Part 33

My lords, it certainly is true that there is in Ireland a vast number of poor. I have been sorry to see that it is stated in some returns on the table, that there are as many as 2,000,000 of poor in Ireland. My lords, it happens unfortunately, that in all parts of the empire there are poor; but I will beg to observe, that it is not in the power of this government, nor of any government, nor of any parliament, in the course of a few weeks, or a few months, or, I may say, a few years, to relieve the poverty of a great country like that, extending as it does to such a portion of the population. But, my lords, I beg to know whether poverty can be relieved by this description of agitation for the repeal of the union? Is poverty relieved by marches of twenty-five and thirty Irish miles a-day, during the period of spring and summer, to hear seditious speeches? Is poverty relieved by subscriptions of thousands of pounds to the repeal rent, and the O'Connell rent, and other funds of that description? No, my lords, that poverty must be relieved by a perseverance in industry and sobriety; not taken up by fits and starts for the sake of a more orderly appearance at seditious meetings, where the people are marshalled by bands of music and flying colours. The evils, whence that poverty proceeds, are not to be cured in a day. The remedies must be some time in operation; and all I can say is, that the government are sincerely desirous to avail themselves of every opportunity that may tend to benefit the people of Ireland, and to relieve that poverty of which the noble lord so eloquently complains.

_July 14, 1843._

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_Assistance of Foreigners to the Repeal Agitation.--Their Anti-English Motives._

My lords, I do not dispute the extent of the conspiracy--I do not dispute the dangers resulting from organization in Ireland--I have stated it publicly on more than one occasion--I do not deny it--it is notorious, it is avowed, it is published in every paper all over the world. I do not deny the assistance received from foreigners, not from foreign governments,--I have no right to say so,--but from foreigners of nearly all nations; for there are disturbed and disturbing spirits everywhere, who are anxious to have an opportunity of injuring and deteriorating the great prosperity of this country.

_August 8, 1843._

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_The Military in readiness to preserve the Peace in Ireland._

I, whose duty it is to superintend one of those offices on which the execution of the measures of the government depends, feel confident that everything that can be done has been done, in order to enable the government to preserve the peace of the country, and to meet all misfortunes and consequences which may result from the violence of the passions of those men who unfortunately guide the multitude in Ireland.

_August 8, 1843._

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_Mr. O'Connell's Proceedings._

To plunder the public in Ireland of money for the purpose of O'Connell rent, or repeal contribution, or the lord lieutenant would not have done their duty if they had not removed those persons from her majesty's service.

_July 14, 1845._

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_The "Monster" Meetings in Ireland._

The noble lord (the Marquis of Clanricarde) has stated that these meetings were not illegal. I certainly do not consider myself competent to decide whether they were or were not illegal. This I know, that they consist of very large numbers--whether of 10,000 or 100,000 I am sure I cannot tell, and I do not believe any man can tell to a certainty. They are assembled in very large numbers, regularly organised, marching under the lead of persons on horseback, with bands and banners, in regular military array. After having attended these meetings, those present are dispersed by word of command, without trouble, violence, or breach of the peace, and march back, perhaps twenty or thirty miles. * * * My lords, I have had some experience, in the course of a long life, which I have passed in the service of the sovereigns of this country, of revolutions. A distinguished author has written of the French revolution. "_On ne conspire pas sur la place_." There is no secret in these transactions, and the reason why there is no secret is this, that the great means of operation are deception of their followers, and terror in respect of their adversaries. Accordingly, we hear a learned gentleman exclaiming to his audience, "Napoleon had not in Russia such an army as this is; the Duke of Wellington had not such a one repeal of those laws upon which the reformation in this country has been founded. My lords, I have already taken opportunities of warning your lordships against the assertion of such doctrines in this house, and I must again express a hope that you will observe and beware how they are introduced into it, because you may rely upon it, that there is not an individual in this country, be his religious opinions what they may, be his position what it may, who is not interested in the maintenance of the reformation. Not only our whole system of religion, but our whole system of religious toleration, in which so many people in this country are interested, depends upon the laws upon which the reformation was founded; and I therefore entreat your lordships to give no encouragement to doctrines that might induce a belief that there exists in this house any indifference upon the subject of those laws.

_March 18, 1844._

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_The Compact entered into for the Maintenance of the Protestant Church in Ireland should be held sacred._

The Protestant church in Ireland has existed in that country for a period of nearly three hundred years, and was maintained in that country during a century of contests, rebellions, and massacres; and during a contest for the possession of the crown, the Protestants of that country encountered that contest, and kept possession of their church; and during another century it was maintained through much opposition, and under difficulties of all descriptions. At the period of the union, the parliament--who had the power to consent to the union, or to refuse their consent--stipulated that the Protestant church in Ireland should be maintained, and maintained on the same footing as the Protestant church of England in this country. The parliament had, under the auspices of the king of this country, the power of either making or not making that compact. Your lordships entered into that compact with the parliament of Ireland, and I entreat you never to lose sight of the fact. I entreat you not to suffer yourselves to be prevailed upon to make any alteration in, or to depart in the slightest degree from, the terms of that compact, so long as you intend to maintain the union between this country and Ireland. It is the foundation upon which the union rests,--it is a compact which you have entered into with the parliament of Ireland, and from which you cannot depart without being guilty of a breach of faith, worse than those which have been referred to in other countries,--worse than those pecuniary breaches of faith which have been alluded to in the course of the discussion which took place in your lordships' house this evening upon another subject. I entreat you to listen to none of those petitions or speeches which tend to the injury or the destruction of the church in Ireland. Do what may be necessary,--do what it may be proper to do, in order to render that church more beneficial to the people of that country; but I entreat you to adhere strictly, in spirit and according to the letter, to the compact you have made, and not permit it to be supposed in any quarter whatever that you entertain the most distant intention of departing, in the slightest degree, from that arrangement.

_March 18, 1844._

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_The recall of the Governor-General of India, by the Court of Directors, an act of gross indiscretion._

My lords, I conceive that this right (of recalling the governor-general of India) is one which the court of directors are bound to exercise with due discretion; as all bodies and all individuals ought to do, when they possess extraordinary powers under the provisions of the law. In such cases, my lords, they are hound to exercise that power with the utmost discretion. Now, my lords, I will venture to submit to your lordships, as the opinion of an individual who has had some experience in these matters, that the exercise of the power belonging to the court of directors is not, in this instance, to say the least of it, a discreet exercise of that power. My lords, the court of directors has this power. It has also the power of nominating a successor in the room of the person recalled. But, my lords, it has no other power whatever, as your lordships will find in looking into the law on the subject--it has no other power whatever, my lords, except under the direction and control of the board of commissioners for the affairs of India, and for the acts of that board of commissioners her majesty's government is responsible. Under these circumstances, my lords, I venture again to say, what I before said, that it is not a discreet act of authority to recall from power--to recall from such an important what not, is one thing; to excite the common people of the country to approach as near as possible to the commission of crime, and to do all the mischief that is possible to be done to the country, without exposing one's own person, is another thing; but to corrupt the army is quite a different thing, which, I hope and trust, I may promise your lordships will not be fulfilled.

_August 11, 1843._

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_Eulogium on Major-General Sir Charles Napier._

My lords, I must say, that, after giving the fullest consideration to these operations (in Scinde), I have never known an instance of an officer who has shown in a higher degree that he possesses all the qualities and qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations. He has maintained the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of his plans, the utmost activity in all the preparations to ensure his success, and, finally, the utmost zeal, gallantry, and science, in carrying them into execution.

_February 12, 1844._

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_Persons of every Religious Denomination interested in the maintenance of the Reformation._

The noble lord (Earl Fitzwilliam) has propounded to your lordships a something, neither the nature of which, nor the period at which it is to be carried into execution, is he himself exactly certain of. Something or other must be done; to that something this country must make up its mind; the noble lord does not state what it is to be; but it is, at all events, to involve the necessary to send out to that part of the globe--and the act of parliament will shew they are bound to have none--having no share in giving those instructions--in short, having no knowledge on which to found a judgment on so important a subject as the recall of a governor-general, they took upon themselves to pronounce their judgment on the conduct of this officer, and to disapprove of it. Now, my lords, I must say, that having no knowledge which could enable them fairly to pronounce their judgment on his conduct, or that could justify them in depriving the government and the country of the best instrument--I say it again, the best instrument to carry on and perform the various duties of that great office, making no provision whatever for the performance of those duties which are now to be provided for by her majesty's government, is an indiscreet exercise of the powers they possess. My lords, as I have said so much on this subject, I will, in order to illustrate the indiscretion of this act (that is the best word I can find for it), go yet a little further. My lords, though I believe this is the first time in the history of the government of India that this extreme measure has been resorted to by the court of directors, it has more than once been in contemplation; but upon the advice and remonstrance of the ministers of the day, the resolution of the court of directors has been always withdrawn. And it is the fact, that it has been in contemplation by these very gentlemen, with reference to this same governor general, in the course of the last twelve months; but they were at that time prevailed upon to withdraw that resolution, and not to persist in the recall of my noble friend. This was previous to the late great military operations in Gwalior, of which we have all heard with so much satisfaction,--operations which I am sure your lordships will have perceived from the perusal of the reports which have been laid upon your table, must have been founded upon the most just and discriminate measures, for the equipment and maintenance of the armies placed in the field, under the direction and superintendence of the governor general--not the equipment only of these armies--but the support of the troops in the field, the maintenance of military communication, and the moans of advance and retreat--in short, all that could tend to insure their success--were amply provided for. Then, my lords, suppose the case to have occurred of the court of directors thinking proper to recall the noble lord six or eight months ago, whilst the measures to which I have just alluded were in contemplation, what would have become of the great operations at Gwalior--operations carried on under the superintendence and direction of my noble friend the governor general. Why, the gentleman who was senior in the council must have succeeded my noble friend--a respectable man no doubt he is, but without the experience of my noble friend; and without the knowledge of the manner of equipping armies, and making proper arrangements for their being called into action, it is needless to add, that such great and successful operations as those to which I have alluded could not be carried on, and I leave your lordships to judge what the situation of India would have been if that expedition had failed, and if such an army as the one which we have seen described in one of the blue books upon this table had continued in existence, threatened, as we were, at the same moment, by a similar body in the Punjaub, on the north-west frontier, and with the province of Scinde still in an unsettled state. Why, my lords, the danger would have been imminent, and this would have been the consequence of the recall of my noble friend six or eight months ago, a measure which was in contemplation, and was only prevented by our representations to those who have now committed this gross indiscretion of recalling the noble lord--it was prevented only by the representations made to those gentlemen of the danger which would ensue to the public interest from the measures which they were about to adopt, the dangers resulting from the impossibility that they would be able to provide for events which most probably would occur if they recalled their officer without the consent of her majesty's government, who would thus be deprived of the instrument in their hands best fitted for carrying their instructions into execution, while the directors, in this country, must be unable to direct the means in existence for securing the safety of their troops, for guarding their frontier, for upholding the honour of Her majesty's arms, and the security of our vast dominions in that part of the world. I say again, as I have said before, and I say the least of it, when I pronounce it to be the most indiscreet exercise of power that I have known carried into execution by any body possessed of power since I have had a knowledge of public affairs, which I am sorry to say is upwards of half a century.

_April 29, 1844._

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_His Support of the New Poor Law (Ireland.)_

I will take the liberty of reminding your lordships that the New Poor Law was originated by noble lords opposite, while they were in the service of her majesty, and that I gave the measure my support from a sense of duty, because I thought it was calculated to benefit Ireland. I have throughout supported the measure; I proposed some amendments which I thought likely to promote its beneficial action; I have given it my support ever since; and I am prepared to do all in my power to ensure its successful operation.

_May 17, 1844._

INDEX.

Absenteeism, Irish, deprecated, 220.

Abstract questions, opinions on them inexpedient, 474.

Acre, the capture of, the greatest deed of modern times, 460.

Affghanistan expedition, its conduct approved of, 445.

Agitation in Ireland, real meaning of, 192. Deprecated, 260. ---- characterised, 331. Agitation by authority, 411.

Agrarian outrages, the, of 1830, 223 ---- in Ireland, caused by agitation, 385.

Agriculture and manufactures, 469.

Albocracy, the, 309.

Albuera, battle of, one of the most glorious in the war, 115.

Animosity should be forgotten when war is concluded, 58.

Anonymous letters, meanness of writing them, 118.

Army, how to avoid party spirit in, 84. Control of by the crown, 96. ---- British, can bear neither success nor failure, 97. ---- in Portugal, croaking spirit among officers, 106. ---- British, the worst men only enter as privates, 111. ---- what they want is coolness in action, not headlong bravery, 115. ---- officers, as well as soldiers, require keeping in order, 118. ---- its morale important to discipline, 126. ---- Indian, eulogium on it, 479. ---- Indian, eulogium on it, and Lord Hastings, 135.

Asiatic policy contrasted with European, 86.

Australia, 463.

Ballot, the, and universal suffrage, dangerous, 427.

Belgium, its neutrality the foundation of its independence, 409.

Beresford, Marshal, characteristic letter to, 134.

Birmingham, riots in 1839, 427.

Bishops in Ireland, objections to reducing their number, 333.

Blockade, what constitutes one, 332.

Blucher, his vandalism averted, 132, 133.

Bourbons, their re-establishment necessary to the peace of Europe, 129.

Bribe, indignant rejection of one in India, 82.

British character for faith must be preserved in India, 89.

Buonaparte, his system hollow, 103. His disgusting tyranny, 113. ---- A general re-action predicted, 119. Effects of his government, 128. ---- The Duke will not be his executioner, 131.

Canada, plan of operations against the United States, 125. Conduct of the Canadian leaders, 390. ---- The rebels must be reduced, 390. Objections to a legislative council, 392.

Canning. The Duke of Wellington felt no hostility to him, 142.

Catholic emancipation, impossible to grant it, 136, 153. ---- reasons in favour of it, 155, 156, 158, 160, 162, 163, 166, 169, 172, 173, 180, 183, 184, 186, 187, 190. Repeal averted by it, 221, 240.

Chancellor, the Lord, his right to the patronage of his office, 268.

Charity, money in aid of labour is better than, 118.

China, reasons why the opium trade was stopped, 451. Opium not the real cause of the war, 452. Defence of Capt. Elliot, 452. Real causes of the Chinese war, 479.

Church, the, should educate the people, 308, 456.

Church rate martyrs, real state of the case, 458.

Civil list, principle on which arranged, 235.

Clergy of Ireland, depressed by the Melbourne government, 357.

Colonies, importance of to the mother country, 456.

Commissariat, importance of, to troops, 82.

Corn law of 1828, principle on which founded, 143. ---- worked well, 208, 209.

Corn laws. Why imposed, 466, 468. have improved agriculture. 414. Repeal would raise prices, 410. ---- If repealed, foreign sovereigns would tax the export of their corn, 417.

Cotton and corn, 469.

County meetings, their constitutional use, 138.

Currency, theory of a metallic, 193, 338. Extended, means unlimited paper circulation, 197. Metallic, leads to reduction of taxation, 200.

Democracy, concessions to it cannot be rescinded, 394. Durham, Lord, his ordinance in Canada illegal, 406.

East India Company, eulogium on, 277. Importance of preserving the authority of, 329.

Enemy's life, secret bargain for, ought not to be made by a commander, 81. Reward for, by proclamation, may be offered, 81.

England the best country for the poor, 473.

Enthusiasm of the people very fine in print, but not to be trusted to, 120.

Equitable adjustment, how far to carry the principle, 213.

Establishment, naval and military, necessary to the national honour, 209, 463.

European and Asiatic policy contrasted, 86.

Evans, General, strictures on his proceedings in Spain, 372.

Expediency better, in politics, than principle, 328.

Faith, British character for, must be preserved in India, 89.

Finance administration of whigs and tories compared, 257.

France, peace with, desirable, but difficult, 270.

Free labour in the colonies, difficulty of getting it, 323.

French retreats their rapidity accounted for, 97.

French revolutionary armies, causes sustained, 98. ---- and English armies, their different constitution, 110. ---- the, would invade England if we withdrew from Spain, 113.

Game laws, the, increase poaching, 319.

George the Fourth, eulogium on him, 215.

Grey policy, the, tends to war, 260. ---- government, the, encouraged the reform agitation, 261. ---- Effect of their savings, 310.

Hampden, Dr., his case, 387.

Holy alliance, all connexion with it repudiated, 328.

Imprisonment for debt, principle of, 386.

Income tax, the, justified by necessity, 476.

India, people of, philosophers about their government, 81. We must get the upper hand there, and keep it, 84. Residents in native courts must have military power, 85. Foundation of our power in India, (1803) 86. British "moderation" there, 86. British faith, 89. Civil government must follow on conquest, 89. The Duke's services there neglected, 94. Advice to a native ruler, 93. Danger of interfering with the religion of the Hindoos, 434. Evils of a free press there, 480. Recall of Lord Ellenborough an act of indiscretion, 494.

Intervention, foreign, should be on a national scale, if at all, 375.

Ireland, state of the poor in, 153. Real meaning of agitation, 192. Absenteeism deprecated, 220. Effect of Irish affairs on our Portuguese relations, 224. Agitation deprecated, 260. Its state under Lord Grey's government, 302. Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of, 307, 377, 492. Agitation characterised, 331. Lord Normanby's goal deliveries, 380. Objections to the corporation bill of 1837, 381. Agrarian disturbances caused by agitation, 385. Poverty of the people of, 399. The "monster" meetings, 487. Remedies of no use while agitation continues, 488. Anti-English motives of foreigners in supporting the repeal agitation, 490.

The military in readiness to keep the peace, 490.

Jews, the, their right to citizenship denied, 334. --no right to civil equality, 335.

Judgment, every man's, to be mistrusted in his own case, 95.

Law-breaker, the, always in the wrong, 96.

Legion, the, was sent to Spain for stock-jobbing purposes, 369. Uselessness of it, 371. Its want of discipline, 373. It was a failure, 403.

Leopold, king, (of Belgium) must be independent of foreign powers, 259.

Londonderry, marquis, his appointment to St. Petersburgh, 351.

Lords, house of, should disregard popular clamour, 481.

Magistrates, the, should be appointed by lords lieutenant, 222. --legal redress against them, 429. --(Ireland) reasons, for their dismissals, 483.

Malta, a free press there deprecated, 396, 419. Its riches, 421.