Part 10
Now Barbara was to experience a phenomenon that affects every Party member trying to break the communist spell: _the counterattack of the unconscious Party discipline_.
Doubts would suddenly arise, then disappear. They would arise again but again disappear. When she seemed to want to slow up in her Party work, her old enthusiasm would return. She found, as she later explained, that her “process of mental reorientation was impeded by the study and teaching of Marxist-Leninist works, which is the Communist Party’s antidote for such an eventuality.”
Over a long period and through a slow process of constant discussion, schools, and self study the Communist Party builds a conscience of responsibility upon which it then relies to keep a member functioning, even though any real desire to do so has passed.
That’s why the Party keeps stressing Marxist-Leninist education: Party schools, reading the communist press, self-study. It builds up a discipline that automatically attacks doubts, rationalizes contradictions inside the Party structure, and guides every decision in the Party’s favor.
Then, in mid-1950, an important event occurred for Barbara Hartle. She received instructions to attend a secret meeting in Woodland Park, Seattle. There she was told to change her name, leave Seattle, and enter the Party’s underground. For the next two years she lived under assumed names in various Washington State and Oregon cities.
The unending hustle and bustle of everyday Party activity ceased. As she sat in a lonely room or stood on a dark street corner waiting for an underground meeting, she now had time to think. Suddenly all the doubts that had been slowly accumulating came together. At the same time the restraining influences of Party discipline became weaker.
A more rapid disillusionment on my part took place when I left the active Communist Party upon leaving Seattle to enter the Communist Party underground movement. Without direct day to day pressure, with less reading of Marxist-Leninist works and with increased reading of other material, and through coming into contact with average people my mental processes were hastened. The culmination of this process was my decision to leave the Communist Party and to live my own life.
She became convinced that the Communist Party was an evil; that it did not represent a way to better social or economic conditions; that it was a fraud and a deception.
I never realized that this discipline and this mental and physical domination of the Communist Party over its members is necessary to it in order to continue its double life of posing as one thing and being another. I had never before realized that the many unsolved problems I had noted while still a Communist Party member were products of this double existence.
It was one thing, however, to break intellectually with the Party, another to break openly. That was now to be Barbara Hartle’s anguish and the anguish of so many members still in the Party today.
Barbara was living in a no-man’s land: she had broken with the world of tyranny yet was held by the power that had robbed her of freedom. The indecision began to tear her apart. She was spiritually sick. At first she kept saying to herself and the Party, “I’ll be all right. Just give me a little time. I’ll work this out.” She just couldn’t realize that these doubts were permanent signs of a new life, not temporary confusions in an old allegiance. Merely to drift away quietly wasn’t possible. The Party wouldn’t allow that. The only way was to redeem herself by walking boldly forward.
This she did in March, 1954. And here is what a sympathetic citizen can do to help. Mr. Traynor Hansen, a reporter for the Seattle _Post-Intelligencer_, had covered the 1953 Seattle Smith Act trial. He noticed, as did others, that Barbara Hartle lacked the fiery disposition of the other defendants. Later, while on bond, she had long visits with him. It was his counsel that she go to the FBI since it would have been improper under the circumstances for us to go to her.
To Barbara Hartle’s lasting credit, she did not try to evade responsibilities for her past errors. The information that she furnished the FBI is now at work against the very Party that for almost twenty years duped her. And she, with a clear conscience, is winning back the respect and esteem she had before the Party stole her away. She deserves aid as she reconstructs her life.
Many interviews with Party members reflect numerous men and women inside the movement today in various stages of disillusionment. Such doubts are good omens. They indicate that not all members are lost beyond recall. By the very nature of Party discipline doubts are inevitable. Any member in the Party today without doubts is indeed a complete slave.
What causes doubt to arise in the minds of members? Our experiences reveal these major categories:
1. _The absence of freedom inside the Party._ The greatest single factor making for doubt is the lack of democracy inside the Party. “I was constantly whipped into line,” one member said, “on policies and issues with which I disagreed.” “Discussions at meetings were not open....” Party organizers would come and tell the club what to do. “Why Writer Quit Reds: They Frown on Thinking,” read a headline in a New York City newspaper. This member could no longer force himself “to live in the stifling atmosphere of the party line with all its ruthless intolerance for the processes of the mind.” In another instance a woman told us how she had voted “no” in a Party meeting. “People literally moved their chairs away from me. I walked out of the meeting and never attended a Communist Party meeting again.”
More and more intellectuals are realizing that the Party is simply exploiting their prestige and talents, without trusting them. Intellectuals are encouraged to think, if they think the “right” way; but any independent thinking is not allowed. That is why, in the final analysis, the Party keeps the pressure on its members who are intellectuals. It fears that they might start thinking for themselves. As one intellectual stated, “I think that the Party was using me, as they were many other intellectuals.... I always had the feeling that they never trusted intellectuals beyond a certain limit....”
2. _The inability to live a normal life._ Closely allied is the impossibility of living as a decent human being. One member said he resented the Party’s constantly demanding his time. There was no end of assignments: distributing literature, attending meetings, getting petitions signed. Another member complained that she was “sick and tired” of her husband’s putting the Party before her and the children. The Party’s instructions must always take precedence. This constant stealing of time, never allowing the member to relax, develop a hobby, or enjoy a family, provokes the most searching doubts.
3. _The Party’s callous disregard of members’ personal problems._ A Party official’s wife was sick. He asked for time off. It was refused. Or, a member’s home must be mortgaged in a fund drive. And if he cannot make payments, it’s his hard luck. Again, an old-time member was sent underground. He was instructed to change his name, sell his car and personal belongings, leave his wife and not contact her. He asked Party permission to visit his family. The answer: no. He came home anyhow and was severely disciplined.
No wonder more and more members are asking, “Why continue to be exploited?”
4. _Discrepancy between Party practices and claims._ As we have seen, many members join in the mistaken belief that the Party will improve some social evil, such as racial inequality or inadequate housing. “It is frankly recognized in Communist theory,” one disillusioned old-timer confessed, “that the whole strategy is not for the main purpose of Negro liberation, but for the purpose of the proletarian revolution.” “My dissatisfaction with the Party and my break with the Party came about through a gradual process as a result of the realization that Party policy was a detriment to true trade unionism.”
Like Barbara Hartle, dubious communists see the internal squabbles and feuds, rigged elections, trumped-up evidence, the striving to be little commissars. Party leaders stay in fancy hotels or take vacations, while rank-and-file members are hounded to donate the last dollar. All this is disillusioning, especially in an organization that claims to be working for a just society.
5. _Communist tyranny in Russia and behind the Iron Curtain._ The sensational revelations of Khrushchev concerning the crimes of Stalin rocked the Party apparatus. Then came indisputable evidence of anti-Semitism in Russia and in November, 1956, the capping blow, suppression of Hungary by Soviet troops, the spectacle of a self-proclaimed leader of “people’s rights” physically strangling a people’s demand for liberty.
This caused Howard Fast to strike violently at the Party that could give birth to “the explosive and hellish revelations of the Khrushchev ‘secret report’” when he said:
I felt a sense of unmitigated mental nausea at the realization that I had supported and defended this murderous bloodbath, and I felt, as so many did then, a sense of being a victim of the most incredible swindle in modern times.
About Hungary: “From Hungary and its tragedy we learned of a new kind of socialism—socialism by slaughter and terror.” No wonder Fast laments, “A lifelong structure of belief lies shattered around me....”
Another member who had been in the Party almost twenty years told our agents that she was quitting. If what happened in Russia, as revealed by Khrushchev, was true, she wanted “no part” of it. Still another member with over twenty-five years in the movement admitted that Soviet intervention in Hungary brought things to a head for him. If he were in Hungary, he said, he would be a Freedom Fighter.
Every abrupt change in the Party line, such as the 1939 Hitler-Stalin Pact or the 1945 ousting of Browder, jars many members. However, no event in Party life has been so conducive to raising doubts among members as the Khrushchev report and its sequel.
6. _Communist opposition to religion._ Member after member has related that the Party’s claims that God doesn’t exist and that religion is a myth have raised doubts. Many members carry within their hearts the influence of religious training received while they were young. They inwardly rebel at a materialist solution to life.
Then there is the protest against the Marxist doctrine, which, in the words of one former member, “purports to reduce man’s problems and destiny to an economic formula.” In deeply emotional terms he added, “I want my children to approach their world and the history behind it, with the curiosity and objectivity it takes to learn. I do not want them to feel that the questions are answered, that this or that little system is the slide rule for answering all their questions.”
These, then, are some of the reasons why doubts concerning communism arise in members’ minds. Why do many still hesitate to break with the Party? The answer: They are still under the influence of false fears.
1. _Fear of the FBI._ One member, when interviewed by the FBI, expressed amazement at the cordial treatment accorded him. “I thought you fellows would drag me from my house.” Communists for years have poured scorn and contempt on the FBI. They try to paint our agents as brutal thugs in the hope of driving a wedge between their members and the government. One highly placed member, visited by the FBI, turned what was expected to be a fifteen-minute interview into a five-hour discussion, during which he said, “The Party considers the FBI its prime enemy and Party members are expected to denounce the FBI.” The FBI wants sincerely to help these individuals. They should feel free to counsel with us. Members can be assured that they will be cordially received, not embarrassed, and that their information will be kept strictly confidential, should they so request or if there is good reason to protect their identity.
2. _Fear of being a “stool pigeon.”_ This false belief, inspired by Party discipline, is today keeping many lost souls silent. Our agents asked one Party member, “Suppose a criminal gang kidnaped one of your children. What would you do?” The answer: “Call the FBI.” “Would you want the FBI to make inquiries to locate the youngster?” “Yes.” “Would you expect citizens having pertinent knowledge of this criminal conspiracy to give that information to the FBI?” “Certainly,” he said.
The communist member furnishing information to the FBI is also doing his moral and patriotic duty in helping crush a criminal conspiracy. To remain silent is to assist the Party. Communism, like a criminal gang, thrives when people able to combat it refuse to do so. “Stool pigeon” is a Party-defined term used as a weapon to enforce communist discipline. The Party is enabled to reach into men’s minds, censor their thoughts and words, and thereby buttress tyranny.
3. _Fear of personal safety and reputation._ Some members fear the rabid hatred that the Party spews out at members leaving the movement. A West Coast communist, though disillusioned, didn’t break with the Party. He feared that his communist friends would ostracize him. Finally, though hesitantly, he said he was now willing to “risk” being with the majority of Americans!
Party members should not fear the hostility of their former Party associates. To be denounced by communists is an honor. Remember, the example of a Party member breaking with the Party may influence others to do likewise.
4. _Fear of disgracing their families._ Many members trapped in the Party dread that their loved ones will know of their involvement. One man, asked if his wife and children knew of his communist background, began to cry. Another said he would do anything to keep his young son from knowing. Not long ago our agents contacted a Party member. “Don’t talk to me at home,” she said. “I don’t want the children to know. Call me on the phone.” Her wishes were respected.
To remain silent is not to improve the situation. There is no way in which such cooperation will injure the family. One member, very thankful that he had cooperated with the FBI, said he was happily married and simply would not allow his communist background to injure his innocent family.
5. _Fear of not being received as a loyal American._ The answer lies largely with the Party member himself. It is within his power alone to break completely with communism. He will be judged by his actions, not alone by his words. The biblical advice holds true: “... by their fruits ye shall know them.”
In addition, patriotic Americans must do their share to help these Party members. Many are driven back into Party tyranny by the inexcusable ignorance, rancor, and pride of noncommunists. Moreover, it does not help when the truly reformed communist is characterized as a “renegade” and “traitor”—terms which would normally be used by communists themselves and not by good Americans.
In November, 1953, I wrote an article entitled “Breaking the Communist Spell,” which appeared in _This Week_ magazine. It was an appeal to members disillusioned with communism to step forward and help in the fight against Soviet tyranny. The response was encouraging. In an Eastern city a caller said he had read the article and wanted to give information about Party activities. Another person told our agents, “It’s never easy to tell such a story.... Then I saw an appeal by J. Edgar Hoover in a recent magazine article and after reading it several times felt that I should make a special effort to remember and pull what I could into order.”
I want to set forth again the salient portions of this article. It seems to sum up what we have been trying to say on this most important subject:
The individual contributions of former members of the Communist Party to the security of our way of life are shining examples of people who have recognized their mistakes and are doing all within their power to rectify them.
* * * * *
If, having knowledge of persons and activities detrimental to his country, he breaks from the Party, yet maintains silence, he is still aiding the enemy. The moral obligation involved cannot be met by silence. The choice is simple: _help the United States_. The man who does this is preserving freedom under law. He is protecting the American way of life for free men and women—including his family and himself.
* * * * *
These people deserve the nation’s respect, and their neighbors’ fair-minded forgiveness for their past devotion to Communism. Their means of livelihood must be protected, and loyal Americans must accept their sincere repentance as a return to the full scope of citizenship. All great religions teach that the sinner can always redeem himself. Who, then, shall sit in judgment on the ex-Communist? Who dare deny him the promise held out to those who repent of the evil they have done and who try to make amends?
For our part, at the FBI, we have always sought to recognize the very real human and personal problems facing the ex-Communists who have come to our offices to make such amends....
In discussing the ex-Communist, those who piously say that the leopard never changes its spots forget that they are speaking of human beings—mortal creatures with immortal souls. And those who say “Once a Communist, always a Communist” are simply advertising their ignorance. To deny that men can change is to deny the truths which have eternally guided civilized man.
_Part IV_
LIFE IN THE PARTY
10.
_How the Party Is Organized_
Look in for a minute on a typical secret meeting of a communist “club” or cell “somewhere in the United States.” This particular meeting is selected because it is typical of hundreds of such meetings.
The house is frame, painted gray with green shutters. A wire fence runs around the trim yard. The owner works as a draftsman in a downtown company, his wife keeps house. They have lived in the neighborhood for many years.
It is now dark, a little after eight o’clock on a winter evening. The downstairs light is on, the blinds are drawn. A man comes to the front door, raps lightly, and is admitted. Soon another man, walking at a leisurely pace, rounds the corner and enters. He has parked his car on another street.
Ten minutes pass. A third man knocks. He has come by bus from downtown. To make certain nobody was following him, he had ridden two stops past his correct destination, then walked back. Five minutes later a fourth person, a woman in a dark coat, arrives. Everything is quiet: no loud voices, no cars parked in front, no reasons for the neighbors to suspect that a Communist Party meeting is in progress.
Communist Party groups like this are small, containing three, four, or five people—a security precaution. In that way fewer members know each other and detection is less likely. Meeting places are frequently changed: this evening a private home, next time a public library or an automobile. Members have been known to sit on park benches, in bus terminals, even in hospital waiting rooms, hatching their plots in casual, conversational tones.
The third man is the Party organizer, a paid official who serves as the group’s leader. He sits in a chair in the corner; the others form a rough semicircle. He speaks quietly but in a commanding tone, acting the dictator that he actually is.
“Joe,” he says, addressing the first man to arrive, “you remember the last time we met you were given an assignment to collect three to five thousand sheets of paper, a Mimeograph machine, and some ink. How did things go?”
“Fine,” Joe replies. “I bought four thousand sheets of paper. Got them at three different stores.”
“Good,” says the organizer, “that’s using your head.”
“I also bought a Mimeograph machine and plenty of ink. Everything’s safe now in the right place.” (The “right place” refers to an apartment in another section of the city occupied by a concealed communist, which the Party uses as a secret hide-out.)
“One thing more,” Joe says. “I’ve made inquiries about a portable printing press. It’s pretty old, but it’ll work.”
“Fine,” the organizer says, obviously pleased. “Follow that through. You took the serial numbers off the Mimeograph, didn’t you?”
“No, I didn’t,” stammers the comrade. “I forgot....”
“Forgot!” explodes the organizer. “What’s wrong with you? That’s just plain stupid. Joe, this is serious business. You’ve got to keep alert. Someday this machine may be used to print secret Party instructions. We can’t afford to have it traced. Take off all identification marks at once.”
Then turning to another man, the one who had parked his car around the corner, the organizer says, “Phil, how are things coming at the plant? Making any progress on getting Bill installed as shop steward?”
“No, not much. Things look pretty bad.” The man shifts his legs. He is a big fellow, weighing over two hundred pounds. “Looks like we’re blocked.”
“Nonsense,” snaps the organizer, “we’ve gone over that before. There’s always a way. Communists never give up. You’ve got things good. You’re at home enjoying life. Remember Lenin, exiled from Russia, going from town to town. He didn’t quit, and look what he did. He was a genius. What’s the big problem, Phil?”
“It’s Red, the union president. He knows Bill is a communist and he’s fighting him. Red is smart, he knows the ropes. He’s always been a hard worker for labor unions. He’s got a clean record and he’s liked by the members. As long as Red is president, we’re in a bad fix.”
“That’s the wrong attitude, Phil. If one thing won’t work, try another. Can’t we accuse him of something? Have you gone over his past life? Hasn’t he ever done anything wrong?”
“If he has, we can’t find it. He’s a straight shooter from ’way back and he really hates communists.”
“Phil, this is your Number One assignment,” the organizer says. “You get something on Red. He’s got to be discredited. Maybe we can make up some letters, mail them in another city, accuse him of working against the union. You figure out the details.”
The organizer goes around the circle to the other members. Are they carrying out their assignments? Ethel, the draftsman’s wife, thinks she will soon be elected an officer in a downtown women’s group.
“Wonderful,” says the organizer. “Don’t rush things too fast but try to get some of the women to write letters to Washington. Let them say the FBI is a Gestapo; that they’re violating civil liberties by arresting Party leaders. That’s good, Ethel.”
“They haven’t the slightest idea I’m a communist.” She laughs. “I’m working hard at it.” The other woman, the last one to arrive, reports her activities as secretary of a communist-front organization.
The organizer, wanting the meeting to be short, speaks a few words about “new things” in the Party: A pamphlet from national headquarters has just been received and should be bought by all; finances are not in good shape; a new Party school is going to be held next month. Ethel should attend.
Shortly after nine o’clock the meeting is over, and as quietly as they have come the members slip out into the night.
This Communist Party club is representative of many hundreds throughout the nation. Night after night, week after week, these men and women are plotting against America, working out smears, seeking to discredit free government, and planning for revolution. They form the base of a gigantic pyramid of treason, stretching from the little gray house with green shutters to the towers of the Kremlin.
The Communist Constitution (18th version, 1957)