Part 2

“The _Commentaires_ of Bernard de Provincial informs us,” says Daremberg, “that certain practices, not only superstitious but disgusting, were common among the doctrines of Salerno; one, for instance, was to eat themselves, and also oblige their husbands to eat, the excrement of an ass fried in a stove in order to prevent sterility; likewise, to eat the stuffed heart of a diseased sow in order to forget dead friends,” etc.

We can form some judgment, from such observations, as to the _therapeutic_ wisdom of these doctrines of the school of Salerno. It is true, however, that at this epoch but little medicine save that of an unique and fantastic order was prescribed. Gilbert, the Englishman, advised, with the greatest British _sang froid_, tying a pig to the bed of a patient attacked by lethargy; he ordered lion’s flesh in case of apoplexy, also scorpion’s oil and angle-worm eggs; to dissolve stone in the bladder, he prescribed the blood of a young billy-goat nourished on diuretic herbs.

Peter of Spain, who was archbishop, and afterwards Pope, under the name of John XXI., was a man whom historians claim was more celebrated as a physician than as Pope; it was this Peter who adapted the curious medical formulary known by the title of _Circa Instans_, and, had improved on the invention. Those who wore on their bodies the words “Balthazar,” “Gaspar” and “Melchior” need never fear attacks of epilepsy; in order to produce a flux in the belly, it was only necessary to put a patient’s excrement in a human bone and throw it into a stream of water.

Hugo de Lucgnes, in fractures of the bone, employed a powder composed of ginger and cannella, which he used in connection with the “Lord’s Prayer,” in the meantime also invoking the aid of the Trinity. He treated hernia by cauterization, and leprosy by inunctions of mercurial ointment.

If therapeutics made only slight progress in the thirteenth century, we cannot say as much for other branches of the medical and natural sciences.

Arnauld de Villeneuve, physician, chemist and astrologer, particularly distinguished himself by discovering sulphuric, nitric and hydrochloric acids, and also made the first essence of turpentine.

Lanfranc attracted large numbers of students to the College of Saint Come, and exhibited his skill as an anatomist and surgeon. In one of his publications he gives a very remarkable description of chancres and other venereal symptoms.

At the Faculty of Montpellier, which was founded in 1220 A.D., we see as the Dean Roger of Parma, and as professor Bernard de Gordon, who left a very accurate account of leprosy and a number of observations on chancres following impure connection; these observations are valuable, inasmuch as they are corroborated by Lanfranc and his contemporary, Guillaume de Saliceto, of Italy, _two centuries before the discovery of America_.

Albert the Great (Albertus Magnus) and Roger Bacon also belonged to the thirteenth century.

Albert de Ballstatt, issue of a noble family of Swabia, monk of the order of St. Dominicus, after studying in the principal schools of Italy and Germany, arrived at Paris in 1222 A.D., and soon had numerous auditors, among whom may be mentioned Saint Augustin, Roger Bacon, Villeneuve, and other distinguished men. His lectures attracted such crowds of students from the University that he was obliged to speak from a public place in the Latin Quarter, which, in commemoration of his success, was called _Place Maitre Albert_, afterwards corrupted to Place Maubert.

His writings were encyclopedic, their principal merit being commentaries on the works of Aristotle, of whom but little was known at that period; he studied also the Latin translations of the Arabian school, and reviewed Avicenna and Averrhoes, adding to such works some original observations.

Albert the Great, or Albertus Magnus, the name posterity has bestowed on this genius, was also much occupied with alchemy, and passed for a magician. He was considered a sorcerer by many, as he was said to evoke the spirits of the departed, and produced wonderful phenomena.

Albert’s works on natural history, his botany and mineralogy are, in reality, taken from the works of Aristotle, as well as his _parva naturalis_, which is only a reproduction of the _Organon_ of the Greek philosopher; nevertheless, Albert deserves credit for his good work in relighting the torch of science in the Occident.

His disciple, Roger Bacon, was also a monk; he studied in Paris and afterwards removed to Oxford, England, where he actively devoted himself to natural science, especially physics. He left behind him remarkable observations on the refraction of light; explanation of the formation of rainbows, inventing the magnifying glass and telescope. His investigations in alchemy led him to discover a combustible body similar to phosphorus, while his work on “Old Age” (_De retardtandus senectutis occidentibus_) entitled him to a high position among the physicians of the thirteenth century. Although one of the founders of experimental science, one of the initiators—if the expression may be used—of scientific positivism, he also devoted much time to astrology. Denounced as a magician and sorcerer by his own _confreres_ in religion, he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and was only released a few years before his death, leaving many writings on almost every branch of science.

It was more than a century after these two great men died that medical science commenced its upward flight.

Anatomy, proscribed by the Catholic Church, had an instant’s toleration in the middle of the thirteenth century, thanks to the protection of Frederick II., King of the Two Sicilies. But an edict of Pope Boniface VIII., published in 1300, forbid dissections once more, not only in Italy, but in all countries under Papal rule. Nevertheless, in 1316, Mondinus, called the restorer of anatomy, being professor at the University of Bologna, had the courage to dissect the cadavers of two patients in public; he then published an account of the same, which Springer declares had “the advantage of having been made after nature, and which is preferable to all works on anatomy published since Galen’s time.”

Some years later the prejudice against human dissection disappeared in France, and anatomy was allowed to be taught by the Faculties of Paris and Montpellier. Henri de Hermondaville, Pierre de Cerlata, and Nicholas Bertrucci were particularly distinguished anatomists during the fourteenth century, and traced the scientific path followed by Vesalius, Fallopius, Eustachius, Fabrica de Aguapendente, Sylvius, Plater, Varola de Torre, Charles Etienne, Ingrassias, and Arantius in the sixteenth century.

From this time dates the escape of medicine from ecclesiastical authority.

In 1452, Cardinal d’Estouteville, charged by the Pope with the reorganization of the University of Paris, obtained a revocation of the order obliging celibacy, claiming it to be “impious and senseless” in the case of doctors.

It was at this moment that the Faculty of Physicians renounced the hospitality of the University and installed themselves in a house on the _Rue de la Bucherie_, the same being graciously tendered them by Jacques Desparts, physician to the King. This faculty now opened a register of its acts, which later became the _Commentaries of the Society_, and, already confident of a brilliant future and its own strength, the college engraved on its escutcheon these words: “_Urbi et Orbi Salus_,” and declared itself the guardian of antique morality; _veteris disciplinæ retinentissima_. Soon the dean of the faculty obtained from royalty the right to coin medals, the same being bestowed on physicians who rendered valuable public services; these bore the imprint of the college coat of arms, and Guy Patin went so far as to issue his own coined effigy in 1632 A.D.

The royal authority still further aided the medical profession and the faculty in gathering students: for instance, an order was issued granting physicians titles of nobility and coats of arms in cases of great merit; they were also exempted from taxes and other contributions to the crown, for, says Louis XIV., who speaks, “We cannot withhold such marks of honor to men of learning and others who by their devotion to a noble profession and personal merit are entitled to a rank of high distinction.” Besides, some of the greatest names in France were inscribed on the registers of the faculty; let us cite, for instance, Prader, Mersenne, Saint Yon, Montigny, Mauvillain, Sartes, Revelois, Montrose, Farcy, Jurency, and others. Can it be astonishing that the Faculty of Medicine, considering such high favors, was so deeply attached to the royalty that gave liberty and reputation to the great thinkers of the age?

The dean, who before the thirteenth century only had the title _Magister Scolarum_, administered the affairs of the faculty without control, and was recognized as the chief hierarch of the corporation; but he was elected by all the professors, and often chosen outside the professors of the Faculty. This high office was thus duly dignified, and it was only justice.

Above the dean, however, was the first Physician to the King, who was a high officer of the crown, having the same rights and privileges as the nobility, securing on his appointment the title of Count with hereditary transmission of same to his family; he was also a Councillor of State and wore the costume and decorations of this order. When he came to the faculty meetings he was received by the dean and bachelors, for he was also grand master of hygiene and legal medicine in the realm; he named all the salaried medical appointments, notably those of experts in medical jurisprudence.

Under Charles VIII., Adam Fumee and Jean Michel, sitting in Parliament as Councillors; Jacques Coictier, physician to Louis XI., was the President of the Tax Commission; while Fernel, no less celebrated as a mathematician than as a physician, was the intimate friend of Henri II. at the same time that Ambroise Pare was surgeon to the latter King and his two successors; F. Miron, too, afterwards became Embassador to Henri III.

Later we see Vautier, physician to _Marie de Medecis_, one of the malcontents sent to the Bastile for political reasons. Valot, Daquin and Fagon, all physicians to Louis XIV., were politicians, but were also great dispensers of Royal favor. Medical politicians figured largely in the time of Louis XIV. Among the independents, we may cite Guy Patin, the intimate friend and adviser of Lamoignan and Gabriel Naude, who was one of the most erudite men of the age. Under such conditions, no wonder that medicine entered into a new phase of progress. The time of study was now fixed at six years; after this there were examinations, from which, unfortunately, however, clinical medicine was excluded; examinations corresponded with the grades of Bachelor and doctor; finally—triumphant act of culmination—came the thesis with the obligation of the solemn Hippocratic oath.

The degree of Bachelor had existed since the foundation of the University of Paris. The Bacchalauri, or Bachalarrii,[7] were always students for the doctoral title. After numerous other tests, they signed the following obligation:

1. I swear to faithfully observe all secrets with honor, to follow the code and statutes laid down by the Faculty, and to do all in my power to assist them.

2. I swear to always obey and respect the Dean of the Faculty.

3. I swear to aid the Faculty in resisting any undertaking against their honor or ordinances, especially against those so-called doctors who practice illicitly; and also submit to any punishment inflicted for a proscribed action.

4. I swear to assist in full robes, at all meetings, when ordered by the Faculty.

5. I swear to assist at the exercises of the Academy of Medicine and the school for the space of two years, and sustain any question assigned me, in medicine or hygiene, by a thesis. Finally, I swear to be a good citizen, loving peace and order, and observe a decent manner in discussion on all questions laid down by the Faculty.

This oath was read in Latin by the Dean, and, as enumerated, each candidate for a degree solemnly answered “I swear” after each article.

Ranged with physicians at this period, although on a lower plane, came the surgeons and barbers; these had been created under the title of _mires_ and _meges_, by medical monks, who could not, under the canons, resort to surgical operations, as it is written _Ecclesia abhorrhet a sanguine_.

Let us continue their history. When the College of Physicians was added to the University of Paris, in the twelfth century, it was specified by the other Faculties of the institution that surgeons formed no portion of the medical Faculty, and were not entitled to any consideration. These surgeons kept shops and wandered through the streets with instrument cases on their backs, seeking clients, and were assisted in their work by the barbers, who were even more illiterate than the surgeons; but, thanks to the exertions of Jean Pitard, surgeon to Saint Louis, these surgeons succeeded in forming a corporation in 1271. Their meetings were held in the dead-house of the Cordeliers’ church, and they were allowed the same privileges as the _magistri in physica_. They were the surgeons wearing a long robe.

It was only at the end of the century that Lanfranc obtained from Phillip the Beautiful an order to reorganize and bestow degrees for the exercise of surgical art. The studies were extremely practical; they required several years’ attendance at the Hotel Dieu or in the service of some city surgeon, likewise a certain amount of literary education. Like the doctors, these surgeons were permitted to wear a robe and hat. They were a great success.

Unfortunately, the barbers of the fourteenth century obtained, in their turn, an edict from Charles V., who recognized their corporation and authorized the knights of the razor to practice bleeding, and also all manner of minor surgery.

The Faculty of Medicine, jealous of the Surgeons’ College, encouraged the barbers with all their influence. They founded for the face scrapers a special course in anatomy on condition that the barber would always acknowledge the physician as superior to the surgeon. The barbers made this promise, but the time arrived when they thought themselves stronger than the Faculty of Medicine; this was in 1593; but this same year, an order passed by Parliament, at the instigation of the doctors, deprived the barbers of all the power granted them by Charles V.

The barbers thus had their punishment for defying the Faculty of Medicine.

The College of Surgeons, relieved from the competition of the barber surgeons, now claimed the right to become part of the Medical Faculty, and an ordinance of Francois I. gave them this privilege. Letters patent were issued that read:

“It is ordained that the before-mentioned, professors, bachelors, licentiates or masters, be they married or single, shall enjoy all the privileges, franchises, liberties, immunities and exemptions accorded to the other medical graduates of the University.”

Notwithstanding this Royal edict and confirmation of privileges accorded to surgeons by Henri II., Charles IX., and Henri III., the Faculty of Medicine positively refused to open their doors to their mortal enemies, the much despised barber-surgeons, as they were termed.

Even Louis XIV. gave up the idea of making the doctors associate socially with the surgeons; the latter, then, continued to keep shops, with a sign of three sacrament boxes supported by a golden lily, and were only allowed the cadavers of malefactors for purposes of dissection; these bodies were stolen from the Faculty of Medicine. In the meantime, the regular barber-surgeons renewed their ancient allegiance to the doctors, who had vainly attempted to substitute students in their places.

To put an end to the struggle, the College of Surgeons took the desperate but injurious resolve to admit all barbers to their institution and recognize their rights to a surgical degree. A year later, 1660, the Faculty of Medicine demanded that, inasmuch as the College of Surgeons admitted ignorant barbers to their school, the right of surgeons to wear a medical robe and hat and bestow degrees be denied. The Faculty of medicine gained their suit.

As an indispensable adjunct to the doctor at this period, let us now mention the apothecary and the bath-keeper.

The patron of the apothecaries was Saint Nicholas; they belonged to the corporation of grocers, where they were represented by three members. Their central bureau was at the Cloister Saint Opportune.

The inspection of drug stores and apothecary shops in Paris occurred once a year, and was made by three members elected from the central bureau and two doctors in medicine. A druggist in Paris served four years as an apprentice and six years as an under-dispenser; then the applicant was obliged to pass two examinations, and, finally, five extra examinations, the latter in the presence of the master apothecaries and two doctors. Notwithstanding their oath[8] to not prescribe medicine for the sick and not to sell drugs without a doctor’s written order, druggists then, as now, had frequent conflicts with physicians, as the latter are ever jealous of non professional interference and always asserting supremacy.

However, it is well to say that druggists never violated the rule relative to strict inspection of all drugs before using such articles. All medicines were passed at the central bureau before any apothecary would purchase for dispensing purposes.

As to bath-keepers, they belonged in antique times, as now, more to the order of empirics; their history dates far back to the period when the Romans introduced their bathing system into Gaul—a system which was perpetuated up to as late as the sixteenth century.

The baths constructed by the ancients and destroyed by the barbarians, reappeared again in the Middle Ages, under the names of vapor baths and furnace baths. These baths were shops, usually kept by barbers, where one could be sheared, sweated or leeched by a tonsorial artist. All the world then took baths—even the monks washed themselves sometimes; in fact, almost every monastery had its bath-rooms, where the poor could wash and be bled without pay.

In those days gentlemen bathed before receiving the order of chivalry. When one gave a ball it was customary and gallant to offer all the guests, especially the ladies, a free bath. When Louis XI. went out to sup with his loyal subjects, the honest tradespeople of Paris, he always found a hot bath at his disposal. Finally, it was considered a severe penance to forbid a person from bathing, as was done in the case of Henry IV., who was excommunicated.

Paris had many bath-houses. From early dawn until sunset the streets were filled, with cryers for bath-houses, who invited all passers-by to enter. In the time of Charles VI., bath-keepers introduced vapor baths. Some of these latter were entirely given up to women; others were reserved for the King and gentlemen of the court. The price of vapor baths was fixed by Police ordinance at twenty centimes for a vapor bath and forty centimes for those who washed afterwards. This price was subject to revision only at the pleasure of the municipal authorities.

During times of epidemics vapor baths were discontinued. It was for sanitary reasons, probably, that an order of the Mayor of Paris, named Delamere, forbade all persons taking vapor baths until after Christmas eve, “on penalty of a heavy fine.” This same proclamation was repeated by act of Parliament on December 13th, 1553, “the penalty corporeal punishment for offending bath-keepers.”

Parisian vapor baths had such wide-spread reputations and success that an Italian doctor of the sixteenth century by the name of Brixanius, who arrived in Paris, wrote the following verses:

“Balnea si calidis queras sudantia thermis, In claris intrabis aqua, ubi corpus inungit, Callidus, et multo medicamine spargit aliptes’, Mox ubi membra satis geminis mundata lacertis Laverit et sparsos crines siccaverit, albo Marcida subridens componit corpora lecto.”

Already, in the time of Saint Louis, the number of bath-keepers was so great that they had a trades union; they were almost all barbers, too; they washed the body, cut hair, trimmed corns and nails, shaved and leeched.

Bath houses more than multiplied from the twelfth century, imitations of Oriental customs, due to the crusaders. Baths were run not only by men, but by old harridans and fast girls. No respectable woman ever entered a public bath-house; Christine de Pisan bears witness to that fact in the following lines: “As to public baths and vapor baths, they should be avoided by honest women except for good cause; they are expensive and no good comes out of them, for many obvious reasons; no woman, if she be wise, would trust her honor therein, if she desire to keep it.”

The establishments known as vapor baths, as early as the time of Saint Louis, had already degenerated into houses of prostitution. The police, in defense of public morality, were finally obliged to forbid fast women and diseased men from frequenting such places.

In Italy, vapor baths were recognized officially and tolerated as places of public debauchery; this was also the case in Avignon. The Synodal statutes of the Church of Avignon, in the year 1441, bear an ordinance drawn by the civil magistrates and applicable to married men and also to priests and clergy, forbidding access to the vapor baths on the Troucat Bridge, which were set apart as a place of tolerated debauchery by the municipal authorities. This ordinance contained a provision that was very uncommon in the Middle Ages, _i.e._, a fine of ten marks for a violation of the law during day time and twenty marks fine for a violation occurring under cover of night.

In 1448 the city council of Avignon again tried its hand at regulating the vapor baths at the bridge; but the golden days of debauched women had long before passed away, and the previous century had witnessed the acme of the courtesans’ fortunes. The sojourn of the Popes at Avignon had gathered together from all over the Globe a motley collection of pilgrims and begotten a frightful condition of libertinage; we have the authority of Petrarch in saying that it even surpassed that of the Eternal City, and Bishop Guillaume Durand presented the Council of Vienna with a graphic picture of this social evil.

According to the proclamation of Etienne Boileau, Mayor of Paris in the reign of Louis IX., barber bath keepers were forbidden to employ women of bad reputation in their shops in order to carry on under cover, as in the massage shops of the present day, an infamous commerce, on penalty of losing their outfit—seats, basins, razors, etc.,—which were to be sold at public auction for the profit of the public treasury and the Crown. But we know full well that the Royal Ordinance of 1254, which had for its object the reformation of public debauchery, was only applied for the space of two years, and that the new law of 1256 re-established and legalized public prostitution which offered less objectionable features than clandestine prostitution.