CHAPTER XXV.

HOW WILLIAM WAS CROWNED KING; AND HOW HE AT LAST FELL ILL AT ROUEN[1].

[The duke placed a guard in Hastings[2], from the best of his knights, so as to garrison the castle well, and went thence to Romenel[3], to destroy it utterly, because some of his people had arrived there, I know not by what accident, and the false and traitorous had killed them by felony. On that account he was very wroth against them, and grievously punished them for it.

Proceeding thence, he rested no where till he reached Dover, at the strong fort he had ordered to be made at the foot of the hill. The castle on the hill was well garrisoned, and there all the goods of the country round were stored, and all the people had collected. The place being well fortified, and being out of the reach of any engines, they had made ready to defend themselves, and determined to contest the matter with the duke; and it was so well fenced in, and so high, and had so many towers and walls, that it was no easy matter to take it, as long as provisions should last.

The duke held them besieged there eight days; and during that time there were many fierce and bold assaults of the men and esquires. But the castle guards learnt that however long they might hold out, they must expect no succour, for that Harold the king was dead, and all the best of the English: and thus all saw plainly that the kingdom could no longer be defended. They dared not therefore longer keep up the contest, seeing the great loss they had sustained, and that do what they would it would not avail them long; so being forced by this necessity, they surrendered the castle, strong, rich, and fair as it was, to the duke, saving only their bodies and goods; and made their peace with him, all the men of the country swearing fealty to him. Then he placed a gallant and brave garrison in the castle; and before he parted thence all came to him from Cantorbire, both of high and low degree, and gave him their oaths and homage, and delivered hostages.

Stiganz was then archbishop of the city, as I read, who had greater wealth and more powerful friends than any other man of the country. In concert with the greatest men of the kingdom, and the sons of earl Algar[4], who could not brook the shame of their people being so conquered, and would not suffer a Norman to obtain such honour, they had chosen and made their lord a knight and gallant youth called Addelin[5], of the lineage of the good king Edward. Whether from fear or affection they made him king; and they rather chose to die than have for king in England one who was a stranger, and had been born in another land.

Towards London repaired all the great men of the kingdom, ready to aid and support Addelin in his attempt. And the duke, being desirous to go where he might encounter the greatest number of them, journeyed also to London, where the brave men were assembled ready to defend it. Those who were most daring issued out of the gates, armed, and on horseback; manœuvring against his people, to show how little they feared him, and that they would do nothing for him. When the duke saw their behaviour, he valued them not sufficiently to arm against them more than five hundred of his people. These, lacing their helmets on, gave the rein to their horses, angry and eager for the fray. Then might you see heads fly off, and swords cleaving body and ribs of the enemy.

Thus without any pause they drove all back again, and many were made prisoners, or lost their lives. And they set fire to the houses, and the fire was so great that all on this side the Thames was burnt that day.

Great grief was there in the city, and much were they discomforted. They had lost so much property, and so many people, that their sorrow was very heavy. Then they crossed the water, some on foot and some on horseback, and sought the duke at Walengeford, and stayed not till they had concluded their peace, and surrendered their castles to him. Then the joy of all was great; and archbishop Stiganz came there, and did fealty to duke William, and so did many more of the realm; and he took their homages and pledges. And Addelin was brought there also, whom they had foolishly made king. And Stiganz so entreated the duke, that he gave him his pardon, and then led all his force to London, to take possession of the city; and neither prince nor people came forth against him, but abandoned all to him, body, goods, and city, and promised to be faithful and serve him, and to do his pleasure; and they delivered hostages, and did fealty to him.]

Then the bishops by concert met at London, and the barons came to them; and they held together a great council. And by the common council of the clergy, who advised it, and of the barons, who saw that they could elect no other[6], they made the duke a crowned king[7], and swore fealty to him; and he accepted their fealty and homages, and so restored them their inheritances. It was a thousand sixty and six years, as the clerks duly reckon, from the birth of Jesus Christ when William took the crown; and for twenty and one years, a half and more afterwards, he was king and duke.

To many of those who had followed him, and had long served him, he gave castles and cities, manors and earldoms and lands, and many rents to his vavassors[8].

Then he called together all the barons, and assembled all the English, and put it to their choice, what laws they would hold to, and what customs they chose to have observed, whether the Norman or the English; those of which lord and which king: and they all said, "King Edward's; let his laws be held and kept." They requested to have the customs which were well known, and which used to be kept in the time of king Edward; these pleased them well, and they therefore chose them: and it was done according to their desire[9], the king consenting to their wish.

He had much labour, and many a war before he could hold the land in peace: but troubled as he was, he brought himself well out of all in the end. He returned to Normandy[10], and came and went backward and forward from time to time, making peace here and peace there; rooting out marauders and harassing evil doers.

WHERE THE BATTLE HAD BEEN, HE BUILT AN ABBEY, AND PUT AN ABBOT THEREIN[11].

The king of France called on the duke to do service to him for England, as he did for his other fief of Normandy; but William answered that he would pay him just as much service for England as he had received help towards winning it; that the king had not assisted him in his enterprize, nor helped him in his need; that he would serve him duly for his original fief, but owed him nought for any other; that if the king had helped him, and had taken part in the adventure, as he had requested, it might have been said that he held England of him: but that he had won the land without him, and owed no service for it to any one, save God and the apostle at Rome; and that he would serve none else for it.

Thus they wrangled together, but they afterwards came to an accord; and the king of France remained quiet, making no more demands on William. The French, however, often made war upon him and annoyed him; and he defended himself, and attacked them in return. One day he won, another he lost; as it often chances in war, that he who loses on one day gains on the next.

William was once sojourning at Rouen, where he had rested several days; for illness (I know not whence arising) pressed upon him, so that he could not mount his warhorse, nor bear his arms and take the field. The king of France soon heard that he was not in a condition to fight, and was in truth in bed; so he sent him word maliciously, that he was a long time lying in like a lady, and that he ought soon to get up, or he might lie too long. But William answered him, that he had not laid within too long yet; "Tell him," said he, "that when I get up, I will go to mass in his lands, and will make a rich offering of a thousand candles. My matches shall be of wood, and the points shall blaze with steel instead of fire."

This was his message, and when he had recovered, he accomplished what he had threatened. He led into France[12] a thousand armed men with their lances set, the points gleaming with steel; and he burnt houses and villages on his route, till the king of France could see the blaze. He set fire even to Mantes, and reduced the whole place to ashes; so that borough, city, and churches were all burnt together. But as he passed through the city mounted on his favourite horse, it put its foot upon a heap of live ashes, and instantly starting back, gave a sudden plunge. The king saved himself from falling, but wounded himself sorely against the pommel of the saddle, upon which he was thrown. He returned with his men back to Rouen, and took to his bed; and as his malady increased, he caused himself to be carried to Saint-Gervais, in order that he might be there in greater quiet and ease[13].

Then he gave his land to his sons, in order that there might be no dispute after his death. He called together his barons[14], and said, "Listen to me, and see that ye understand. Normandy my inheritance, where the most of my race are, I give to Robert my son, the eldest born; and so I had settled before I came to be king. Moreover I give him Mans. He shall have Normandy and Mans, and serve the king of France for the same. There are many brave men in Normandy; I know none equal to them. They are noble and valiant knights, conquering in all lands whither they go. If they have a good captain[15], a company of them is much to be dreaded; but if they have not a lord whom they fear, and who governs them severely, the service they will render will soon be but poor. The Normans are worth little without strict justice; they must be bent and bowed to their ruler's will; and whoso holds them always under his foot, and curbs them tightly, may get his business well done by them. Haughty are they and proud; boastful and arrogant, difficult to govern, and requiring to be at all times kept under; so that Robert will have much to do and to provide, in order to manage such a people.

"I should greatly desire, if God so pleased, to advance my noble and gallant son William. He has set his heart upon England, and it may be that he will be king there; but I can of myself do nothing towards it, and you well know the reason. I conquered England by wrong[16]; and by wrong I slew many men there, and killed their heirs; by wrong I seized the kingdom, and of that which I have so gained, and in which I have no right, I can give nought to my son; he cannot inherit through my wrong. But I will send him over sea, and will pray the archbishop to grant him the crown; and if he can in reason do it, I entreat that he will make him the gift.

"To Henry my son, the youngest born, I have given five thousand livres, and have commanded both William and Robert, my other sons, that each, according to his power, will, as he loves me, make Henry more rich and powerful than any other man who holds of them."

[Footnote 1: The passage in brackets, to p. 267, is from _Benoit de Sainte-More._ It is introduced here, as well to relieve the baldness of Wace's narrative after the battle, as because an account of William's progress is really necessary, in order to give a just view of his prudent policy, in the prosecution of an enterprize obviously still very perilous, though crowned with such decisive success. The reader may refer to _Introd. Domesday_, i. 314, for interesting local information, deduced from that record, on the subject of William's course and progress after landing; tracing a district on the map eastward from about Pevensey, by Bexhill, Crowherst, Hollington, Guestling, and Icklesham, round by Ledescombe, Wartlington, and Ashburnham; thus embracing a circuit of country, near the centre of which stands Battle. The MS. collections of Mr. Hayley of Brightling are there referred to; and (though perhaps rather fanciful in some of their conclusions) may be appropriately quoted. 'It is the method of Domesday-book, after reciting the particulars relating to each manor, to set down the valuation thereof at three several periods; to wit,--the time of King Edward the Confessor,--afterwards when the new tenant entered upon it,--and again at the time when the survey was made. Now it is to be observed, in perusing the account of the rape of Hastings in that book, that in several of the manors therein [Witingoes, Holintun, Bexelei, Wilesham, Crohest, Wiltingham, Watlingetone, Nedrefelle, Brunham, Haslesse, Wigentone, Wilendone, Salherst, Drisnesel, Gestelinges, Luet, Hiham (the scite of Winchelsea), and Selescome] at the second of those periods, it is recorded of them that they were _waste_: and from this circumstance I think it may, upon good ground, be concluded what parts of that rape were marched over by and suffered from the ravages of the two armies of the conqueror and king Harold. And indeed the situation of those manors is such as evidently shows their then devastated state to be owing to that cause. The wasted manors on the east were Bexelei, Wilesham, Luet, and Gestelinges; which are all the manors entered in the survey along the coast from Bexelei to Winchelsea. And this clearly evinces another circumstance relative to the invasion; which is that William did not land his army at any one particular spot, at Bulverhithe, or Hastings, as is supposed; but at all the several proper places for landing along the coast from Bexhill to Winchelsea. After which, in drawing together towards the place of battle, the left wing of the army just brushed the manor of Holinton, so as to lay waste a small portion, which afterwards fell to the lot of the abbot of Battle; and after quite overrunning the manors of Wiltingham and Crohest, arrived at Brunham; in which, and the adjoining manors of Whatlington and Nedrefelle, the battle was lost and won. We may likewise trace the footsteps of king Harold's army by the devastations which stand upon record in the same book. Where they begin we suppose the army entered the county; and the state of the manor of Parkley, in the hundred of Skayswell, points out the place in the parish of Tyshurst. They there desolated their way through two parcels of land in the same hundred, belonging to the manor of Wilendone; and laying waste Wigzell, Saleherst, and another manor in the hundred of Henhurst, with Hiham, and a small part of Sadlescombe, in the hundred of Staple, they came to Whatlington; through which, and the manor of Netherfield, they extended themselves to face and oppose the invading enemy.']

[Footnote 2: From Domesday we learn who received the custody of Hastings: 'Rex Will. dedit comiti [de Ow] castellariam de Hastinges.' _Introd. Domesday_, i. 18.]

[Footnote 3: Romney. It is not here stated whether William's men had been sent from Hastings thither, or whether part of his fleet had gone astray in the voyage, and landed there. _Domesday_ says of Dover, 'In ipso primo adventu ejus in Angliam _fuit ipsa villa combusta_.']

[Footnote 4: Edwin and Morcar.]

[Footnote 5: Edgar Atheling.]

[Footnote 6: Wace had, in narrating Swain's success in overrunning England, i. 327, observed upon the facility afforded to an invader by the scarcity of fortified posts:

N'i aveit gaires fortelesce, Ne tur de pierre ne bretesce, Se n'esteit en vieille cité, Ki close fust d'antiquité. Maiz li barunz de Normendie, Quant il orent la seignorie, Firent chastels e fermetez, Turs de pierre, murs e fossez. ]

[Footnote 7: _Benoit_ goes on to narrate at much greater length the events subsequent to the battle. Wace passes very lightly over English internal affairs, of which he probably knew and cared little, and which were, moreover, foreign to the plan of his work. The _Saxon Chronicle_ says of the coronation: 'Then on Midwinter day archbishop Aldred hallowed him to king at Westminster, and gave him possession with the books of Christ; and also swore him, ere that he would set the crown upon his head, that he would as well govern this nation as any king before him best did, if they would be faithful to him.' See as to the chronology of William's life and age Sir Harris Nicolas's _Chronology of History_, 279.]

[Footnote 8: In the words of the original,

Dona chastels, dona citez, Dona maneirs, dona comtez, Dona terres, as vavassors Dona altres rentes plusors. ]

[Footnote 9: By the supposed charter of William in _Rymer_, he thus declares: 'This also we command, that all have and hold the law of Edward the king in all things,--audactis hiis quas constituimus ad utilitatem Anglorum;' which his son Henry expresses thus: 'Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo, cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus eam emendavit, consilio baronum suorum.' See the laws of William in the Proofs and Illustrations, p. lxxxix, to Palgrave's _Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth_, vol. i.]

[Footnote 10: William went first in March, 1067. It is to be regretted that Wace did not avail himself of the glowing description of the wealth and splendour of William's retinue, the joy of all classes, the universal festival occasioned by his triumphal return to Normandy, as contained in _William of Poitiers_, p. 210.] [Footnote 11:

King William bithougt him also of that folke that was vorlorne, And slayn also through him in the battaile biforne; And ther as the bataile was, an abbey he let rere Of Seint Martin, for the soules that there slayn were; And the monkes well ynough feffed without fayle, That is called in Englonde ABBEY OF BATAILE.

So far ROBERT OF GLOCESTER. William, speaking for himself in his foundation charter in Dugdale's _Monasticon_,(where see all the details of the foundation), gives the following account of his motives and proceedings. 'Notum facio omnibus, &c.--quod cum in Angliam venissem, et in finibus Hastingiæ, cum exercitu applicuissem contra hostes meos, qui mini regnum Angliæ injustè conabantur auferre, in procinctu belli, jam armatus, coram baronibus et militibus meis, cum favore omnium, ad eorum corda roboranda, votum feci, ecclesiam quandam ad honorem Dei construere, pro communi salute, si per Dei gratiam obtinere possem victoriam. Quam cum essemus adepti, votum Deo solvens, in honorem Sanctæ Trinitatis, et beati Martini, confessoris Christi, ecclesiam construxi; pro salute animæ meæ et antecessoris mei regis Eadwardi, et uxoris meæ Mathildis reginæ, et successorum meorum in regno; et pro salute omnium quorum labore et auxilio regnum obtinui; et illorum maximè qui in ipso hello occubuerunt.' The _Chronicle_ of Battle Abbey (Cott. MS. Dom. A. ii.) is precise as to the localities of the battle. It states that Harold came 'ad locum qui nunc BELLUM nuncupatur,'--and that William arrayed himself to oppose him, 'equitum cuneis circum septus'--'ad locum collis qui HETHELANDE dicitur, a parte Hastingarum situm.' Hethelande is afterwards mentioned as part of the abbey's possessions. In this Chronicle is contained one of the most curious historical and legal relics of the twelfth century; the record of a suit, as to jurisdiction, between the bishop of Chichester and the abbot of Battle, which has been printed in Palgrave's _Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth_. One of the barons present observes of the battle, that William obtained his crown by it, 'nosque omnes opulentiâ maxima ditati sumus.']

[Footnote 12: This expedition took place at the end of July, 1087.]

[Footnote 13: Et quia strepitus Rotomagi, quæ populosa civitas est, intolerabilis erat ægrotanti, extra urbem ipse rex præcepit se aufferi, ad ecclesiam Sancti Gervasii, in colle sitam occidentali; _Ordericus Vit._ vii. 656. A priory was attached to the church of St. Gervais, which furnishes probably the oldest ecclesiastical remain in Normandy. The crypt, below the apsis represented in the cut at the foot of this chapter, is supposed to be Roman, and coeval with the earliest introduction of Christianity at Rouen. The apsis itself is probably a re-erection with the original materials, but anterior to Duke William.]

[Footnote 14: The anonymous continuer of _Wace's Brut_ gives a curious account of William's deliberation, at an earlier date, with his barons, as to the future state and fortunes of his sons. He is described as proving the qualities and tempers of his sons, by asking each what bird he would choose to be, if doomed to assume that form:

Si Dex, ki est tuit puissant, De vus eust fait oisel volant, De tuz icels ki pount voler Laquelle voldriez resembler?

Robert selects the esperver, and William the eagle, but Henry, 'k'en clergie esteit fundé'--'mult sagement ad parlé,' and chose the estornele. The whole story forms a curious and interesting apologue. The 'grantz clers de phylosophie, e los mestres de grant clergie, e les sages homes de son poer,' are described as assembled on this occasion, 'a un parlement;' and the king opens the session with a royal speech, perhaps the earliest of the sort on record:

Seignors! dist il, ki estes ici, De vostre venue mult vus merci. De voz sens et vostre saver Ore endreit en ai mester; Pur ceo vus pri e requer K'entre vus voillez traiter, &c.

The story forms a distinct fabliau in the MSS. Cotton. Cleop. A. xii.]

[Footnote 15: _Orderic_ puts the same observation into William's mouth. History fully proves its justice.]

[Footnote 16: This confession may appear to be an odd commentary on the tenor of Wace's preceding history of the events leading to the conquest. It was perhaps in some quarters unpalatable here, for Duchesne's MS. reads directly the opposite:

'Engleterre ai cunquise a dreit.'

_Orderic_ gives the confession, but less explicitly, thus: 'Neminem Anglici regni constituo hæredem.... Fasces igitur hujus regni, quod cum tot peccatis obtinui, nulli audeo tradere nisi Deo solo.' See the note on this passage in _Lyttleton's Hen. II._ vol. i. 397. Possibly William's admission would not, in his day, be understood as being at variance with any of the details given by Wace and other Norman historians. Harold, as we have seen, is treated as assuming with his brother Gurth the perfect moral and legal validity of his title as against William, and yet as shrinking from a personal contest with one to whom he had de facto, though by stratagem, become bound in allegiance. And William might, in a similar train of reasoning, maintain all the facts asserted by the Normans, bearing on the moral justice of the case as between him and Harold, and his personal right to punish treason in his man, and yet admit that Harold, having obtained by the gift of Edward, and by election and consecration, a strictly legal title, his eviction was tortuous, and could give his conqueror no right except that of force--none that he could lawfully transmit. _Benoit_ states his title by conquest, not in the mitigated sense in which that word has been used by some of our legal antiquaries, but in its harshest application:

Deu regne est mais la seignori As eirs estraiz de Normendie: CUNQUISE l'unt cum chevalier Au FER TRENCHANT e al acier.

His account of William's speech is in our appendix.]