for which he repeatedly received the thanks of His Majesty's ministers. In 1794, he was deputed to carry an address from the States of the island, on the marriage of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent; and on this occasion Major General Small, who was the Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-chief, was pleased to recommend his services in so strong a manner to the King's ministers, that he had the honour of being knighted. In 1799 he was promoted to be inspector of the militia of the island, in which situation he continued to serve until June, 1811, when he obtained the rank of major general.[17]

[17] In the year 1800, when the author was acting Lieutenant of H.M.S. Weasle, he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner in one of the boats, and was on the point of falling a sacrifice to the injustice of those in power at St. Malo, when Sir Thomas, who had the care of the French prisoners at Guernsey, being aware of his situation, sent in conjunction with the Governor, the late Sir Hew Dalrymple, an offer to the Prefect at St. Malo of forty men for his exchange, which, although it had not the effect of procuring his liberty, was certainly the cause of saving his life, at a period when the execution of a fellow-creature was a matter of little moment; and the author soon after found means to escape.

In February 1812, Sir Thomas was appointed commandant of the garrison at Halifax, Nova Scotia; and in August 1813 he had the honour of going as President of the Council, and to command in chief the province of New Brunswick. In July 1814, he returned to Halifax, and soon after he embarked for England.

Before his departure from New Brunswick, His Majesty's Council presented him the following address:

"To his Honour Major General Sir Thomas Saumarez, late President and Commander-in-chief of the province of New Brunswick.

"THE ADDRESS OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL.

"Fredericton, 6th July 1814.

"SIR,

"The unsettled state of the government in New Brunswick has long been a subject of general regret in the province, where the changes of President have occurred no less than nine times in the course of seven years. But although the period of your Honour's administration in particular has been short, it will not be soon forgotten; it has made a lasting impression on the minds of all such as have had opportunity to observe, and justly to appreciate, your vigilant and unwearied attention to the duties of your station, and your constant ambition, by every means in your power, to promote and secure the prosperity of the colony committed to your care. His Majesty's Council therefore request your acceptance of this address, not as a mere compliment, but as a sincere tribute of respect and esteem; which, together with their best wishes, they offer in the confident assurance that, on this occasion, they speak the sentiments of the province at large."

Sir Thomas Saumarez, who had long been the senior Lieutenant General in Her Majesty's army, was advanced to the rank of General at the Coronation of Her most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria.

Sir Thomas has almost constantly resided in his native island, and no one has done more in promoting its improvement. Those who have visited Guernsey with an introduction to him, and even perfect strangers, will gratefully remember his hospitality. He was long the highly esteemed friend of Her present Majesty's illustrious father, his Royal Highness the Duke of Kent; and he is no less esteemed for the urbanity of his manners and kindness of heart. The author can testify, that those who know Sir Thomas Saumarez have a sincere and invaluable friend.

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN PHILIP DE SAUMAREZ.

The deeds of this brave and meritorious officer, who was the uncle of the noble Lord whose memoirs we have recorded in these volumes, would probably have been buried in oblivion, had not some official documents been discovered, of which we have gladly availed ourselves in presenting to the public a more full and authentic account of his glorious career than has hitherto been given.

Philip de Saumarez was the third son of Mathew de Saumarez of Guernsey, and Anne Durell, born at Guernsey 17th of November 1710. At an early age he was removed from his native isle to a grammar school at Jersey, where he continued under the immediate patronage of his aunt, Lady de Carteret, till the age of eleven, when with the view of making himself a proficient in mathematics and classics, as well as of acquiring the English language, which at that period was but partially spoken in these islands, he was sent to Southampton, and there placed under the care of Mr. Isaac Watts and Mrs. Kinsman. That he made considerable proficiency in learning, and employed the short time which in those days was devoted to education, preparatory to entering the service to advantage, may be justly inferred, if we may judge from the style of his letters, and from the precision and accuracy which mark the astronomical observations to be found in his journals.

At Southampton he remained about two years and a half, when he met with his uncle Captain James Durell, of the Royal Navy, a brave and distinguished officer, who took him to Greenwich, with the view of placing him in the Royal Navy, which he was soon after able to accomplish. Mr. Philip de Saumarez commenced his naval career on the 4th of February 1726, under Captain Charles Kendal, in his Majesty's ship Weymouth of fifty guns, then attached to the Baltic station, from whence she returned in November. In the spring of the year 1727, she was ordered to the Nore to attend his Majesty George II, then going to Holland, and in the month of August she sailed for Gibraltar and the Mediterranean station.

On the 1st December 1727, he was removed from the Weymouth to the Gibraltar of twenty guns, commanded by the Hon. George Byng, who was succeeded by Captain John Stanley, with whom our young officer served till the 20th December 1729, on which day he joined Captain Byng in the Princess Louisa, of sixty guns, and sailed under his command till the 7th July 1730, when Captain Byng, having been appointed to the Falmouth of fifty guns, removed into the latter ship, and took Mr. De Saumarez with him, who had now served the necessary time, and had received flattering testimonials from his respective captains. Captain Byng mentioning that he was deserving of promotion, he obtained leave to go to London to pass his examination, which he did on the 17th of October 1732, at which period he had served above six years and seven months.

After passing, he immediately rejoined the Falmouth, and continued to serve two years longer as midshipman and master's mate. He now became extremely anxious for that promotion to which his services and excellent conduct so justly entitled him. He therefore returned home to apply for it, receiving a very strong certificate from Captain Byng, dated 25th June 1734. In August following he arrived in London; and several officers, among whom Capt. Saunders appears to be foremost, having recommended him for promotion as a most deserving officer, he was placed on the Admiralty list, being appointed as midshipman and subsequently as master's mate to the Blenheim, of ninety guns, bearing the flag of Admiral Cavendish. Having arrived at the West Indies, he was appointed to the Dunkirk on the Jamaica station, anxiously waiting for promotion. He was above two years in that ungenial climate, where his health became much impaired before he received his commission. Several letters he wrote to his friends express his extreme desire to obtain it, as will be seen by the following short extract:

"12th January 1737--I wish I had it in my power reciprocally to enhance our satisfaction by acquainting you with my advancement; that period has not yet arrived; fortune seems in regard to me to be at a stand, and I find that I am obliged to fill the chasm by a constant perseverance of patience: probably this season may prove more auspicious, and I am in hopes of shortly seeing some revolution to my advantage."

The season after did indeed prove the fatal effects of the climate, on which subject he thus writes to his brother: "We have undergone a severe season this summer, heat being excessive, attended with calms that rendered it insupportable; this has occasioned a great mortality, and made death quite familiar to us, it being the usual thing to attend the funeral of the friends we conversed with the day before. Though this made us a kind of mechanic philosophers, (if I may use the term,) I do not observe that it contributes towards rectifying the morals of the inhabitants here, or making us better Christians."

On the 6th of August 1737, he at last succeeded in obtaining his long-expected promotion as lieutenant from Admiral Digby Dent, Commander-in-chief at Jamaica. This pleasing intelligence was communicated in a letter to Lady Carteret, dated the 10th of October 1737, which mentions that he was appointed lieutenant of the Kinsale of forty guns, and that the Admiral signed his commission only three hours before his death. On the 28th July, he was removed from the Kinsale by the Commander-in-chief, but on the 22nd of August he received his confirmation from the Admiralty to the Diamond, which confirmed also both the former. He returned to England in October 1739, when he visited his friends in Guernsey and Jersey, and recruited his health, which was naturally delicate, and had been seriously impaired by the West Indian climate; but the imperious demands of active service soon called him away.

It was in this year that the memorable voyage round the world was projected, and shortly after the command was given to Commodore Anson, who had the privilege of selecting the officers who were to serve under him on that interesting and important enterprise, when Mr. Saumarez was chosen as second lieutenant of the Centurion of sixty guns, his own ship; besides which the squadron consisted of the Gloucester, fifty guns, Captain Norris; the Severn, fifty guns, Captain Legge; of the Pearl, forty guns, Capt. Mitchell; of the Wager, twenty-eight, Captain Kidd; and the Tryal of eight guns, Captain E. Murray; besides the Centaur store-ship and two victuallers, the Anna and Industry Pinks.

From numberless delays injurious to the expedition, it was not before the 17th of September 1740 that the Commodore was able to leave St. Helen's, and proceed on his intended voyage.

As the account of the proceedings of Commodore Anson has been published in almost every naval history as well as in the biographical memoirs of that illustrious navigator, it need not be repeated here, and we shall therefore confine ourselves to the part in which the conduct of Lieut. Saumarez was conspicuous.

Lieut. Saumarez in 1741 was made acting commander of the Tryal, in the place of Lieutenant Saunders, who was appointed to the vacancy occasioned by the death of Captain Kidd, but who from ill-health was not in a state to be removed from the Centurion. In this situation he remained seven weeks, during which time he gave proofs of his consummate skill during a period of excessively inclement weather. Captain Saunders, on his recovery, assumed the command on the 19th February, when he returned to the Centurion as first lieutenant.

The following account given by Lieutenant Saumarez of the action with the Spanish Galleon, off Manilla, cannot be read without much interest. It is dated on board the Centurion, 1742.

"I shall run over briefly the dates of our voyage, and give you a rude sketch of our proceedings: to enlarge on particulars would exceed the limits of a letter.

"You will recollect our squadron left England on the 18th September 1740. We had a tedious passage of forty-one days to Madeira, the usual one being ten; to this accident several secondary ones succeeded, as loss of time, and the season proper for navigating the Southern seas, and declining health of the men, especially the soldiers. We stayed a month at this island, employed in watering, and taking in our stock of wine. It is highly probable that we narrowly escaped a squadron of the enemy, which were discovered from the mountains, cruising off the west end of the island, and which, if the commanders had behaved like disciplinarians, might have intercepted us, and it would have fully answered the designs of the Spanish court if they had disabled us from pursuing our voyage, which must have been the consequence of an engagement. They had also the advantage of being double our number; but, leaving them to their reflections, we pursued our course, and crossed the line and tropic without any remarkable accidents occurring, excepting that fever and fluxes began to attack us, especially the soldiers; and in forty-four days we arrived at the island of St. Catherine, on the coast of Brazil, on the 19th March 1740.

"We stayed at St. Catherine's twenty-eight days, employed in recovering our sick, who lived on shore in tents, and in making preparations for doubling Cape Horn in a tempestuous and advanced season.

"We sailed hence on the 18th of January 1741, and soon after began to meet with uncertain, stormy weather, in which the Tryal sloop lost her mainmast, and was towed by one of the squadron; the rest separated from us, but as our rendezvous was at St. Julien's, a port on the coast of Patagonia, or, as others term it, Terra Magellanica, in 49 deg. 30' South, we rejoined them there, by which we heard of Pizarro's squadron, from whom we narrowly escaped off Pepy's Island. We stayed here eight days, employed in putting all our lumber on board the store-ship, and were in hopes of meeting with the Spanish squadron.

"The coast here is a sulphureous and nitrous soil, abounding with salt lakes, but destitute of verdure, shrub, tree, or fresh water, and seems the seat of infernal spirits; nor indeed was there the trace of any animals, besides seals and birds. We here took in salt and refitted the sloop.

"Captain Kidd's death made a revolution by promotion amongst us, and I was appointed first lieutenant of the Commodore; but my predecessor, to whose command the sloop descended, was taken dangerously ill, and became incapable of taking possession of his charge. I was ordered to take the command until his recovery; and here I must confess to you, I was sanguine enough to flatter myself with the same addition of good fortune, some favourable crisis in my behalf: but I was born to be unfortunate.

"We sailed hence on the 27th of February 1741: my station was a-head of the squadron, to keep sounding and make timely signals of danger.

"The 4th of March we discovered the entrance of the Strait of Magellan, and on the 7th passed through the Strait le Main, lying at the extremity of Terra del Fuego, between that and Staten Land.

"This day was remarkably warm and favourable, and though in latitude 55 deg. 50' South, we began to look on the conquest of the Peruvian mines and principal towns in the Pacific sea as an amusement, which would naturally occur. From this time forward, we met with nothing but disasters and accidents. Never were the passions of hope and fear so powerfully agitated and exercised; the very elements seemed combined against us. I commanded the sloop at the time of the separation of the ships that returned home, being stationed to look out for islands of ice; and had to endure such fatigue from the severity of the weather, and the duty which the nature of the service necessarily brought on me, that really my life was hardly worth preserving at the expense of such hardships. Our own ships had several miraculous escapes, which, in the obscurity of the night and the violence of the weather, often endangered foundering the sloop.

"Having had the command of the sloop several weeks, I was at length superseded by her proper captain, who had recovered on board the Commodore's ship; and I returned to my post.

"During this time, the scurvy made terrible havoc among us, especially the soldiers, who, being either infirm old men or raw inexperienced youths, soon lost their spirits, grew sick and disabled, and from the stench they occasioned, contributed to infect our seamen.

"This distemper is the consequence of long voyages, and exhibits itself in such dreadful symptoms as are scarcely credible, viz. asthma, pains in the limbs and joints, blotches all over the body, ulcers, idiotism, lunacy, convulsions, and sudden death. Nor can the physicians, with all their _materia medica_, find a remedy for it equal to the smell of turf, grass, or a dish of greens. It is not my province to account for what is a matter of much doubt and perplexity even to the most learned, but I could plainly observe that there is a _je ne sais quoi_ in the frame of the human system, that cannot be removed without the assistance of certain earthy particles, or, in plain English, the landsman's proper aliment, and vegetables and fruits his only physic. For the space of six weeks we seldom buried less than four or five daily, and at last it amounted to eight or ten; and I really believe, that, had we stayed ten days longer at sea, we should have lost the ship for want of men to navigate her.

"At length we arrived at the island of Juan Fernandez, in the South Sea, after having had several imminent dangers of shipwreck on the coast of Chili, off which the nature of our rendezvous required us to cruise, in hopes of rejoining the squadron.

"We anchored here on the 16th June 1741, as we subsequently learned, just ten days after the departure of a Spanish ship of war, which was sent by the Admiral of these seas to gain intelligence, himself having cruised with his squadron of four sail a considerable time, in hopes of meeting with us, well judging the condition our ships might be in. You will be surprised to hear that in a sixty gun ship, on our arrival at this island, we mustered but seventy-two persons, including officers and boys, capable of appearing on deck; the rest being all sick, having lost 228 since our leaving England, which includes nine months.

"We were joined by the Gloucester and Tryal sloop, (vide Anson's Voyage, p. 114,) the crews of which vessels had suffered still more, so that had there been an experienced enemy to have dealt with us, they might have made a very easy conquest of us all. But, 'whatever is, is right.' They gave us time to recover our spirits and rally our forces, for which we visited them afterwards and shut up their ports.

"I shall not attempt a description of this island at present, but only tell you it is the most romantic and pleasant place imaginable, abounding with myrtle trees, and covered with turnips and sorrel. Its bays, teeming with all kinds of fish, seem calculated for the reception of distressed seamen. We stayed here three months, employed in refitting our ships, and restoring the health of the sick, and this without any loss of time to us, it being the winter season, in which, from April to September, navigation is judged unsafe by the Spaniards. In the beginning of this month (September) we were agreeably surprised by the sight of a sail, to which we immediately gave chase, slipping our cable; but night intervening, we lost her. We soon after fell in with another, who was her consort, of 500 tons, and much richer, having about 18,000_l._ in money on board, besides a cargo, which would have been valuable (being chiefly sugar) could we have brought it to a proper market; but in these parts it is a misfortune that nothing but money is truly valuable, having no ports whereat to dispose of anything. Here I commenced captain again, in the Tryal's prize, having twelve guns, besides swivels, with thirty men, and had a separate cruise ordered me with Captain Saunders. (Vide Anson's Voyage, p. 114.) She was a ship he had taken in the sloop, which then proved so leaky and disabled in her masts by a gale of wind, that she was sunk, and her prize commissioned in her room. As nothing appeared on our station, which was to leeward of Valparaiso, we had no opportunity of exerting ourselves. We next proceeded along the coast of Peru, and took two prizes, both very valuable to the Spaniards, the one being loaded with ship timber, and the other with iron bars, but to us of no great service; by the latter, (viz. the Nuestra Senora del Carmin, 250 tons of cargo, value 400,000 dollars,) we had information of a rich vessel in the road of Paita, bound to Lousuata on the coast of Mexico, the money being still in town. This was a chance worth pursuing; and having arrived off the port in the night, we sent in all the boats manned and armed, with fifty men, surprised and took the town with scarcely any resistance or loss, except one killed and one wounded on our side; the inhabitants abandoning their houses, and retiring to the neighbouring mountains.

"This event happened on the 15th of November 1741. (Vide Anson's Voyage, p. 149.) We kept possession of the town two days and a half without any disturbance from the natives, and, having plundered it, set it on fire, but spared the two churches.

"We found here about 30,000_l._ besides jewels; there was much more, but the inhabitants carried it off. We sunk two galleys and two snows, and carried away with us the small ship that was to have carried the money. We departed hence on the 16th, and some days after joined the Gloucester, which had been ranging the coast, and intercepted some vessels, though not so valuable as ours. We then proceeded along shore, burning some of our prizes, which proved dull sailers, and arrived at the island of Quibo, 17th December 1741, a delightful uninhabited place, abounding with wild deer and other refreshments. Having watered here with all imaginable expedition, we sailed hence on the 19th December, with a design to cruise off Acapulco, on the coast of Mexico, for a rich ship that was expected from Manilla, on the island of Luconia, in the East Indies.

"There is a yearly ship whose cargo amounts to an immense sum, and could we but have had a favourable passage thither, she must indubitably have been ours; but we were disappointed, having been seventy-nine days in effecting a passage which has been performed in twenty, meeting with a long series of calms and uncertain weather. Hence we arrived five weeks too late, and therefore hoped to speak her on her return, which generally is in March; she would then have been laden with money to purchase another cargo. We cruized off this port and the coast of Mexico two months, at a distance not to be discovered from the shore, and having intelligence, by a boat we took, of the day of her sailing, we made no doubt of her being ours. We were five sail in all, with our prizes, and lay at three leagues distance from each other, and ten from the port. During this time we lived on turtle, which we caught daily in our boats. Our squadron described a half moon, our boats being at the same time three leagues from the shore within us to watch the port. The disposition was so just and regular, it was impossible she could have escaped. I was so curious as to calculate my share, which would have amounted to 10,000_l._; but Providence ordained it otherwise.

"I should have told you that that ship mounted sixty guns. Having cruised till our water was almost all expended, and having an enemy's coast whereon to replenish, we were obliged to depart, but left a boat behind to watch her motions. After many searches, we found a convenient bay for watering called Chequetan, where Sir Francis Drake had refitted. We sunk and burnt all our prizes, in order to cross the great Southern Ocean, and, with the Gloucester in company, go to the East Indies. We learned afterwards that this rich ship was detained, having had information from the coast of Peru of our being on the coast. We left Acapulco on the 6th of May 1742; and here begins another series of misfortunes and mortality surpassing the first. We had a passage of three months and a half to the Ladrone Islands, which is generally made in two; yet it was a vulgar opinion amongst our people that we had sailed so far as to pass by all the land in the world! Length of time and badness of the weather rendered both our ships leaky; this, joined to our mortality, the scurvy raging amongst us as much as ever, obliged us to destroy the Gloucester, which ship was ready to founder, and receive the men on board, who were all sick and dying. It is impossible to represent the melancholy circumstances wherein we were involved previous to our arrival at these islands. We anchored at one called Tinian, uninhabited, but abounding with wild cattle, hogs, fowls, and fruits: we could not have fallen in with a better place. I am convinced, had we stayed out ten days longer at sea, we should have been obliged to take to our boats, our leak increasing so fast, and our people being all infirm and disabled. We immediately sent all our sick on shore, and began to hope for better times, feeding plentifully on roast beef, when an accident fell out, on the 22nd September 1742, which nearly ruined us all.

"My post as first officer generally confined me on board the Commodore, whilst most of the officers and men were on shore for the recovery of their health, when a storm came on and rose so mountainous a sea as none of us ever saw before. The ship was in danger of being pooped as we lay at anchor; at last we parted both our bower-cables and drove out to sea, with the sheet-anchor hanging in the hawse, a whole cable and three quarters of another out (excuse these barbarous sea terms), and narrowly escaped driving on a ledge of rocks, that was near, and leaving the Commodore and all the rest behind. The ship, by her labouring in such a troubled sea, made so much water that I was in doubt whether she would not have foundered; our ports and the guns were but ill-secured, owing to the suddenness of the storm, which also upset the long boat. Under these circumstances we drove to sea with one hundred men and boys on board, not knowing whether I should not at last be a captain in spite of my teeth. In this manner I drove seventy leagues, and was fifteen days before I recovered land, beating up against a fresh trade and the current. The Commodore, you may imagine, was overjoyed at my return, as were all the rest. They were very busy in building a vessel to carry them all to China, as they preferred venturing to sea in it to remaining in an uninhabited island, or to be exposed to the cruelty of the Spaniards who live in the neighbouring islands, the Commodore concluding that either the ship was lost, or that I should never be able to beat to windward. At last, after many hazards, we sailed on the 22nd of October 1742, and met with a tolerably good passage to the island of Macoa, a Portuguese settlement on the coast of China, where we arrived on the 11th November, having buried one hundred and sixty men since our leaving Acapulco, or four hundred and twenty since we left England, including Indians and negroes, whom we detained as prisoners."

Commodore Anson arrived at Macoa, and having careened and repaired the ship, and been reinforced by some Lascars or Indian sailors, and by some Dutchmen, he sailed from Macoa on the 1st May, giving out that he was bound to Batavia, Captain Saunders of the Gloucester having gone to England in a Swedish ship; but when fairly at sea he made known to his crew that he was going to cruise off Manilla for the purpose of intercepting the two galleons expected there, one of which he ultimately took on the 20th June, just a month after they arrived off the station, after a severe action, in which the galleon, which was called the Nostra Signora Cabadonga, commanded by General Don Jeronimo de Montivo, had sixty-seven killed and eighty-four wounded, while the Centurion had only two killed, and a lieutenant and sixteen men wounded. Lieut. Saumarez, who had highly distinguished himself in this action, was now made Post Captain of the prize, which he safely conducted to Canton. She had on board 400,000_l._ in specie, besides property estimated at 600,000_l._ which was destroyed; he had now therefore obtained his rank, and a considerable share of prize money.

On the 7th of December 1743, they sailed from Canton, and arrived in England, to be welcomed by their families and friends, on the 15th June 1744, after an absence of four years, wherein they had endured hardships of every description. Captain Saumarez went to Bath for the recovery of his health. He subsequently served in the Sandwich, York, and Yarmouth: in the York he encountered a heavy gale, in which his superior seamanship was severely put to the test. He was subsequently removed to the Nottingham, of sixty guns, and on the 11th October 1747 fell in with the Mars, a French sixty-four gun-ship, with five hundred men, commanded by M. de Colombe, being one of the ships that had separated from D'Anville's fleet in the storm off Newfoundland. She was returning to Brest. The Nottingham had sixty guns and four hundred men. After an engagement of two hours within pistol shot, in which the Mars had twenty-three killed and nineteen wounded, she struck. On board the Nottingham only three men were killed and nine wounded, which was attributed to the superior seamanship of the Captain, who obtained an advantageous position in the battle.

Captain Saumarez had been often heard to say that his highest ambition was to fall in with an enemy of equal force, and on this occasion his honourable feelings were completely gratified. He received congratulations from all his friends, and particularly from the Lords of the Admiralty, who expressed their highest approbation of the skill and courage he displayed on this occasion; but his mild, liberal, and generous treatment to a vanquished enemy was no less conspicuous in this instance than his bravery; it was indeed one of the strongest traits in his character. On this subject he received the following letter from the Secretary of the Admiralty:--

"The Chevalier de Crenay, late Captain of the Mars, having taken notice to the Lords of the Admiralty, in a letter their lordships received from him and his officers and company, I am commanded to let you know, that your civil treatment of them after they were taken, has been no less satisfactory to their lordships than your resolution and success in taking them.

"I am, sir, &c. &c. "THOS. CORBETT, Sec."

A letter from Chevalier Crenay himself is written in the strongest terms of gratitude and regard; after enumerating many civilities, he declares that every article had been restored, even to a box of porcelain, and that his officers and men all joined in offering their grateful thanks. It may be added, that Captain Saumarez did all in his power to obtain Captain Crenay's exchange. The Mars was carried into Plymouth, and being found worthy of repair, was, from the representation of Captain Saumarez, taken into his Majesty's service: she was nearly 300 tons larger than the Nottingham, and found afterwards to be an excellent ship.

Captain Saumarez' ship was speedily refitted, and on the 3rd May 1747, he joined Lord Anson's squadron, which obtained a complete victory over the French fleet, commanded by M. Jonquiere, taking six men-of-war and three East Indiamen. After the engagement, the Nottingham, with two more ships, was detached to pursue the convoy, and had the good fortune to capture four very valuable vessels from St. Domingo.

Captain Saumarez afterwards cruised under Admiral Warren, and on the 10th of September following he was ordered to join Admiral Hawke: he remained with that officer until the 14th October, when the Admiral came up with a French fleet, commanded by Monsieur De l'Etendiere, off Cape Finisterre, which he defeated, and took six of the enemy's ships; but the Tonnant, an 80 gun ship, with the Intrepide, 74, having escaped, Captain Saumarez, with the Yarmouth and Eagle, immediately gave chase to them. Having come up with the Tonnant, although the Nottingham was so unequal in size and number of guns, he gallantly engaged her before the other two English ships joined. After about an hour's close action, a shot from the enemy put an end to the existence of this brave officer, who, during his whole life, had served his king and country with honour and zeal; he died lamented by all those to whom he was known.

The following is an extract from the Rear-admiral's despatch: "Having observed that six of the enemy's ships had struck, and it being very dark, and our own ships dispersed, I thought it best to bring to that night, and seeing a great firing a long way astern of me, I was in hopes of seeing more of the enemy's ships taken in the morning; but, instead of that, I received the melancholy account of Captain Saumarez being killed, and that the Tonnant had escaped in the night, with the assistance of the Intrepide, who, by having the wind of our ships, had received no damage that I could perceive."[18]

[18] Ships taken:--Le Terrible; Le Monarque, 74; Le Neptune, 70; Le Trident; Le Fougueux, 64; Le Severn, 50.

The last will of Captain Philip Saumarez is an interesting document, inasmuch as it portrays his true character as an officer and a Christian, impressed with the uncertainty of human life, and almost anticipating the glorious fate which ultimately befel him; and as it is also replete with piety, morality, gratitude, and the other virtues which adorn the life of a hero, we shall conclude this memoir with some extracts taken from the original, which begins thus:

"I, Philip Saumarez, commander of H.M.S. Nottingham, from a reflection of the uncertainty of human life in general, particularly when engaged in a military profession: in order therefore to face death cheerfully, whenever duty or nature shall call upon me, I hereby dispose of whatever Providence has blessed me with, in the following manner:

"To my honoured mother, I bequeath the sum of 1500_l._ to be paid after my father's death, and until then to remain at interest; if she dies before him, to be divided equally among my eldest brother John's children.

"To my sister Anne, 300_l._ To my sister Elizabeth, 300_l._

"To my brother John, 1000_l._ all my silver plate, and a diamond ring, formerly belonging to Lady Carteret.

"To my niece and godchild, Carteret Saumarez, my brother John's daughter, I bequeath 1000_l._

"My brother Matthew Saumarez, 1500_l._ and all my books; and to his daughter, 500_l._

"My brother Thomas Saumarez, 1000_l._ with all my linen, liquors, furniture, and apparel.

"My brother-in-law, Philip Durell and his wife, I bequeath 50_l._ each, their fortunes being sufficient: his wife to buy mourning.

"To my aunt Durell, at Westminster, 100_l._

"My aunt Sauvaine, 10_l._ to buy mourning.

"Mr. Solomon Durell, 40_l._

"To my worthy friend James Wallace, commissioner of the victualling office, 100_l._

"To my steward, 30_l._ besides a suit of mourning; and to my other servants, 5_l._ each.

"In case I am killed in action, or die whilst I command the Nottingham, to the three lieutenants a suit of mourning each, which I beg they will accept; and to Mr. Surroude, my chaplain, I bequeath the sum of 100_l._ in regard to his large family; and to Mr. Redley, my clerk, the sum of 30_l._ for the trouble of making up my accounts.

"To Admiral Anson and Sir Peter Warren, I desire they will accept a mourning ring each, my executors to lay out 30_l._ in each ring; and to the former I recommend my brother Tom.

"I likewise desire that 300_l._ may be laid out to purchase a handsome monument, made in London, to the memory of my late aunt, the Lady Carteret, to be erected in the church where she is interred, and a due epitaph, enumerating her exemplary virtues and life, to be inscribed on it in French and English, and recorded to posterity; and this I desire my brother John will see duly performed, as well as my other executors, with expedition; this piece of gratitude to her memory having been neglected by all her relations.

"In case it should not be attended with any inconvenience, the surgeon to preserve and embalm my corpse, to be interred in a military manner on shore, in whatever port the ship may put in; and the surgeon to be presented with 30_l._ for his trouble. I bequeath to my brother officers, Captains Thomas Coates, Martyn, Keppel, Rodney, and Timothy Brett, a mourning ring of 10_l._ value each; the same to Mr. Logie, first lieutenant of the Nottingham.

"To the poor of the parish in the island of Guernsey, where I was born, 100_l._ to be distributed: the remainder of what fortune I may have to bequeath, to my honoured father. And I do hereby constitute and appoint my worthy friend Pussey Brook, Esq., James Wallace, Esq., and my eldest brother John Saumarez, Esq., executors of this my last will and testament, revoking all former wills by me heretofore made. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, at sea, this 30th day of June, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of our sovereign Lord George the Second over Great Britain, France, and Ireland, &c., and in the year of our Lord 1747.

"PHILIP SAUMAREZ." (L.S.)

"Signed in the presence of, Robert Richards, Master. Alexander Gray, Gunner."

The wishes expressed in the will of this brave officer were implicitly complied with; his body was embalmed and sent to Plymouth by the admiral, in the Gloucester, commanded by Captain Durell, (afterwards Admiral Durell,) his brother-in-law, and was buried in the church at Plymouth with military honours. A neat tablet is erected in the said church, with the following inscription: "Near this place lies the body of Philip Saumarez, Esq. commander of H.M.S. Nottingham. He was the son of Matthew de Saumarez, of the Island of Guernsey, by Anne Durell, of the island of Jersey, his wife, families of antiquity and respectability in those parts. He was born 17th November 1710, and gloriously but unfortunately fell by a cannon-ball, 14th October 1747, pursuing the ships of the enemy that were making their escape, when the French were routed by Admiral Hawke."

Out of respect to his memory, his brothers and sisters caused a plain monument to be erected to him in Westminster Abbey, with the following inscription:

"ORBE CIRCUMCINTO,

"Sacred to the memory of Philip De Saumarez, Esq., one of the few whose lives ought rather to be measured by their actions than their days. From sixteen to thirty-seven years of age, he served in the navy, and was often surrounded with dangers and difficulties unparalleled: always approving himself an able, active, and gallant officer. He went out a lieutenant on board His Majesty's ship Centurion, under the auspicious conduct of Commodore Anson, in his expedition to the South Seas: he was commanding officer of the said ship when she was driven from her moorings at the island of Tinian.

"In the year 1747, being captain of the Nottingham, a sixty gun ship, he (then alone) attacked and took the Mars, a French ship of sixty-four guns.

"In the first engagement in the following year, when Admiral Anson defeated and took a squadron of French men-of-war and Indiamen, he had an honourable share; and in the second, under Admiral Hawke, when the enemy, after an obstinate resistance, was again routed, in pursuing two ships that were making their escape, he gloriously but unfortunately fell.

"He was the son of Matthew De Saumarez, of the island of Guernsey, Esq. by Anne Durell, of the island of Jersey, his wife.

"He was born November 17th, 1710; killed October 14th, 1747; buried in the old Church at Plymouth, with all honours due to his distinguished merits; and this monument is erected, out of gratitude and affection, by his Brothers and Sisters."

APPENDIX A.

The first of the De Sausmarez (Saumarez) family found on the public records of the metropolis, is Nicholas, the son of Matthew de Sausmarez, who in 1331 made application for a confirmation of his rights and prerogatives as formerly enjoyed by his ancestors, and whose son Thomas was Lord of the _Seigneurie_ of Sausmarez in the year 1481. Thomas married Colishe, daughter of Nicholas Fonachin, bailiff of the island of Guernsey, and had two sons and two daughters; one of whom, Michael, inherited the estate, and was succeeded by his eldest son John, who in 1543 was jurat of the island of Guernsey, and married Margaret, daughter of James Guille, then bailiff. John was succeeded by his son Thomas, also a jurat of the Royal Court, who married Rebecca Hancock; and the property descended to his son, likewise a jurat of the Royal Court, who married Bertrand, daughter of Cardin Fautrart: he was succeeded by his son Thomas, who married Martha Nicholi, and does not appear to have been of any profession. His only son, Michael, who was married to Charlotte, daughter of James le Marchant, jurat of the Royal Court in 1681, became the next heir, and was succeeded by Matthew de Sausmarez, his only son, who was the eleventh in the direct line since the year 1331. This Matthew was born at Guernsey on the 4th June 1685, was colonel of militia of the island, and married Anne, daughter of John Durell, Esq. lieutenant-bailiff of the island of Jersey, on the 1st of January 1705. By this, his first wife, he had--first, John de Sausmarez, who was born on the 12th January 1706, and died 4th April 1774. He was Attorney General in the island of Guernsey; and married first, Martha, daughter of Daniel Delisle, Esq. of Guernsey, and the lady who repossessed the estate, which had become the property of John Andros, in right of his wife, Judith de Sausmarez. The second son died an infant. The third son was Philip de Sausmarez,[19] born on the 17th November 1710. He was first lieutenant with Commodore Anson, and commanded the Nottingham 64, when that ship captured the Mars, French 74. Anne married Captain Philip Dumaresq; Elizabeth, Margaret, and Magdalen, died unmarried. Matthew Saumarez was the fourth son; he was born on the 10th October 1718; and was the father of the late Lord de Saumarez. He was drowned on his passage to England in March 1778. Thomas, the fifth son, born 20th April 1720, is particularly mentioned in the commencement of this work. William, the sixth son, was born 29th April 1722, and died in the East Indies; and Michael, the seventh and last son, was born on the 8th October 1725, and died an infant.

[19] See a biographical notice of this distinguished officer, page 348.

We now come to the brothers and sisters of the first Lord de Saumarez, children of Matthew, the fourth son, already mentioned as remarkable for his urbanity of manners and hospitality, particularly to strangers.

By his first wife, daughter of Thomas Dumaresq, Esq. of Jersey, Matthew Saumarez had issue Susannah, an only child, who married Henry Brock, Esq. of Guernsey: by his second wife, Carteret, daughter of James le Marchant, Esq. he had a numerous family. First,--Anne, the eldest daughter, was married to Isaac Dobree, Esq., and is now living a widow: she has four daughters, all married. Charlotte, second daughter, married Nicholas Peter Dobree, rector of St. Mary. Mary, the third daughter, is unmarried. Carteret, fourth daughter, married Peter Lihou, Esq. colonel of militia. Philip, the eldest son, was a lieutenant in the Royal Navy, and died at Gibraltar, 1774. John, the second son, surgeon-general to His Majesty's forces on the island, became heir to his father; he married Judith, daughter of William Brock, Esq. sister of Harriet, wife of Sir Thomas. James, was the third son, and first Lord de Saumarez. Sir Thomas, the fourth son, was born at Guernsey, 1st July 1760, and entered the army at the age of 15.[20] He married Harriet, daughter of William Brock, Esq. of Guernsey.

[20] See a separate notice of this distinguished officer in page 332.

APPENDIX B.

THE ACTION OFF DOGGER BANK.

"Fortitude, at Sea, 6th August 1781.

"SIR,

"Yesterday we fell in with the Dutch squadron, with a large convoy, on the Dogger bank: I was happy to find I had the wind of them, as the great number of their large frigates might otherwise have endangered my convoy. Having separated the men of war from the merchant ships, and made the signal to the last to keep their wind, I bore away with the general signal to chase. The enemy formed their line, consisting of eight two-decked ships; ours, including the Dolphin, consisting of seven. Not a gun was fired on either side until within the distance of half-musket shot; the Fortitude being then abreast of the Dutch Admiral, the action began and continued with unceasing fire for three hours and forty minutes: by this time our ships were unmanageable. I made an effort to form the line, in order to renew the action, but found it impracticable; the Bienfaisant had lost her fore-topmast, and the Buffalo her fore-yard; the rest of the ships were not less shattered in their masts, rigging, and sails. The enemy appeared to be in as bad a condition; both squadrons lay a considerable time near each other, when the Dutch with their convoy bore away for the Texel. We were not in a condition to follow them.

"His Majesty's officers and men behaved with great bravery, nor did the enemy show less gallantry. The Fortitude was extremely well seconded by Captain Macartney in the Princess Amelia, but he was unfortunately killed early in the action; Lieutenant Hill has great merit in so well supporting the conduct of his brave Captain.

"As there was great probability of our coming into action again, Captain Macbride very readily obliged me by taking command of that ship, and I have appointed Mr. Waghorne, my first lieutenant, to the command of the Artois. This gentleman, although much hurt in the action, refused to leave my side while it lasted. Captain Graeme, of the Preston, has lost an arm.

"Inclosed, I transmit a list of the killed and wounded, and an account of the damage sustained by the ships.

"The enemy's force was, I believe, much superior to what their Lordships apprehended; and I flatter myself they will be satisfied that we have done all that was possible with ours.

"I am, Sir, "Your most obedient and most humble servant, "H. PARKER.

"P.S. The frigates this morning discovered one of the Dutch men-of-war sunk in twenty-two fathoms water; her top-gallant masts were above the surface, which Captain Patton has struck and brought to me on board: I believe she was the second ship of the line of 74 guns."

* * * * *

Return of killed and wounded on the action of the 5th of August 1781.

_English Fleet._

Ships' Names. Guns. Men. Killed. Wounded. Total.

Fortitude 74 620 20 67 87 Bienfaisant 64 500 6 21 27 Berwick 74 600 18 58 76 Princess Amelia 74 620 19 56 75 Preston 50 300 10 40 50 Buffalo 50 450 20 64 84 -- --- --- 93 306 399 _Dutch Fleet._

Ships' Names. Guns. Commanders. Killed. Wounded. Admiral Generaal 74 Com. J.S. Kinsbergen 7 41 Admiral de Ruyter 68 Rear-admiral Zoutman 48 90 Hollandia 64 Capt. Dedel 25 45 Erfprins 54 " J.S. van Braak 23 42 Batavier 54 " J.W. Bentinck 18 49 Admiral Piet Hein 54 " W. van Braam 9 58 Argo 54 " E.C. Staringh 11 87 Medenblik 54 " D.G. Rynveld No returns. --- --- 141 412 141 --- 553 ---

From the most authentic accounts, however, the Dutch were known to have lost 1,100 men, although their published report was for only half that number.

APPENDIX C.

DUTCH ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION OFF DOGGER BANK.

"Sunday, August 5th, 1781, at break of day, between the hours of three and four in the morning, we saw a great number of strange ships to the N.N.W. of us; we got everything ready for an engagement: the wind was N.E. and our course was N.W. We made the signal to form the line of battle at a cable's length distance from each other as we advanced. The Ajax cutter, Captain Count Wilderen, came up in the mean time to make a report that the fleet he saw was a convoy of the enemy, which had sailed on the 26th through the Sound, escorted by eleven English men-of-war and four cutters. At seven o'clock the ships-of-war hoisted their English colours, among which was a Vice-admiral's flag, and bore down upon us, their convoy remaining to windward. I made the signal to tack, and we came up thus in order of battle, and took our station to the E.S.E., and ordered our merchantmen to the westward. We saw that the eight English men-of-war that bore down upon us in a line, were sixty, seventy-four, ninety, and one of forty guns. At eight the English Vice-admiral being abreast to windward of me, they turned with us, and the action began. At that instant the fire was very brisk on both sides, and the whole line was engaged. I was constantly and very briskly cannonaded by two large ships. The engagement lasted till half-past eleven, and was very bloody. Our ships, mine included, were greatly disabled, and received so much damage that they could not be worked any longer. The English Admiral must have equally suffered, for he wore to the eastward. At noon we took down the signal to engage, and bore away to the westward to repair our ships as much as possible, all being extremely crippled by the constant fire of so long an engagement. We perceived also that the English Vice-admiral tacked about half-past twelve with his ships, and stood to the N.W., where he remained floating to repair also their damage. Among their ships we saw also a three-decker, whose main topmast fell by the board.

"We found ourselves at noon in fifty-five degrees, fifty-six minutes N. and consequently the point of Ternaus in Norway, N.N.E. 1/3 N. thirty leagues from us. All the ships-of-war were become unserviceable: we made the signal for the convoy to run it, with the frigates the Medenblik and Venus, and put themselves according to circumstances out of danger, to avoid being taken, or falling into the hands of the enemy.

"In bearing away the Batavier, whose mizen-yard was turned upside down, and who had lost her mizen topmasts, she almost fell on her side: one of her officers cried out to us her captain was wounded, and the ship so disabled she was no longer manageable. I sent two frigates to assist and take her in tow; but before they could come up with the Batave, she drove before the wind, and came up to us.

"Captain Kinsbergen sent a boat with Captain Abreson and Captain Staring to report their situation, and that they were much crippled. I told them that as soon as we should be a little refitted and able to manage the ships, I would make the signal to return to port. Captain Dedel made the signal of being greatly damaged; Captain Van Braam that he was much embarrassed. I made the signal for the Zephyr frigate to come alongside. She reported having spoken to Captain Van Braam, and that his ship had some shots under water; I sent her off immediately to give all possible assistance to Captains Van Braam and Dedel.

"In the mean time Captain Dedel fired guns of distress, and steered his course southward towards the coast of Holland. I made the signal for Captain Van Weenzel to come to speak to me, and I despatched him to assist Captain Dedel, with orders to stay with him and to seek a port. Between four and five P.M. I made signal to sail, upon which all the ships near us repeated the signal to Captain Kinsbergen, and bore away as well as they could with what they could make use of. I came near to Captain Van Braam, who cried out to me that he had several shots under water; that his ship made much water, but was now much diminished by the help of the pumps. In the evening we saw all the ships under sail with us.

"The Admiral de Ruyter has many killed and wounded, and is, as well as the ships in general, damaged in their hull, masts, and rigging; but I hope, with the help of God, we shall be able to gain a port of the republic.

"I send this despatch by Count de Welderen, who can in person make a more ample report to your Serene Highness.

"I have the honour to commend myself to the gracious protection of your Serene Highness; and to subscribe myself with respect,

"Your Serene Highness's "Most humble and obedient servant, "J.A. ZOUTMAN."

"Dated on board the Admiral de Ruyter, 7th August 1781, Kykduyn, bearing south eighteen miles from us.

"N.B. All the officers and men on board the ships displayed a constant courage, fought like lions, as well as my own people, all of whom, I am extremely well satisfied with, from all the information I have received at present."

APPENDIX D.

LETTER WRITTEN BY H.S.H. THE STADTHOLDER, ADDRESSED AS FOLLOWS.

"Noble, respectable, virtuous, well-beloved, and trusty subjects!--We have learnt with the highest satisfaction that the squadron of the State under Rear-admiral Zoutman, although much inferior in ships, guns, and men, to the English squadron of Vice-admiral Parker, did, on the 5th instant, so valiantly resist its attack, that the English fleet, after an obstinate engagement, which lasted from eight in the morning till half an hour past eleven, was obliged to cease firing and retire. The heroic courage with which Rear-admiral Zoutman, the captains, officers, and subalterns, common sailors, and soldiers, concerned in the action, and who, through the blessing of Almighty God, so well discharged their duty during the engagement, merits our particular approbation and praise; therefore we have thought proper, by this present, to write, to thank publicly, in our name, the said rear-admiral, captains, officers, subalterns, sailors, and soldiers, by causing it to be read on board every ship which partook in the action, and whose captains and crews fought with such valour; and that an authentic copy of it be delivered by the secretary of the fleet to the State, as well as to the said Rear-admiral Zoutman, as the commander of the ships under his orders with whose conduct the said admiral has reason to be satisfied; further testifying that we doubt not that they, and all the officers of the state, sailors and soldiers, will, on every occasion that may offer, give proofs that the State wants not defenders of their dear country and its liberty; and that the ancient heroic valour of the Batavians still exists, and will never be extinct.

"Wherefore, noble, respectable, virtuous, and well-beloved subjects, we recommend you to the Divine protection.

"Your affectionate friend, "G. PR. D'ORANGE."

APPENDIX E.

BY RICHD. KEMPENFELT, REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE BLUE.

"You are with the utmost despatch to proceed with his Majesty's ship under your command to Barbadoes, and if any ships-of-war are there, you are to deliver to the senior officer one of those letters addressed to the commander of any of his Majesty's ships, acquainting him that you have one to the same purpose to the commander-in-chief, following such directions as he may think proper to give you.

"If none of his Majesty's ships should be at Barbadoes, you are then to inform yourself where the commander-in-chief is, and proceed with all diligence in quest of him.

"You are carefully to avoid coming near any vessel you may see on your passage.

"You are to communicate to all King's ships you meet with, or others of our nation, as also to all governors of islands you may touch at, the intelligence you are charged with, in order to its being as speedily and generally dispersed as possible.

"RICHD. KEMPENFELT. "Dated on board his Majesty's ship Victory, "at sea, 15th December 1781.

"To Capt. Saumarez, H.M.S. Tisiphone."

(CIRCULAR LETTER.)

"SIR,--Having fallen in on the 12th instant (Ashurst bearing N. sixty-one degrees E. distance fifty-three leagues) with a squadron of the enemy's ships-of-war with about two hundred transports, having on board 12,000 troops, 10,000 of which, the prisoners I have taken inform me are designed for the West Indies, with such ships of the line as are marked in the enclosed list, I have therefore thought it expedient to despatch this intelligence to you. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

"R. Kempenfelt."

"To the senior Officer," &c.

List of ships of the line with the French convoy (agreeing with Admiralty intelligence).

Guns. La Bretagne 110 Capt. Mons. Le Comte de Guichen. L'Invincible 110. Le Majestueux 110 " Mons. Le Comte de Rochoin. Le Royal Louis 112 " Mons. de Bausset. Le Terrible 110. La Couronne 84 " Mons. de la Mothe Piquet. Go as far as Madeira, then to Cadiz.

Le Triomphant 84 Capt. Le Marquis de Vaudreuil. Le Pegase 74. Le Magnifique 74. L'Actif 74. Le Dauphin Royal 70. Le Bien-Aime 74. Le Zodiaque 74. Le Brave 64. Le Robuste 74. To separate off Madeira with convoy for the West Indies.

Le Fendant 74. L'Argonaute 64. Le Hardi } Jamaica fleet. L'Alexandre } Bound to the East Indies with 3,000 troops.

Le Lion 64. L'Indien 64. To go to Cadiz with de Guichen.

APPENDIX F.

ADMIRAL RODNEY'S LETTER.

"On the 5th of April I received intelligence that the enemy were embarking their troops on board the ships-of-war, and concluded that they intended to sail in a few days. Captain Byron of the Andromache, an active and diligent officer, watched their motions with such attention, that on the 8th inst. at day-light he made out the enemy's signal of coming out and standing to N.W. I instantly made the signal to weigh, and having looked into the Bays of Fort Royal and St. Pierre, I made signal for a general chase, and before day-light came up with the enemy under Dominique, where both fleets were becalmed, and continued so for some time. The enemy first got the wind, and stood towards Guadaloupe.

"My van division, under that gallant officer Sir Samuel Hood, received it next, and stood after them. At nine the enemy began to cannonade my van, which was returned with the greatest briskness. The baffling winds did not permit part of the centre division to get into action with the enemy's rear till half-past eleven; and then only the ship next me in line of battle, &c. The enemy's cannonade ceased upon my rear's approach, but not before they had done considerable damage to the ships in the van, and disabled the Royal Oak and Montague, &c.

"The night of the 9th inst. the fleet lay-to to repair their damages. The 10th they continued to turn to windward under a very easy sail, the enemy continuing to do the same; and always had it in their power to come into action, which they cautiously avoided, and rendered it impossible for me to force them in the situation they were in, between the Saints and the island of Dominique.

"On the 11th, the enemy having gained considerably to the windward, and the wind blowing a fresh steady gale, I made the signal for a general chase to windward, which continued the whole day; and towards sunset one of the enemy's ships, damaged in the late action, falling to leeward, the Count de Grasse bore down with his whole fleet to her protection, which brought him so near that I flattered myself he would give me an opportunity of engaging him next day. With that view I threw out the signal for the form of sailing, and stood with the whole fleet to the southward till two in the morning, then tacked, and had the happiness, at day-light, to find my most sanguine desire was near being accomplished, by my having it in my power to force the enemy to battle."

Note from Lord Rodney's narrative contained in a private letter.

"The 10th of April and the 11th were employed in endeavouring to bring the enemy to battle, and on the 11th, late in the afternoon, the enemy bore down to protect two of their own ships, who were in danger of being cut off. This brought them to the position the Admiral wished; he instantly issued orders to sail during the night in the order of sailing; to put out all lights; to stand to the southward till two in the morning, and then the whole fleet to tack without signal. This deceived the enemy, who had no conception that the British fleet should be so near them at day-light: we instantly formed the line of battle on our starboard tack, the enemy formed theirs on the larboard tack, and had made the signal to wear; but the nearness of the British squadron prevented its being put into execution; and the British fleet taking the lee gage, the Admiral made the signal to engage and close."

List of the French fleet commanded by the Comte de Grasse in order of battle 9th and 12th April, 1782.

WHITE AND BLUE SQUADRON.

_First Division Flag, half White half Blue at the Fore._

Ships. Guns. Le Souverain 74 Le Commandeur de Glandive. L'Hercule 74 " La Clochetterie. L'Auguste 80 " Bougainville. Le Northumberland 74 " De Saint Cezaire.

_Second Division, half White half Blue at the Main._

Le Zele[21] 74 Chev. Gras. Preville. Le Duc de Bourgogne 80 Commandeur Espinose. Le Conquerant 74 " De la Grandiere. Le Marseillois 74 " Lombard.

[21] Disabled on the night of the 11th, and returned to Guadaloupe.

_Third Division, half White half Blue at the Mizen._

L'Hector[22] 74 Com. La Vicomte. Le Cesar[22] 74 " Marigny. Le Magnanime 74 " Comte le Besgue. Le Diademe 74.

WHITE SQUADRON.

_Fourth Division, White at the Fore._

Le Glorieux[22] 74 Com. Comte d'Escar. L'Eveille[22] 64 " Rilly. Le Sceptre 74 " Comte de Vaudreuil.

[22] Taken on the 12th of April.

_Fifth Division, White at the Main._

Le Languedoc 80 Com. d'Arros. La Ville de Paris 100 {Le Comte de Grasse {Com. La Villeon. La Couronne[23] 80 " Comte de Mithon.

[23] Joined at St. Kitt's.

_Sixth Division, White at the Mizen._

Le Reflechi 64 Com. Chev. de Boades. Le S. Esprit 80 " Marquis de Chabert. Le Scipion 74 " Grimouard. Le Palmier 74 " Martelli.

BLUE SQUADRON.

_Seventh Division, Blue at the Fore._

Le Jason[24] 64 Com. Chev. de Villages. Le Destin 74 " Goimpy. Le Citoyen 74 " Comte d'Ethy. Le Dauphin Royal[23] 74 " Montperoux.

[24] Not in the Fleet on the 12th.

_Eighth Division, Blue at the Main._

L'Ardent[22] 64 Com. Gourillon. Le Triomphant[23] 80 " Marquis de Vaudreuil. Le Neptune 74 " De Touches. Le Bien-Aime[23] 74.

_Ninth Division, Blue at the Mizen._

Le Caton[23] 64 Com. Comte de Fremond. Le Brave[23] 74 " Marquis d'Amblimont. La Bourgogne 74 " Champmartin. Le Pluton 74 " D'Albert de Rions.

_Frigates attached to each Squadron._

WHITE AND BLUE SQUADRON.

L'Experiment 50 Com. De Langle. La Sagittaire 50 " La Villebrune. La Resolue 32 " La Perouse. La Hypocrite 32. Le Cornwallis 20. La Concorde 36 " Launay Tromlin. L'Engageante 36 " La Taille.

WHITE SQUADRON.

Le Richmond 32. La Medee 36 Com. Marquis de Kerquiron. L'Iris 32. Le Clairvoyant 20 " Le Grass Simeront. La Galathee 36.

BLUE SQUADRON.

La Friponne 36 L'Astree[24] 36 La Ceres[24] 16 L'Amazone 36

Le Fier and Le Minotaure arme en flute.

[24] Not in the fleet on the 12th.

Total, thirty-four sail of the line, two of fifty guns, thirteen frigates, seven armed brigs, two fire-ships, and one cutter.

The Ville de Paris had 1,300 men on board at the commencement of the action on the 9th.

List of Swedish Officers on board the French Fleet on the 12th April 1782.

Le Conquerant Lieutenant Blessing. Le Magnifique Montell. Le Destin Toll. Le Glorieux Baron Rebinder. Le Sceptre Baron Cederstroem. La Couronne Baron Palmquist. La Ville de Paris Rosenstein. Le Languedoc Wergus. L'Auguste Hohenhausen. Le Northumberland {Nauckhoff. {Tornquist. Le Palmier Lieutenant Brunmark. Le Souverain Baron Rayalin. Le Hercules Zachan. L'Astree (frigate) Schults and Deborabur.

_Memorandum of the author made at Carlscrona in 1808._

Captain Tornquist said, that after the Russell gave the Northumberland her first broadside, the helm was put up, and a great number of the crew ran from their quarters; the Couronne bore up also at the same time, and left the Ville de Paris, which had exchanged broadsides with several ships, but was never closely engaged but by the Russell. He says that the Barfleur did not fire a shot at the Ville de Paris.

Squadron sent under command of Rear-admiral Kempenfelt, to intercept the French West India convoy, which had sailed from Brest, under M. de Guichen, December 1781.

Names. Guns. Commanders. Victory 100 {Kempenfelt, R.A. of the Red, {Captain Cromwell. Britannia 100 Capt. James Bradby. Queen 98 " Hon. F. Maitland. Duke 98 " Sir Walter Stirling. Ocean 90 " George Ourry. Namur 90 " John Dalrymple. Edgar 74 {John Elliot, commodore. {Captain Thomas Boston. Alexander 74 Capt. Lord Longford. Couragueux 74 " Honourable Charles Phipps. Valiant 74 " Samuel C. Goodall. Agamemnon 64 " Benjamin Caldwell. Medway 60 " Henry Harmood. Renown 50 " John Henry. Arethusa 38 " Sir Richard Pearson. Monsieur 36 " Honourable W.C. Finch. La Prudente 36 " Honourable Wm. Waldegrave. Tartar 28 " Robert M. Sutton. Tisiphone fire-ship James Saumarez.

French fleet under M. de Guichen, when it fell in with Admiral Kempenfelt, on the 12th of December 1781.

Names. Guns. Commanders. La Bretagne 110 Com. Le Comte de Guichen. Le Majestueux 110 " Le Comte de Rocheaut. Le Royal Louis 110 " M. de Beausset. L'Invincible 110 Le Terrible 110 La Couronne 84 " Mons de la Motte Piquet. Le Triomphant[22] 84 " Mons. de Vaudreuil. Le Pegase 74 Le Magnifique 74 L'Actif 74 Le Dauphin Royal 74 Le Bien-Aime 74 Le Zodiaque 74 Le Robuste 74 Le Fendent 74 Le Brave[22] 74 L'Argonaute 64 Le Lion 64 L'Indien 64 L'Alexandre armee en flute. Le Hardi do. do.

[22] Taken on the 12th of April.

A List of the British Fleet in the action of the 9th and 12th April 1782, commanded by Sir George Bridges Rodney, Bart. K.B.

_Red Division._

Ships. Guns. Men. Commanders. Killed. Wound. Royal Oak[25] 74 600 Capt. T. Burnet 8 30 Alfred 74 600 " W. Bayne 12 40 Montague 74 600 " G. Bowen 12 31 Yarmouth[25] 64 500 " A. Parry 14 33 Valiant[26] 74 650 " S.C. Goodall 10 28 {Sir S. Hood, Rear-adm.} Barfleur 98 767 {of the Blue } 10 37 {Capt. John Knight } Monarch 74 600 " F. Reynolds 16 33 Warrior[22] 74 600 " Sir J. Wallace 5 21 Bellequeux 64 500 " A. Sutherland 4 10 Centaur 74 600 " I.H. Inglefield Magnificent[25] 74 600 " Robert Linzee 6 11 Prince William 64 500 " A. Wilkinson 0 0 {E. Affleck, Esq. Com.} Bedford 74 617 {Capt. Thomas Graves } 0 16 Ajax 74 550 " N. Charrington 9 40 Repulse[25] 64 500 " T. Dumaresq 3 11

[25] Came from England with Sir G.B. Rodney.

[26] Joined the fleet off Antigua.

_White Division._

Ships. Guns. Men. Commanders. Killed. Wound.

Canada 74 600 Capt. Hon. W. Cornwallis 12 23 St. Albans 64 500 " C. Inglis 0 6 Namur 90 750 " R. Fanshawe 6 25 {Sir G.B. Rodney, Bart. } { Admiral of the White. } Formidable[25] 98 780 {1 Capt. Sir Charles Douglas,} 15 39 { Bart. } {2 Capt. J. Symonds. } {Lord Cranstoun, Volun. } Duke 98 750 Capt. A. Gardner 13 60 Agamemnon 64 500 " B. Caldwell 14 24 Resolution 74 600 " Lord R. Manners 4 35 Prothee[25] 64 500 " C. Buckner 5 25 Hercules[25] 74 600 " H. Savage 7 19 America 64 500 " S. Thompson 1 1

_Blue Division._

Russell 74 600 Capt. James Saumarez 10 29 Prudent 64 500 " A. Barclay (not in action.) Fame[26] 74 600 " R. Barber 3 12 Anson[26] 64 500 " W. Blair 3 13 Torbay 74 600 " Lewis Gideon 10 25 Prince George 98 750 " W. Williams 9 24 {F.S. Francis Drake, Esq.} Princessa 70 577 { Rear-adm. of the Blue } 3 22 {Capt. C. Knatchbull. } Conqueror[26] 74 600 " G. Balfour 7 23 Nonsuch 64 500 " W. Truscott 3 3 Alcade 74 600 " C. Thompson Arrogant[26] 74 600 " S. Cornish 0 0 Marlborough[26] 74 600 " Tay. Penny 3 16

[26] Joined the fleet off Antigua.

FRIGATES ATTACHED TO EACH DIVISION.

_Red Division._

Ships. Guns. Commanders.

Lizard[27] 28 Le Nymphe[27] 36 Capt. J. Ford. Champion (repeat signals) 24 " A. Hood. Alecto, fire-ship " W. Fisher.

_White Division._

Convert 32 Capt. H. Hervey. Endymion 44 " E.T. Smith. Alarm 32 " C. Cotton. Andromache 32 " J.A. Byron. Flora (to repeat signals) 36 " S. Marshall. Alert, brig 14 Sibyl 28 " Rodney. Pegasus[27] 28 " S. Stanhope. Salamander, F.S.[27] Fortune[27] 38 " H.C. Christian. Zebra[27] 14 " J. Boucher.

_Blue Division._

Germain[27] 14 Blast, F.S.[27] Eurydice (to repeat) 24 " G. Wilson. Santa Maria[27] 32 " J. Linzee.

[27] Not with the fleet in the action.

List of officers killed and wounded on the 9th and 12th April 1782.

Royal Oak Mr. Gwatkin, 1st lieutenant, killed; Captain of the marines wounded.

Alfred Captain Bayne killed on the 9th.

Montague Mr. William Code, master, killed; Lieutenants Briedan and Buchan, R.M., wounded.

Valiant Mr. R. Wimbleton, 2nd lieutenant, killed; Mr. W. Brown, 5th lieutenant, Mr. Backhouse, master, wounded.

Warrior Mr. Stone, master, wounded.

Magnificent Captain Bagg, of marines, wounded.

Ajax Mr. John Elliot, 1st lieutenant, and Mr. Thomas Rositer, pilot, wounded.

Repulse Captain of marines and master wounded.

Formidable Lieutenant Hall killed; Captain Bell and Lieutenant Harris of marines wounded.

Duke Lieutenant Cornish, Mr. Cooper, master, Mr. Scott, boatswain, wounded.

Agamemnon Lieutenants Incledon and Brice wounded, the latter since dead.

Prothee Thomas Love, master, wounded.

Hercules Lieutenant Hobart killed; Captain Savage wounded.

America Lieutenant Colbonhill killed; Lieutenant Trelawney wounded.

Anson Captain Blair killed.

Torbay Lieutenant Monier, of marines, killed.

Princessa Lieutenants Dundas, McDonald, and Laban, of marines, wounded.

Centaur No return.

Alcide No return.

EXTRACT FROM THE LOG OF THE RUSSELL.

Wind, East by North.

Russell, 12th April 1782, off Dominica, E.S.E. 4 or 5 leagues.

Friday 12th, fresh breezes and fine weather. At five P.M. the Admiral made the signal to close in the order of sailing. At six, the America's signal to go ahead and carry a light during the night. At half-past seven saw the flashes and heard the report of several guns to windward, supposed to be from the French fleet. At half-past one A.M. the Admiral made the signal to tack. At sunrise saw the French fleet to the northward about three leagues. At half-past five the Admiral made the signal to form a line ahead, and for the blue division to lead. At six, the Conqueror's signal was made to chase to the N.W. At half-past six the Admiral made the signal for the line to form N.N.E. and S.S.W, two cables' length asunder, and for the third in command to lead; the French fleet to windward forming the line ahead, standing to the southward. At seven the Admiral made the signal for all cruisers to come in and to close the line one cable's length asunder. At thirty-eight minutes past seven the Admiral made our signal for being out of our station; forty minutes past, the signal for the fleet to close in a line of battle; forty-three minutes past, repeated it; our fleet in a line ahead standing to the southward. At three quarters past seven the enemy began firing on our van. The Admiral made the signal for action--our van began to engage the enemy's van. Fifty minutes past seven we backed the main topsail, and began to engage. Fifty minutes past eight, engaging the enemy very close, backed and filled occasionally; at nine luffed up and backed the main topsail, and raked the enemy's sternmost ships. Having passed all their line, ceased firing, the centre and rear still engaging as they passed the enemy. Our masts, yards, sails, and rigging, very much damaged; the mizen-mast, dangerously wounded, struck the mizen yard, and sent topgallant-masts and yards down upon deck, unbent the mizen topsail, a spritsail, topsail, and a jib for a mizen. At twenty-five minutes past nine saw the Prince George to leeward without a fore-mast. Employed fishing the fore and mizen topsail yards, and fitting the rigging, and shifting powder from forward to aft, and cleared the decks up ready for action. At half-past nine wore to stand for the enemy. At ten the Admiral made the signal for the commander of the third post to tack and gain the wind of the enemy; the signal for engaging flying, and the signal for the line, hauled down. At three minutes past eleven the Admiral made the signal for the van to tack: saw one of the enemy's ships with all her masts and bowsprit shot away; Sir Samuel Hood's division and part of the centre still engaging the enemy's fleet: the rear, having been broke through, bore away.

13th P.M. Body of Dominica E.S.E. 9 or 10 leagues, Wind, Noon, E.S.E.

The van and centre, engaging at forty minutes past seven, wore to the southward. The topsail-yard being fished, set the fore topsail standing for the enemy's fleet; people employed repairing the rigging. At half-past one the Admiral made the Alert's signal to come within hail. At twenty minutes past two he made the Royal Oak's signal to take the French ship in tow that was dismasted, part of the fleet still engaging. The Admiral made the Bedford's signal to get into her station. One of the French ships struck to the van. Coming up with the enemy's fleet, beat to quarters. Forty minutes past three we began to engage some of the enemy's ships to leeward on contrary tacks. At ten minutes past four, having passed them, ceased firing and hauled up the courses; wore ship ahead of the Formidable two of the enemy's ships struck their colours. At half-past four the Admiral made the Conqueror's signal to make more sail. At a quarter past five he made the signal to close in line of battle; set the foresail. At six bore down, and ran under the Ville de Paris' stern, raked her, then hauled up after her; at twenty minutes past six saw her strike her colours. At seven P.M. the Admiral made the night-signal for the fleet to bring-to on the starboard tack; shortened sail, hauled our wind, and backed the main topsail, some of the fleet engaging to leeward. During the action we had ten men killed and twenty-nine wounded; the French fleet going away with all sail set to the N.W. At half-past eleven, saw a ship on fire blow up.

On the 4th of March, at half-past three, the Russell struck on a rock and damaged her rudder and stern frame; at eight weighed and run further out. On the 5th, at four, made the signal for assistance, and went to the Carenage. On the 6th, warped in and unhung her rudder, sent it on shore, and found that all the lower pentles were broken off. 11th, came out of the Carenage; fifteen men deserted; in coming out, she again struck on a rock. Before the action, she received twenty-three men from the Shrewsbury.

Signed on the 23rd September 1782, by JAMES SAUMAREZ.

_Lord Rodney's Victory.--Canada's Log, 12th April 1782._

April 12th, at daylight, six, moderate and cloudy. Quarter past seven the Admiral made the signal to call in all cruisers. At twenty-five past seven he made the signal for the line of battle ahead a cable's length asunder. The enemy formed a line of battle ahead on the larboard tack, standing to the south, and we formed the line of battle ahead on the starboard tack, and stood to the northward. At eight the Admiral made the Russell's signal to get into her station; at five past eight, he made the signal to close. At fifty past seven, the van of our fleet began to engage, as did all the other ships as they came abreast of enemy. There was a great interval in the enemy's line; our fleet cut through to windward about twelve ships of them. At twenty past eight the enemy's ships, as they passed, began firing at us; at twenty-five past eight we began to engage. At twenty past nine one of the enemy's ship's main and mizen-masts went over the stern just as she got abreast of our quarter, and soon after our fore-mast and bowsprit went also. At twenty-five past nine, having passed the enemy's fleet, some of whom went to leeward of us, the Admiral made the signal to tack. At thirty-eight past ten he hoisted signal for the commander of the third post to make more sail; observed the Duke's main topmast go over the side. At fifty past ten, observed the Prince George with her fore topmast gone. We ceased firing, as did most of the ships on both sides, except Sir S. Hood and some of the squadron who were to windward, who exchanged a good many shots with the enemy, as he bore down. At eleven, observed that the Admiral had hauled down the signal for the line; at five past eleven the Admiral made the signal to tack; wore at three quarters past eleven. We fired several shots at the enemy, to try the distance, but finding they did not reach, ceased firing. At fifty past eleven the Admiral made the Conqueror's signal to tack, and made and shortened sail occasionally. Wind, E. P.M. E.S.E. 13th (at noon) P.M., moderate and clear, inclinable to calm. At five P.M. the Admiral made the Endymion's signal to stay by a disabled ship in the N.W. At ten P.M. one of our ships ahead fired a good many shots at a frigate, which had a disabled ship of the enemy in tow; and soon after the frigate cast her off. We fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. At twenty-three, P.M. the Admiral made the signal that the van were at too great a distance from the centre; the ships astern exchanged a good many shots with the enemy as they came up with them. At fifty P.M. the Admiral made the Alcides and Marlborough signal to make more sail; at fifty-three, P.M. to engage close; fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. At a quarter past one, two of our ships to windward exchanged a good many shots with the enemy. At half-past one the Admiral made our signal to close; twenty-five past one, we began to engage; at fifty past one the Admiral made the signal to the Monarch to get into her station. At twelve past two he made the Alert signal to come within hail; half-past two he made the Royal Oak's signal to take the ship in tow that had struck her colours. At twenty-two past two the Admiral made the Resolution signal to tack, and we discontinued engaging. At twenty-three past two some of our ships upon our larboard beam began firing, as did the rest of the ships as they came up with the enemy. At three quarters past three the Admiral made the Repulse and Alcides signal to bear down. At four the Admiral made the signal to veer; at seven past four the Admiral made the Torbay signal to veer; at twenty past four a French line-of-battle ship struck to us after engaging her eighteen minutes. At a quarter past four the Admiral made the Repulse and Resolution signals to make more sail; at three quarters past, Sir S. Hood steering after some enemy's ships to the N.W. About this time the firing ceased on both sides. At fifty past four the Admiral made the signal for the first ships to bear down. At five we began to engage; at a quarter past five our ships engaging as they came up; at fifty-five past five observed another French line-of-battle ship had struck her colours. At five past six the Admiral made the signal to the Princess and Bedford to get into their stations. At thirty-five past six observed that the Ville de Paris had struck her colours. At forty past six discontinued the engagement. At seven beat the retreat. At nine, saw a ship on fire, and another soon after blow up, all without the main topsail. Wind, E.S.E.

(A true copy.) J. Ross.

Although in the above logs, and in several others which we have examined at the depot, by permission from the Lords of the Admiralty, it does appear that the Canada was engaged with the Ville de Paris, yet we have no doubt of the fact, having the testimonies of Sir L. Halsted and Admiral Giffard, who were in the Canada on the 12th of April, extracts of whose letters we subjoin, which also prove that the Canada was not the ship that was engaging the Ville de Paris when the Barfleur came up, and when the French Admiral struck his colours. Sir Lawrence Halsted, in his letter to us, after giving a brief account of the capture of the Hector, and of the Canada's previous and subsequent attack on the Ville de Paris, relates, that the Canada, on seeing some ships bearing down on the Ville de Paris, of which, he believes, one was the Russell, "bore up in pursuit of a French Rear-admiral in the Triomphant 84;" and he concludes, "I trust that that part in Lord de Saumarez' letter is satisfactorily answered, as it is quite clear that the Canada was not near the Ville de Paris at the time she surrendered." Admiral Giffard, in answer to our application, says,

"I am of opinion the Canada was engaged with the Ville de Paris earlier in the day than the Russell."

Extract of a letter from Capt. G.W.H. Knight, R.N., son of the late Admiral Sir John Knight, K.C.B., who was captain of the Barfleur on the 12th April, 1782.

"I have never been able to lay my hand on my father's letter, wherein he gave me some account of the 12th of April 1782, but this I recollect quite well, that he said, 'he accompanied Sir Samuel (afterwards Lord Hood) on board Lord Rodney's ship the day before the battle of the 9th of April, (my father being captain of the Barfleur, Sir Samuel's flag ship,) and on that occasion not one word was said, or order given, for any attempt to break through the enemy's line in the expected engagement, nor was any order afterwards given previous to the 12th of April. That on the 9th, the van squadron, commanded by Sir S. Hood, which was most engaged, made no attempt to break the line, nor did the van or centre (the line being inverted) on the 12th make any such attempt; and my father attributed the Formidable, and those that followed her, getting through, to the circumstance of a change of wind, which brought those ships up with the rest of the rear of the British fleet, while it broke off the ships in the French line, and consequently left openings.' He further said, 'that from the density of the smoke they could see nothing, and that the first intimation they had (the Barfleur) of passing through the enemy's line was, from receiving fire on both sides.' He gave another reason for supposing it was altogether accidental, which was, that no attempt was made or order given by signal to double on the enemy, and that the advantage gained by passing through the line was never made use of when my father took possession of the Ville de Paris, and received Count de Grasse's sword, and afterward conveyed him to his Admiral; no remark was made upon any circumstance having taken place different from the usual practice. These are the heads of what I recollect."

APPENDIX G.

_List of the English squadron, commanded by Vice-admiral Sir J. Saumarez, off Port Baltic, 1st September 1803._

Capt. B. Martin, 1 Capt.

Ships. Guns. Captains. Victory 100 {Dumaresq. {Sir S. Hood. Centaur 74 Webley. Implacable 74 Pipon. Goliath 74 Puget. Mars 74 Lukin. Africa 64 Barrett. Salsette 32 Bathurst. Ariel 18 T. White. Rose 18 T. Mansell. Cruiser 18 McKenzie. Erebus 18. Baltic 10. Thunder Bomb.

_List of the Swedish fleet, commanded by Rear-admiral Nauckhoff._

Ships. Guns. Gustaf IV. Adolf 78 Adolf Frederick 74 Manligheten 74 Dristigheten 74 Tapperheten 74 Forsigtigheten 74 Gustaf den Tredje 74 Faederneslandet 74 Uladesloff 74 Frederick Adolf 64 Bellona 40 Camilla 40 Euridice 40 Yarramus 32 Waenta Litet 18 Komma Straxt 18

_Russian Fleet._

Ships. Guns. Commanders. Blagadod. 110 Admiral Henikoff. Angel Gabriel 100 Rear-admiral Mueller.

Ships. Guns.

Amgallen 74 Boreas 74 Eagle 74 Michael 74 North Star 74 Sewolod (taken) 74 Argus, Hero, and Rapid 50

APPENDIX H.

_List of the French Fleet opposed to the English, 23rd June 1795._

Ships. Guns. Le Peuple 120 Le Nestor 80 Le Redoubtable 80 Le Mucius 80 Le Tigre (taken) 80 Le Fougueux 80 Le Zele 74 Le Formidable (taken) 74 Le Jean Bart 74 Les droits de l'homme 74 L'Alexandre (taken) 74 Name unknown 74 Le Brave, rase 56 Le Scaevola, rase 56

_Frigates._

La Virgine 44 La Fidelle 44 L'Insurgente 44 La Fortitude 44 La Regenere 44 La Naute 44 La Fraternite 44 La Proserpine 36 La Cocade 36 La Dryade 36 Le Renard 36

_Corvettes._

La Constance 22 La Talente 18 La Senseure 22 La Papillion 18

_List of the Fleet under the command of Admiral Lord Bridport, June 23rd 1795, with the number of killed and wounded._

Ships. Guns. Killed. Wound.

{Lord Bridport, Admiral} Royal George 110 {of the White. } -- 7 {Captain Domett. } Queen Charlotte 110 Capt. Sir A.S. Douglas 4 32 London. 98 " E. Griffiths -- 3

Queen. 98 {Sir A Gardner, Bt. Vice Admiral of {the White: Captain Wm. Bedford

Prince of Wales. 98 Capt. J. Bazely. Prince George. 98 " W. Edge. Barfleur 98 " J. Richard Dawes. Prince 98 " C.P. Hamilton

{Lord Hugh Seymour, } Sans Pareil 80 { Rear Adm. of the Blue. } { Capt. H. Browell } 10

Orion 74 Capt. Sir James Saumarez. 6 18 Valiant. 74 " Jos. Larcom (acting).

Killed. Wounded.

Orion 6 18 Irresistible 3 11 Queen Charlotte 4 32 Sans Pareil 10 2 Colossus 6 30 Russell 3 10 London 0 3 Royal George 0 7 -- --- Total 31 113

The above statement shows the total numerical loss sustained by each of the ships that were so fortunate as to get into action.

APPENDIX I.

Orion, St Helen's Roads, 30th December 1796.

MY LORD,

I HAVE had it in contemplation for some time past, to lay before your Lordships the enclosed plan for the establishment of a Marine Artillery for the service of the Navy, but was prevented from doing it by the late prospect of a peace; at present, as the haughtiness of our enemies seems to have removed that desirable object to a distant period, and as a further augmentation to our forces may in consequence take place, it may not appear unseasonable.

If it has the good fortune to meet with your Lordship's approbation, I shall think myself amply recompensed for the time I have bestowed upon it.

I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient And very humble servant, JAMES SAUMAREZ.

A PLAN FOR FORMING A CORPS OF ARTILLERY FOR HIS MAJESTY'S NAVAL SERVICE.

"In consequence of the present great increase of the royal navy, it becomes from time to time necessary to augment proportionably that very useful body of men, the Marines,--but that very respectable corps would be rendered of far greater importance to the service, were they trained up and exercised in the management of the great guns; for which purpose it is humbly submitted, that a division be established at either Woolwich or Deptford, to be composed of drafts from the divisions of Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Chatham, in order to be instructed in the exercise and use of artillery; and thereby become expert gunners when ordered to be embarked on board His Majesty's ships; their numbers to consist of one man to every four guns in each line-of-battle ship, which would compose about one third of their present complement. In addition to which, two companies should be quartered at the other three divisions, to complete such vacancies as occasionally would occur on board the fleet.

"The great utility of this corps must appear obvious when it is considered that the only person supposed to be qualified and experienced in gunnery on board His Majesty's ships, is the gunner, who, too often ignorant of his own duty, is totally unable to instruct others. In the quarter bills of most ships, it is well known that a very small proportion of the marines are reserved for musketry, the greater part being in general divided on the different batteries. With what advantage would they not go to their quarters, after having been well practised and exercised as artillery-men; and how soon would not the rest of the ship's company become also expert gunners in emulating their example.

"These men would also be found particularly useful on expeditions abroad, in landing or making a descent on the enemy's coast, when a well-served artillery is often of the greatest importance.

"The officers might be appointed from the other divisions, and should consist of those who, from their age and services, were incapable of being engaged in actual duty;--they would here find a comfortable asylum during life, and end their days in the service of their country.

"The expenses incurred by this establishment would be inconsiderable; and no doubt can be entertained of its proving a lasting advantage to His Majesty's service, and adding strength to the great bulwark of this country,--the Royal Navy.

"JAMES SAUMAREZ, Orion."

"The Right Honourable Earl Spencer, &c. &c. &c."

"Admiralty, 2nd January 1797.

"DEAR SIR,

"I hazard a line in the uncertainty whether you may not have sailed before this reaches Portsmouth, to thank you for your paper on the establishment of a Corps of Artillery for the naval service. The idea is one which I have often heard discussed, and in many points of view a very good one; but I fear that there would be so many difficulties in point of official arrangements to overcome in carrying it into execution, that no very sanguine hopes can be entertained of its succeeding.

"It is, however, a subject well worthy of attention, and which, at a less pressing moment, it may perhaps be worth while to renew.

"I am, "Dear sir, "With great regard, "Your very obedient, humble servant, "SPENCER."

"To Sir James Saumarez."

APPENDIX K.

"Madrid, 10th March 1797.

"The following account of the action with the British squadron, on the 14th day of February last, has been received by D. Juan de Langara, in a letter addressed to his Excellency by D. Joseph de Cordova, commander-in-chief of the Squadron, dated del Oceano, the 2nd of March, at the entrance of Cadiz Bay.

"From the instant of my proceeding to sea, after securing the gun-boat at Algeziras, I had the winds E.N.E. to S.E. that drove me to the latitude of Cape St. Vincent; however, on the morning of the 14th, it changing to the west, I steered to the E.S.E., and formed in three separate columns, in the order of sailing with convoy. Several vessels from the left, at nine o'clock in the morning, observing a strange sail, I ordered the Principe de Asturias to chase; shortly after, the St. Firmin and the Pearl frigate discovered the number to increase to eight sail, and although the foggy weather prevented their being seen from the Trinidad, I forced the whole squadron to a press of sail; but counting already at ten o'clock from fifteen to eighteen of the enemy's ships, besides several frigates, I ordered our squadron to form immediately the line of battle, in the best manner possible, on the larboard tack, to maintain the weather gage. In tacking, the ships Principe, Conde-de-Regla, and Oriente, fell so much to leeward, that they were unable to join in the line without the risk of being cut off by the enemy, that now, but at a short distance and under a press of sail, met us in the most regular order: in consequence, I ordered these vessels to tack that they might fall in the rear of the line, which, although done by the two first, could not be effected by the Oriente, and she ran to leeward of the enemy.

"At a quarter before eleven, from the position of the squadron, the enemy's headmost ship commenced the action with the nearest situated to her ahead of the Trinidad, running along the whole of our rear, and successively bearing up before the wind. The Trinidad happened to be the last of our line, and consequently the centre and van remained out of the action.

"The rear of the enemy sailed but slowly, and for this reason, as well as to benefit by some means the fire from our van, I made a signal at half-past eleven for all the ships ahead to tack, in order to come round the enemy and attack their rear. My ordering this manoeuvre appeared the most opportune for many weighty reasons; but, misunderstood by the ships to which it was directed, I now looked upon the loss of the Principe, Regla, and the whole of our rear, as unavoidable. The favourable moment for this movement being lost, I made a signal for the whole squadron to bear up at the same time, with a view to contract our distance with the enemy, and to bring into action several other ships in our centre and van. At the time of bearing up, the Trinidad was ahead in close action with the enemy, within musket-shot, and having been engaged by the whole English line, was very much damaged.

"So soon as their headmost ship had passed athwart our stern, she tacked, followed by five or six others passing our line to windward; the remaining ten ships, that were before on our larboard side, then bore up at the same time, and passed through our line in different positions, and consequently remained on the other tack fighting us in great order, with a heavy and well-directed fire: this manoeuvre decided the action in their favour. I did not fail to guard against this from the commencement, and anticipated it by ordering the ships ahead to tack and gain the enemy's rear to leeward; and if the commanders of the Principe, Regla, Oriente, and Firmin had availed themselves of the opportunity to join six or eight ships of the van, they would have placed the enemy between two fires, and terminated the action in a very different manner.

"Although the Principe and Regla were not able to fall into the rear of our line, they notwithstanding did their utmost from their situation, engaging the enemy at the time of passing our line, till they had obtained the weather gage. The attack of the enemy was now principally on the Trinidad, which, from the crippled situation of her mast and rigging, fell to leeward. By word of mouth, and by signals, the Salvador, San Josef, Soberano, and San Nicholas were ordered to shorten sail, and to form in our rear, which they executed with celerity, maintaining a severe action. The van continually remaining to windward, at two I made them a signal to shorten sail, and bear down for a general attack.

"The Mexicano formed upon our bow about three in the afternoon, and engaged the foremost ship of the enemy's line; they now for the remainder of the day fixed their whole attention against the San Josef, Mexicano, San Nicholas, and San Yisidro, which were the only ships that bore the principal and hottest part of the action against the whole enemy's squadron.

"In this situation it would have been highly expedient that our centre and van should have come to our support, but it was out of my power to intimate to them the necessity of this movement, the ships being in want of masts, rigging, and every necessary for making signals. I cannot refrain from giving due praise to the valour of the above-mentioned ships formed at my stern, and expressing the gallant manner in which they behaved during the engagement: but at length, being dismasted and destroyed, some struck, and others left the action. The Trinidad was attacked the whole afternoon by a three-decker, and three ships of 74 guns, that raked her fore and aft at pistol-shot; and notwithstanding her having upwards of two hundred men killed and wounded, she still continued the action for a full hour longer. Such was the dreadful situation of the Trinidad at six o'clock, after an uninterrupted engagement, when the San Pablo and Pelayo, that in the morning had been detached by my orders, and crowded every sail from the moment of observing the action, now reached the squadron.

"The reinforcement of these two ships happened at the opportune junction of the Conde-de-Regla; the Principe arrived shortly after, and the enemy, observing our van standing towards them, immediately retired together, covering the captured ships San Josef, Salvador, San Yisidro, and San Nicholas.

"No one will be surprised at the ultimate consequences of the action, when the series of misfortunes and unforeseen events from the moment of our seeing the enemy is considered; and further, that when cruising, they should sail in a readier condition to form the line of battle than could be performed by our squadron, in the order of sailing with convoy, with the wind on our quarter. For the above reason, scarcely were they discovered, than they formed in regular order of battle, and so near as to oblige my forming the line hastily, without attention to posts, or the consequences that might result from this bad position of the ships and commanders; to which must be added, that the Pelayo and San Pablo were ahead by order,--that the Firmin and Oriente remained to leeward of both lines,--that notwithstanding the exertions made by the Principe, Regla, and Firmin, they did not enter into the line till the afternoon, the latter wanting a foretop-mast. So that of all the ships of my squadron, only seventeen formed in the line of battle, the St. Domingo included in the number, loaded with quicksilver, and of very inconsiderable force. Of the seventeen above mentioned, some were in action only at intervals, and many did not fire a gun; resulting from the circumstance of the enemy's line being entirely engaged against six Spanish ships, and their defence is the more praiseworthy, as they were all in want of men. The Trinidad remaining entirely dismasted, without the power of making signals with flags or lights, I desired Lieutenant General D. Juan Joachim Moreno to reestablish the line of battle close on the larboard tack, and gave orders that jury-masts should be fixed on the Trinidad and the Moredes frigate, to protect her to Cadiz, profiting by the wind and the situation of the enemy at night-fall.

"I embarked in consequence, with my Major General and Adjutants, on board the Diana frigate, and ordered several frigates along the line, that they should observe the order given, and repair the damages with all haste in order to return again to action. The squadron remained the whole night on the larboard tack, with the wind at W. to W.N.W. till six o'clock A.M. of the 15th, when I formed on the other tack, close hauled to the wind.

"My next attention was to inquire by signal the situation of the ships for action,--and it proved that the Concepcion, Mexicano, and Soberano _were not in a state to renew the action_; and that the Regla, Oriente, San Pablo, Pelayo, and San Antonio _could enter into action_, without my being able to gain any information regarding the others. Nevertheless I continued my course towards the enemy, that to the number of twenty ships had been seen since eight o'clock at S.S.W. My opinion as to the state of the ships of the squadron remaining still indecisive, in the afternoon I desired to know _if it was advisable to attack the enemy_; the ships Concepcion, Mexicano, San Pablo, Soberano, San Domingo, San Ildefonso, Nepomuceno, Atlante, and Firmin replied in the negative; the Gloriose, Pablo, Regla, and Firmin, _that it was advisable to delay the attack_; and only the Principe, Conquistador, and Pelayo, positively asserted that _the attach was advisable_. From the diversity of opinion, and considering the reply of each commander as an indication of the true state of his respective ship, I did not think it proper to force a press of sail towards the enemy, having likewise been informed that the Mexicano, San Domingo, and Soberano were considerably damaged, and the Atlante in want of men, which was general in every ship.

"At three o'clock in the afternoon the enemy was still to the E.S.E. I directed our course S.E. and varied it at five, to S.E. 74 S. to double Cape St. Vincent; and that every exertion should be made by day and night to repair the ships that were not very considerably damaged, I ordered the line at half-past eleven to close on the starboard tack. On the 16th some of the enemy's cruisers were seen to the S.E. 74 S. which route I followed at seven o'clock in the evening, with light winds at S.W. with hopes to see them again the next day, supposing their destination for Gibraltar. But at ten o'clock in the morning the Concepcion made a signal that the enemy were at anchor on the left side of the coast, and informed me she had seen four large ships in Lagos Bay. Believing that all the enemy's squadron might be likewise there, I ordered the line to form close on the starboard tack, and then despatched the Brigida frigate to reconnoitre; she returned, acquainting me that she had counted the whole force of the enemy at anchor in the bay.

"The squadron remained, close in-shore the whole afternoon, and part of the night, when the wind changing to S.E. I left it under an easy sail.

"No regular account has been received of the killed and wounded, not having obtained the respective returns from the commanders at the time of writing: but it was known that in the Conde-de-Regla a cannon ball at the commencement of the action killed the Xefe de Esquadra, Conde d'Amblemont, and the splinters wounded the commander, Brigadier D. Geronime Bravo, and H.D. Cadlos Sellery.

Soberano Killed, Captain de Fragata D. Francisco Luis, Lieutenant Bernardino Antillon, and another officer, name unknown.

Mexicano Mortally wounded, and died on the 4th day, her Commander, Brigadier D. Fernando Herravay Crurat.

Trinidad Killed, second Lieutenant D. Herculas Guchi, and a Midshipman; wounded, Captain of Fragata, D. Franco Alvarez, two Lieutenants de Fragata, the Master, and an inferior officer."

"By advices from Brigadier D. Pebra Poneda, late Commander of the San Josef, the following account is likewise received relating to the captured ships:--

San Josef Killed, second Lieutenant D. Miguel de Doblas.--Mortally wounded, Xefe de Esquadra, D. Francisco Wenthysen, who lost both legs ten minutes after the action commenced, and died the same night; the Master D. Santiago Campomar. Slightly wounded, two second Lieutenants, and 152 seamen killed and wounded.

Salvador Killed, the Commander, Brigadier Antonio de Tepes, two Lieutenants, and two other officers. Wounded, Captain de Fragata D. Manoel Rinz, and an inferior officer; 200 seamen killed and wounded.

San Nicholas (boarded by one of the enemy's ships that engaged her.) Killed, the Commander, Brigadier D. Tomas Geraldino, two second Lieutenants, one Midshipman. Wounded, three Lieutenants of Infantry; 120 seamen killed and wounded.

San Yisidro Killed, one Lieutenant and an inferior officer. Wounded, the Commander D. Teadoro Argunato; his second, D. Telepe Tournelle, two Lieutenants, and two second Lieutenants; mortally, one first Lieutenant; 104 seamen killed and wounded.

APPENDIX L.

LONDON GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY.

"Vanguard, off the Mouth of the Nile, 3rd August 1798.

"MY LORD,

"Almighty God has blessed his Majesty's arms in the late battle by a great victory over the fleet of the enemy, whom I attacked at sunset on the 1st of August, off the mouth of the Nile. The enemy were moored in a strong line of battle for defending the entrance of the bay of shoals, flanked by numerous gun-boats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van; but nothing could withstand the squadron your lordship did me the honour to place under my command. Their high state of discipline is well known to you; and with the judgment of the captains, together with their valour, and that of the officers and men of every description, it was absolutely irresistible. Could anything from my pen add to the characters of the captains, I would write it with pleasure, but that is impossible.

"I have to regret the loss of Captain Westcott of the Majestic, who was killed early in the action, but the ship continued to be so well fought by her first lieutenant, Mr. Cuthbert, that I have given him an order to command her till your Lordship's pleasure is known.

"The ships of the enemy, all but their two rear ships, are nearly dismasted, and those two, with two frigates, I am sorry to say, made their escape; nor was it, I assure you, in my power to prevent them. Captain Hood most handsomely endeavoured to do it, but I had no ship in a condition to support the Zealous, and I was obliged to call her in.

"The support and assistance I received from Captain Berry cannot be sufficiently expressed. I was wounded in the head, and obliged to be carried off deck, but the service suffered no loss by that event. Captain Berry was fully equal to the service then going on, and to him I must beg to refer you for every information relative to this victory.

"He will present you with the flag of the second in command. That of the commander-in-chief being in the L'Orient.

"Herewith I transmit you lists of the killed and wounded, and the lines of battle of ourselves and the French.

"I have the honour to be, &c. "HORATIO NELSON."

"To Admiral the Earl of St. Vincent, Commander-in-chief, &c. &c. &c. off Cadiz."

The Rear-admiral was created Baron Nelson of the Nile, and of Burnham Thorpe, in the county of Norfolk. The thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to him, the officers and crews, in the usual manner. Gold medals were presented to each of the Captains. A pension of 2000_l._ a year for life was settled on Nelson. The Irish Parliament voted him 1000_l._; the East India Company 10,000_l._; the city of London a sword, value two hundred guineas, and a sword to each of the Captains; that to Sir E. Berry was accompanied by the freedom of the city in a gold box. But Sir James Saumarez received no distinguished honour, as has been usual, for being second in command, although no one ever more highly deserved such a mark of approbation.

LIST OF THE HOSTILE FLEETS OFF THE MOUTH OF THE NILE on the 1st of August, 1798.

_British Commanded by Sir Horatio Nelson, K.B. Rear-admiral of the Blue._

Abbrevations used in the table below: n/a = not in the action sb.sq = starboard squadron w.m.e = where most efficient. a. C. = assisting the Culloden. O = Officers S = Seamen M = Marines Tot = Total

No Ships' | Captains | First Remarks|Guns| Men| Killed | Wounded|Tot Names Lieuts. O| S| M| O| S| M| 1 |Culloden |T. Troubridge|Chas. Bullen | n/a| 74| 584| 0| 0| 0| 0| 0| 0| 0 2 |Theseus | R.W. Miller |R. Hawkins | -- | 74| 584| 0| 5| 0| 1| 24| 5| 35 3 |Alexander|A.J. Ball |John Yule | -- | 74| 584| 1| 13| 0| 5| 48| 5| 72 4 |Vanguard |{R.A. Sir H.}|Edw. Galwey |sb.sq| 74| 589| 3| 20| 7| 7| 60| 8|105 {Nelson. } {E. Berry } 5 |Minotaur | Thos. Louis |C.M. Schomberg | -- | 74| 643| 2| 18| 3| 4| 54| 6| 87 6 |Swiftsure|B. Hallowell |J.L. Waters | -- | 74| 584| 0| 7| 0| 1| 19| 2| 29 7 |Audacious|Davidge Gould|Thos. White | -- | 74| 584| 0| 1| 0| 2| 31| 2| 36 8 |Leander |T.B. Thompson|W. Richardson|w.m.e| 50| 338| 0| 0| 0| 0| 14| 0| 14 9 |Defence |John Peyton |Richard Jones| -- | 74| 584| 0| 3| 1| 0| 9| 2| 15 10|Zealous |Samuel Hood |W.H. Webley | -- | 74| 584| 0| 1| 0| 0| 7| 0| 8 11|Orion |Sir J. Saumarez |J. Barker | -- | 74| 584| 1| 11| 1| 5| 18| 6| 42 12|Goliath |Thomas Foley |G. Jardine | -- | 74| 584| 2| 12| 7| 4| 28| 9| 62 13|Majestic |G.B. Wescott |R. Cuthbert | -- | 74| 584| 3| 38|14| 3|124|16|193 14|Belle- |H.D.E. Darby |R. Cathcart | -- | 74| 584| 4| 32|13| 5|126|17|197 rophon Mutine |T.M. Hardy |-- -- |a. C.| 14| 70| 0| 0| 0| 0| 0| 0| 0 brig

Total|1066|8064|16|161|46|37|562|78|895 Emerald. T.M. Waller. } Terpsichore. W.H. Gage } not in the action. Alcmene. W. Brown }

_French, commanded by Admiral Gantheaume._

Abbrevations used in the table below: A = Admiral R.A. = Rear Admiral

No. Ships' Names. Captains. Guns. Men. Remarks.

1 Le Guerrier. J.F.T. Trullet (sen.) 74 700 Taken and burnt by the British. 2 Le Conquerant. E. Dalbarde. 74 700 Taken.

3 Le Spartiate. M.J. Emerine. 74 700 Ditto.

4 L'Aquilon. H. Alex. Thevenard. 74 700 Taken and called the Aboukir; Captain killed.

5 Le Peuple P.P. Racoora. 74 700 Taken and called Souverain. Le Guerrier.

6 Le Franklin. Blanquet (R.A.). 90 800 Taken and called the Canopus.

7 {L'Orient Brueys } 120 1010 Blown up: the {(formerly) (A.) Gantheaume } Admiral and the {Le (R.A.) Casa Bianca,} whole crew, {Sans Culottes. Captain. } excepting seventy men, perished.

8 Le Tonnant. Du Petit Thouars. 80 800 Taken; her Captain killed.

9 L'Heureux. J.P. Etienne. 74 700 Taken and burnt by the British.

10 Le Timoleon. Trullet (jun.) 74 700 Driven on shore, and burnt by her own people.

11 Le Mercure. Cambon (acting). 74 700 Taken and burnt by the British.

12 Le Guillaume {Villeneuve, (R.A.) } 80 800 Escaped; taken in Tell. {Captain Sinclair. } 1800 by Foudroyant, Lion, and Penelope.

13 Genereux. Le Joille. 74 700 Escaped; taken in 1800 by the squadron under Lord Nelson, off Malta.

La Serieuse. Clavele Jean Martin. 36 250 Sunk by a broadside from the Orion; crew saved.

L'Artemise. Pierre Jean Standelet. 36 250 Struck her colours, and burnt by her crew, who escaped in their boats.

La Diane. R.A. Decres, 48 300 Escaped, but taken in Capt. Soleil 1801 off Malta.

La Justice. -- Villeneuve. 44 300 Escaped, but taken in 1801 at Alexandria.

Besides bombs, brigs, gun-boats, and batteries. ---- -----

Total. { French 1200 10810 { British 1066 8064 ---- ----- 134 2746

Thus it appears that the French were superior by more than a fourth to the British, and certainly still more in weight of metal; and when the size of the shot is taken comparatively into consideration, and that a French eighty is equal to a British ninety-eight, the superiority in the broadsides would be even greater.

APPENDIX M.

Letter sent by Captain ---- Gage.

"Orion, off Pantalaria, 27th Sept. 1798.

"MY DEAR ADMIRAL,

"Captain Gage has this instant joined and communicated to me his orders to proceed off Malta for intelligence; my letter, of yesterday's date, with which I have charged him, so fully answers the purport of his mission with respect to that island and the Colossus, with the store ships and victuallers, that I have directed him to return to join you at Naples with all possible despatch. I shall send the Minotaur and Audacious the moment we are clear of the west end of Sicily.

"The proposals to the French Garrison were first written by me, but it being thought advisable to send them in the French language, they underwent some alteration in the translation; but upon the whole, I hope they will be approved of. I laid a great stress with the Marquis, before I left him, of the practicability of the William Tell escaping, and wished much I could have left two of our ships off the island to watch her and the two frigates more closely. There exists no doubt of the Genereux being lost. I am all anxiety to hear from you to know that you approve of my different movements; at all risk, you will do me the favour to let me hear from you either at the Flat, or in England.

"JAMES SAUMAREZ."

"To Sir Horatio Nelson, &c. Bay of Naples."

APPENDIX N.

The Portuguese squadron consisted of the Principe Real, Rainha de Portugal, San Sebastian, and Alphonso Albuquerque, of 74 guns, under the Marquis of Niza, a Rear-admiral, Captain Puysigur; Captains Stone, Michell, and Campbell (English officers), commanded the other three; to which were added, the Lion, 64, Captain Manley Dixon; the Incendiary, fire-ship, George Barker (English); and the Portuguese brig Falcao, Captain Duncan. Sir James having fallen in with them off Malta, it fell calm, when a deputation from the principal inhabitants of the island waited on them to request a supply of arms and ammunition, and having informed the Commodore that the French garrison at Valetta were subjected to great distress, and that there was reason to believe that the appearance of the combined squadron would induce the French to surrender, if summoned, accordingly, on the 25th of September 1798, with the concurrence of the Marquis of Niza, a flag of truce was sent in, with the following formal summons.

"Une division de l'armee de sa Majeste Britannique dans la Mediterranee, commandee par le Contre-Amiral Sir Horatio Nelson, etant arrivee devant Malte sous les ordres de Sir James Saumarez, et reunie a l'escadre de sa Majeste Tres-fidelle, commandee par le Contre-Amiral le Marquis de Niza; dans le dessein de retablir les habitans de l'isle de Malte et dependances dans la libre jouissance de leurs isles, sommons conjointement la garnison Francoise de la ville et ports de Malte de nous remettre la ville et les ports et dependances, ainsi que les vaisseaux, fregates, et batimens de quelques especes qu'ils soyent et qui peuvent s'y trouver, a fin que les habitans de l'isle de Malte puissent se mettre en possession de leurs villes et ports, et rentrer dans leurs droits de proprietes. En consequence, le Contre-Amiral Marquis de Niza, au nom de sa Majeste Tres-fidelle la Reine de Portugal, et Sir James Saumarez, au nom de sa Majeste Brittanique le Roy d'Angleterre, s'engagent et promettent de laisser a la garnison Francoise la liberte de retourner en France sur les batimens qui leur seront procures a cet effet, de les convoyer et escorter; sous la condition que cette meme garnison ne servira pas dans cette guerre contre les deux puissances denommees et leurs allies, jusqu'au moment ou elle seroit regulierement changee contre les sujets des deux puissances denommees ou de leurs allies. La garnison Francoise maintenant enfermee dans les murs de la ville de la Cite Valete doit murement reflechir aux consequences funestes qu'entraineroit pour elle un refus a cette sommation, puisqu'il la laisseroit a la merci des traitemens que peut inspirer au peuple de l'isle de Malte la haine et l'animosite que leur a fait naitre les mauvais traitemens qu'ils ont eprouves des Francois; et la garnison, apres avoir eprouvee les horreurs de la famine, seroit forcee de s'en remettre a la discretion d'un peuple qui ne montrera que les sentimens de sa vengeance. La garnison Francoise doit savoir que les escadres ne cesseront de bloquer l'isle de Malte; qu'une autre est devant Alexandrie, employee a aider les forces navales et de terre du Grand Seigneur a reduire les troupes Francoises que la disette et les maladies ont pu epargner en Egypte; et qu'enfin une autre escadre est devant Toulon, dont il ne peut venir aucun secours.

"A bord du vaisseau le Prince Royal, le 25 de Septembre 1798.

"Signe, Le Chef de Division, SIR JAMES SAUMAREZ." "Le Contre-Amiral, M. DE NIZA."

"Copie de la Reponse a la Sommation du 25 Septembre.

"Vous avez oublie sans doute que ce sont des Francois qui sont dans Malte; le sort de ses habitans ne doit pas vous regarder. Quant a votre sommation, les Francois n'entendent pas ce style.

VAUBOIS,

"Le General Commandant en chef des Iles de Malte and de Goza, le 4 Vendemiaire, An 7 de la Republique une et indivisible."

Sir James having the prizes under his protection, with orders to convey them to Gibraltar, had no alternative but to proceed, leaving the Marquis de Niza and his squadron to blockade the port; but before leaving he supplied the inhabitants with 1500 muskets and a suitable quantity of ammunition, to which seasonable supply the success which attended the Maltese in their subsequent efforts to recover their liberty was mainly attributable.

TRANSLATION OF DON MAZARREDO'S LETTER.

"MY DEAR SIR,

"In your letter of yesterday, you were pleased to inform me of the orders which you have received from his Excellency Sir John Jervis, to deliver the officers and prisoners who came from the frigates Ninfa and Helena to the person appointed by me. I name for this purpose Don Juan Deslobbes, lieutenant in the Royal Navy, who will appear before you, sir, with this credential, in order to treat and settle respecting the disembarkation of the said prisoners: he will make the proper report and give a receipt for them on board. I assure you, sir, that the said officers, or men, shall not serve in war until they shall be legally allowed. Of this, the officers may pledge their word of honour on board, or I will receive it when they appear before me.

"You will imagine, sir, much better than I can express, the sense of gratitude which I feel in hearing of the kind assistance and attention which you show to the brave men who were wounded, and of the good accommodation which the officers and men in general have met with. Together with my gratitude on this account, do me the honour, sir, to receive the real estimation and respect with which I offer myself to your services. God guard you, sir, many years!

"Your respectful obedient servant, "JOS. DE MAZARREDO. "Ship Concepcion, at Cadiz, "29th April 1797."

APPENDIX O.

James, (now the Right Honourable and Reverend Baron de Saumarez,) eldest son of Lord de Saumarez, was born at Guernsey on the 9th October 1789. Being brought up, almost from infancy, under the impression that he was intended for the church, and being naturally of a mild disposition, no idea of any other profession ever entered his mind--a circumstance which has excited general regret and considerable surprise in the naval service; as there can be no doubt that, instead of being at this day rector of a small living, he would have been at the very top of the profession of which his heroic father had been so bright an ornament. Although of the profession which was chosen for him, and in which his family had little interest, he has proved himself an excellent and useful member; still it must be confessed that there is a general feeling of disappointment among the officers of the navy, that the eldest son of their "acknowledged chief" had not embraced that honourable service.

In consequence of his father's frequent absence, and change of station with his ship, it became necessary to send him to a place of instruction at an earlier age than usual, to avoid the danger of his being carried about from port to port,--a circumstance which could not but be felt severely by his mother. He was accordingly placed at Newport, in the Isle of Wight, with the Rev. George Richards, where he remained till the commencement of 1799. It was, however, before he was sent to school, in the year 1793, that the following occurrence took place, which will give the reader some idea of the feelings of such a family, under such circumstances, in time of war. The happiness that the gallant captain felt in visiting his family when obliged to put into port, can only be justly appreciated by the affectionate husband and father who knows the value of such happy moments, snatched as it were from the fatigue of service, and how great and substantial is the relief they afford to the anxiety of a naval life! Lady Saumarez was at this time living at Stonehouse, that she might be at hand to receive her husband when he put into Plymouth; their eldest son was his mother's companion. One evening, tidings were brought to her that the Crescent had arrived and anchored in Cawsand Bay; the boy was playing in the passage with his nurse, awaiting the appearance of his father, when at length the short hasty rap was heard! All ran to the door, and in the hurry of opening it the light was extinguished, and total darkness obscured the objects of his affection; but the eager, _parental_ tone with which the words "Where art thou, my darling boy?" were uttered, left such an impression on the mind and feelings of the son as never to have been forgotten.

Early in 1799, young Saumarez was removed to the Rev. Mr. Morgan's grammar school at Bath. Mr. Morgan had the reputation of being an excellent master to boys of any promise; it may be inferred that he was of this denomination, as his pupil not only left the school with an excellent character, but on his going to Harrow, in the autumn of 1801, he was immediately placed on the fourth form, which had the privilege of being exempt from fagging. We have heard him express the highest gratification at having been there with Lord Byron and Sir Robert Peel, who were in the form above him.

At Harrow he employed his time so well, that he reached the head of the school; having throughout conducted himself to the satisfaction of Dr. Drury, and afterwards of Dr. Butler, who succeeded as head-master, for both of whom he entertained a sincere regard.

In the year 1807 he went to Christ Church, Oxford, where, after three years, he passed his examination for academical honours in a manner which not only gained him great credit, but, we were told, would have ensured him the honours of the first class if he had aimed at obtaining them. In December 1812 he was admitted into deacon's orders by Dr. Bathurst, bishop of Norwich; and in the year following the Bishop of Oxford ordained him priest.

In the interval he did duty as curate of Bicester, and afterwards in the same capacity at Benson; at both which places he so endeared himself to the parishioners, that the late Dr. Barrington, the revered and excellent bishop of Durham, told his father that "he had not left a dry eye in the place." Nor was he less respected and beloved at Ewelme, where he lived after his marriage, than he was at Staverton, in Northamptonshire, to which place he removed, and where he resided several years surrounded by a flock for whom he had the sincerest regard, preferring to labour in his sacred profession as a curate than to remain an idle servant in his Master's vineyard. His health becoming impaired, he was on the point of quitting Staverton, when he was appointed by Lord Eldon to the living of Huggate in Yorkshire.

His gallant father once paid him a visit at Oxford, when he was an under-graduate of Christ Church, on which occasion he called on the celebrated Doctor Jackson, then dean, who manifested great pleasure at seeing Sir James; and on parting, took him by the hand, and, shaking his full-bottomed wig, said, "Mind, Sir James, that you act up to your instructions, and burn, sink, and destroy every Frenchman you meet with."

On the 5th October 1814, the present Lord de Saumarez married Mary, the amiable daughter of the late Vice-admiral Lechmere.

Thomas Le Marchant Saumarez, the second son, was born at Teignmouth, on the 2nd September 1799, and died 2nd November following.

The Honourable Thomas Le Marchant Saumarez, third son, was born at Guernsey, 30th October 1803; he was educated for the army, and was a lieutenant in the seventy-first regiment. He was married, on the 1st October 1829, to Catherine Spencer Beresford, youngest daughter of Colonel Spencer Thomas Vassall, and died 4th July 1834, without issue.

The Honourable John St. Vincent Saumarez, the fourth son, was born at Guernsey on the 30th May 1806; he was named after the illustrious and distinguished Admiral Earl St. Vincent, at a time when his lordship's friend, the heroic father, was named to command the Channel fleet.

He chose the army for his profession, in which he has served in America, and other places, and is now a Captain in the Rifle Brigade. Married on the 2nd July 1838, to Caroline, eldest daughter of William Rhodes, Esq. of Bromhope Hall, and Kirskill in the county of York.

Mary Dobree Saumarez, the eldest daughter, was born at Bath on the 7th December 1792. This beautiful and accomplished young lady was cut off in the twentieth year of her age, in September 1812, to the inexpressible grief not only of her affectionate and disconsolate parents, but of all who had the happiness to be acquainted with her amiable and excellent qualities.

The Honourable Martha Harriett, second daughter, was born at Bath, and is residing with her now only parent.

Carteret, the third daughter, was born at Bath the 26th November 1796, and died young.

The Honourable Amelia, the fourth daughter, was born at Dartmouth, and was married on the 3rd September 1822, to William Young Herries, Esq. of Spotts, in Kirkcudbrightshire; they have one son (Alexander), who is now ten years of age, and is the only grandchild of the illustrious lord.

INDEX.

A.

Abercrombie, Sir Ralph, notice of his death, ii. 35.

Aboukir Bay, French fleet discovered in, i. 215.

Addenda, ii. 332.

Admiralty, communications of the Lords of, to Sir J. Saumarez respecting the destruction of the French squadron, i. 327; determination of, respecting the command of Cadiz and the Mediterranean, ii. 24; opinion of, respecting the address of Sir J. Saumarez to the Emperor of Russia, 128.

AEtna, Mount, description of, i. 205.

Alexander, Emperor of Russia, letter of Sir J. Saumarez to, ii. 118; sends the Russian fleet to England, 287.

Alexandria, remarks on the surrender of, ii. 36.

Algeziras, description of the town of, i. 340; battle of, 342, 348; controversy between different authors respecting, 353, 368; Spanish official account of, 375; French account of, 379; sufferings of the unfortunate men wounded in the battle off, 386; list of the squadrons which sailed from, on the 12th July, 1801, 419.

Allen, Captain William, his instructions to Captain Saumarez, i. 53.

American colonies, breaking out of the war with the, i. 24.

---- Congress, order of, respecting the Captains taken prisoners with the army under Earl Cornwallis, ii. 341.

Amherst, Lord, congratulates Capt. Saumarez, upon his success in capturing the French frigate La Reunion, i. 114.

Anholt, capture of the island of, ii. 146; remarks of Sir J. Saumarez concerning, _ib._; attack on, 223; gallant defence of the garrison of, _ib._; letters concerning, 225; threatened attack of, by the Danes, prevented, 273.

Anson, Com. proceeds on his intended voyage round the world, ii. 351; remarks respecting, _ib._; notice of his voyage, 356, 357; arrives at Macoa, 360; return of his squadron to England, 361.

Appendix, ii. 369.

Asgill, Capt. Sir C. account of, ii. 342.

Atkins, Captain, his death, ii. 263; remarks concerning, 264.

Audacious, copy of the journal of the, i. 370; observations upon, 373.

Augusta, description of the town of, i. 261.

B.

Baird, Mr. death of, i. 221.

Ball, Captain Sir Alexander, directs the negotiation for landing prisoners on parole, i. 225; his conversation with Sir J. Saumarez, respecting the battle of the Nile, 228 _n._; his letter to him, 275; account of his flattering reception at Naples, 276; his letter to Sir J. Saumarez, 294.

Baltic fleet, under Sir J. Saumarez, arrives at Gothenburg, ii. 101.

---- Port, see _Port Baltic_.

Bathurst, Capt. report of, relative to the position of the Russian fleet, ii. 122; account of his extreme sufferings, 130.

Bayne, Captain, death of, i. 69.

Bedford, Captain, anecdote of his men, ii. 93.

Bernadotte, General, Prince of Ponte Corvo, elected Crown Prince of Sweden, ii. 208; remarks of Admiral Krusenstjerna respecting, 213; his arrival in Sweden, 217; his implicit confidence in Sir J. Saumarez, 249.

Bertie, Rear-admiral A., commands under Sir J. Saumarez in the Baltic fleet, ii. 99.

Berry, Captain, sails for England, with Admiral Nelson's despatches, i. 234.

Black rocks, command off the, assumed by Sir J. Saumarez, i. 300; description of, _ib._ 302.

Blanquet, Admiral, notice of his account of the battle of the Nile, i. 275.

Brenton, Admiral, father of Sir Jahleel Brenton, notice of his death, ii. 60.

---- Capt. afterwards Sir Jahleel, appointed to the Caesar, i. 321; remarks of Sir J. Saumarez respecting, 325; his account of the battle of Algeziras, 341; extract from his Naval History, 382 _n._; orders of Sir J. Saumarez to, 383; professional abilities of, 395; his description of the flag of Sir J. Saumarez being rehoisted in the Caesar, 403; his account of the battle of the 12th July 1801, _ib._; notice of his account of the wrecks of the St. George and Defence,