CHAPTER XI
AFTERWARDS
So far as consecutive dated documents go, Mary's history comes to an end with her open marriage, for this last chapter is largely made up of odds and ends of information, undated letters, dated scraps, as tantalizing in their laconic information as the fuller undated letters in their vagueness. When possible from internal evidence, the letters have been dated, but generally this is not so, and they are chiefly valuable as accentuating that pleasant trait in Mary's character, already noticed in her history, her readiness to use her influence to help her dependents. The letters are with few exceptions addressed to Wolsey, and they show in their language, which one cannot help but believe to be the expression of genuine feeling, that she never forgot his help in her time of trouble. With one exception, the question of the divorce of Katharine, we have absolutely no data to show what was her attitude towards the circling events of the ensuing eighteen years, and this chapter is found to bear the same relation to the foregoing ones as the stick does to the rocket.
Suffolk and Wolsey were busy for months over the marriage question, but one of the first things the Duke found time to do was to retrieve his daughter Anne from the care of Lady Margaret of Savoy.[458] He wrote to her on May 30, 1515, thanking her for her care of the child, whom he had intended to have left permanently in her charge, but as the French Queen desired her presence, he was sending Sir Edward Guildford to bring her home.
[458] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 529. Add. MS. 14,840.
So far as the jewels and plate were concerned,[459] Sir Wm. Sidney had no success in his mission to Francis. Neither jewels nor plate were forthcoming, so Sir Richard Wingfield,[460] who knew all the intricacies of the affair, was commissioned to go to the French King. Sir Richard was very unwilling to undertake the journey to Lyons, where was Francis; "nevertheless, if my voyage shall proceed, I trust it is not the King's highness mind that I should jeopard my life with him, for if I had one hundred lives I lever jeopard them with my prince than one with any other prince." Henry desired no jeoparding of his life, and his instructions were to thank the French King for his consolation of the King's sister; and then, other matters relating to the continuation of the amity having been presented, he was to show to Francis the right of the Queen-dowager of France to the jewels and plate of gold of her late husband, and so on through the whole argument again, dwelling on the fact that the Mirror of Naples is but a small thing, and her own by right, and using all wisdom, policy, and sober persuasions that he can to this effect. It was all to no purpose; gold plate and jewels Mary never saw again, and her income from her dowry was uncertain, and caused anxiety and weariness all her life. During this year and the next, while the matter was still fresh in the mind of Henry, he did not cease to urge the restitution of the jewels, always as a matter of right.
[459] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 828.
[460] _Ibid._, ii. 665.
Mary and her husband had been forgiven and were in favour again, and at Court became quite naturally the centre of all those French influences and ideas which have always had such a vivid attraction to Englishmen. Wolsey's policy, however, was giving way to pressure, and was swinging back to the traditional one of enmity to France, so that the Suffolks watched events with some anxiety. They were in communication with the Duke of Albany,[461] the head of the French party in Scotland: Mary to ask his protection for her sister, Queen Margaret, and her nephews, while Albany[462] wrote in October to Suffolk to ask for his good offices with Henry for him. If Suffolk could only have kept out of the French circle it would have been safer for him, but he was nervous about the fulfilment of his marriage contract as it regarded the King, and desired to continue on friendly terms with Francis and Louise, so that his very fear of Henry's anger drove him into constant danger of incurring it. Thus, in 1515,[463] when Bapaume, the French Ambassador, had been rudely received by Henry, who was annoyed by Francis' brilliant successes in Italy and by his help to the Scots, what must Suffolk do but go and smooth matters over. He was as civil as Henry had been the reverse, and rejoiced at the fitness of the French, and said no one was more obliged to their King than he was, and that, after Henry, he would serve him all his life. He reassured Bapaume, whose fears had been excited by the christening by the French Queen of the new galley, "The Virgin Mary," and said the ship had only been built to please Katharine and his wife. A copy of the ambassador's letter to Louise de Savoie, containing a circumstantial account of this interview with the Duke, and of one more cordial still with Wolsey, came into the hands of the Council, and was communicated to Henry (no doubt by Wolsey, for some reason unknown to us), for in January 1516 Suffolk's matters with the King were not in good order. The political evil was further tangled by the financial one, and by the beginning of the year his liabilities to Henry amounted to £12,000, and they were in the hands of Henry's bankers and debtors, the Italian merchants, the Frescobaldi, and the Cavalcanti, to whom the King very often deputed the task of collecting his debts. There was no prospect of money from France.[464] Francis had taken no notice of an invitation sent by Suffolk to be godfather at the christening of the child which Katharine was expecting, and the union between the English and the Prince of Castile was affirmed by the looseness of that between Henry and Francis. Thus Suffolk, for the moment, had lost his master's favour, and his wife her income. Mary sent "certain jewels and other things" to Henry, to the amount of £1000, and that tided them over the first payment, but Suffolk begged Henry to have pity on them both.[465]
[461] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1025; Calig. B. ii. 367.
[462] _Ibid._, ii. 1026.
[463] _Ibid._, ii. 1113.
[464] Giustinian's Despatches, i. 176; L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1505.
[465] L. and P. H. VIII, ii. 1604.
Mary, however, at this moment had other things to think of, for on Tuesday, March 11, 1516, "between 10 and 11 o'clock in the night, was born at Bath Place (Wolsey's house) the son of Mary Queen of France and Charles Duke of Suffolk, whose christening was deferred unto the Thursday next following," so he was probably a weakly infant. Typical state was held at the christening, for, save the little Princess Mary, who had been born a month before to Katharine, he was the heir to the throne, and Queen Mary was not one to forget that.[466] "From the nursery to the hall door was well gravelled, and above all well rushed of a meetly thickness, and railed round about from the nursery to the hall door, whereat was a goodly porch of timber work substantially builded, which porch was hanged without with cloth of arras, and within hanged with cloth of gold. And also the hall richly hanged with arras." Red and white roses were everywhere on cushions and hangings. The font had lukewarm water, and was in the charge of two esquires with aprons, and two more were there to see that the fire in the recess where the young lord was to be unarrayed did not smoke. Torches lined the way from the nursery to the hall, and there were twenty-four in the hall itself. Down the burning alleyway came the basin, the taper, the salt and the chrysom, all borne by members of the household; then Lady Anne Grey, with the young lord in her arms, supported by Lord Dacres, chamberlain to the French Queen, at the head, and Lord Edward Grey at the foot. The train was borne by Sir Humphrey Bannister, chamberlain to the Duke of Suffolk, and four torches were borne about the young lord by four esquires. The King, the Cardinal, and the old Lady Katharine, Countess of Devon, Mary's aunt, were sponsors at the font, while the Bishop of Durham was godfather at the bishoping [confirmation]. The Bishop of Rochester christened the child, and the King gave the name. Gifts were presented by the sponsors, the Lady Katharine's being two plain pots of silver and gilt, the King's a salt of gold and a cup of gold. Then the company went back to the nursery, where Mary was awaiting them, and presented the young lord to his mother. The baby's behaviour all through seems to have equalled that of his little cousin the Princess Mary, who, according to her father's boast, never cried. Henry's presence at the christening was probably due to his genuine affection for his sister, for he had by no means restored Suffolk to favour, and ordered him into the country till it was his pleasure to see him. The truth was, no doubt, that Wolsey, who was now "marvellous great"[467] with Sir William Compton of the Norfolk party, was deep in the negotiations for the league between England and Flanders, to which Suffolk was naturally opposed, and his presence in opposition at Court was simply not to be tolerated. Suffolk spent nearly a whole year in exile from the Court, though in September, when Henry made a progress through Suffolk and came to the Duke's own house at Donyngton, he allowed Suffolk to come to him. Mary, who felt the exile more than her husband, wrote to her brother thanking him for his condescension.
[466] Wood MS. No. 8495, F. 33, f. 45, Ashmolean Library, quoted in Green's Lives of the Princesses of England.
[467] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1959.
My most dearest right entirely beloved lord and brother,[468]--In my most humble wise I recommend me unto your Grace, showing unto your Grace that I do p[erceive] by my lord and husband that you are pleased and contented that he shall resort unto your presence, at such time as your Grace shall be at his manor of Donyngton, whereby I see well that he is marvellously rejoiced and much comforted that it hath liked your Grace so to be pleased, for the which your special goodness to him, showed in that behalf, and for sundry and many other your kindness, as well to me as to him, showed and given in divers causes, I most humbly thank your Grace, assuring you that for the same I account myself as much bounden unto your Grace as ever sister was to brother, and according thereunto I shall to the best of my power during my life endeavour myself as far as in me shall be possible, to do the thing that shall stand with your pleasure. And if it had been time convenient and your Grace had been therewith pleased I would most gladly have accompanied my said lord in this journey. But I trust that both I and my said lord shall see you, according as your Grace wrote in your last letters unto my said lord, which is the thing that I desire more to obtain than all the honour of the world. And thus I beseech our Lord to send unto you, my most dearest and entirely beloved brother and lord, long and prosperous life with the full accomplishment of all your honourable desires, most humbly praying your Grace that I may be humbly recommended unto my most dearest and best beloved sister, the Queen's Grace, and to the Queen of Scots, my well beloved sister, trusting that [I?] be ascertained from your Grace of the prosperous estate and health of my dearly beloved n[iece] the princess, to whom I pray God send long life.
"From Letheringham in Suffolk, the 9th day of September, by the hand of your loving sister,
MARIE, Queen of France."
[468] _Ibid._, ii. 2347; Calig. B. vi. f. 106.
Suffolk's banishment was not revoked, and on November 1 the league against France between Flanders, Spain, England, and the Swiss was concluded, of which, as Giustinian the Venetian said,[469] the Cardinal of York was the beginning, middle and end. Wolsey had not forgotten Mary, and had tried to get a clause about her dowry inserted into the treaty, "that in case any prince should refuse to pay debts owing to England, as if France were to decline paying the dowry of the Lady Mary, the confederates should be bound to assist him."[470] But the Flemish Council thought this unreasonable.
[469] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 2500.
[470] _Ibid._, ii. 2427; Galba B. iv. 184_b_.
The new year, 1517, brought new demands for the King's payments, and the Earl of Shrewsbury had been dunning the Duke for certain smaller sums. In February Suffolk went to London to go into the state of his own and his wife's debts to the King with Wolsey (the Venetian Ambassador met him at the Cardinal's, very busy over them),[471] and he afterwards wrote to Henry:--
"Sir,[472]--In the most humble wise I commend me to your Grace. And, Sir, so was it at the last time I was with your Grace I went through with my lord Cardinal for such debts as the Queen your sister and I are in to your Grace, for the which it was thought by your Grace's Council learned that your sister and I both must confer divers things before your judges according unto the law. And, Sir, I beseech you that she may come up to the intent that she may do all such acts, according as be devised or shall be devised most for your Grace's surety, to the intent that whatsoever shall happen of me that your Grace may be in surety, and that it shall not be said but it is her deed and free will the which your Grace shall well perceive that it is done with good mind and heart. And, Sir, the coming up of her to see your Grace shall rejoice her more than the value of that if it should be given to her. Sir, it is so that I have heard by my lord Morley and others that your Grace intends to have some pastime this May and that your Grace's pleasure is that I shall give mine attendance on your Grace, the which I shall be as glad to do as any poor servant or subject that your Grace has living. Howbeit, Sir, I am somewhat unprovided of such things as belong to that business, wherefore if it may stand with your Grace's pleasure I would bring up the Queen, your sister, against Easter to both plays, and then remain till she and I may know your Grace's further pleasure, to the which she and I shall obey with humble heart, according to her duty and mine. As knows God, who preserve your Grace in long life with as much health and honour as your noble heart can desire, which is both her and my daily prayer.
"By your most humble subject and servant,
CHARLYS SUFFOKE."
[471] Giustinian's Despatches, ii. 35.
[472] Titus B. i. f. 69.
Shortly after having written this letter Suffolk was annoyed by an incident which might have embroiled him further with the King. It was all through the meddlesome match-making of Mistress Jerningham, who ought to have known better. In March Queen Katharine was going to Our Lady of Walsingham to pray for a son, and on the way she was to be entertained by the Suffolks. The Duke's letter to Wolsey explains the affair.
"My very good lord,[473]--In my most heartiest manner I commend me unto your good lordship, ever more thanking you for the good mind that you have borne unto me, and beseeching your good continuance of the same. So it is, my lord, according to your advice I met the Queen my mistress on Friday last past at Pickenham Wood, and as my duty was, awaited upon her Grace to Walsingham, and also according to your advice the French Queen did meet with the said Queen my mistress at the next place that was convenient nigh unto our lodging, and such poor cheer as we could make her Grace we did, with as good heart and mind as her own servants according to our duties. Furthermore, my lord, as yesterday, Monday, the 16th day of March, Mistress Jerningham came to the French Queen my wife at dinner time, before the Queen my mistress coming hither, and after that she had been with the said Queen my wife, she took her daughter-in-law aside with her, and called young Berkeley [heir to Lord Berkeley] unto them, and there privately ensured [betrothed] the said Berkeley unto the Lady Anne Grey, one of the Queen my wife's ladies and mine. Which is no little displeasure unto me, seeing he is the King's ward, and that it pleased his Grace to put him to my rule and guiding. I had lever have spent a thousand pound than any such pageant should have been done within the Queen's house and mine. My Lord, I heartily desire and pray your good lordship that if any misinformations be made unto the King's Grace hereof that it will please you to shew his Grace hereof as I have written unto you, lest his Grace should give credence unto some other light informations herein, which I should abide by upon my honour, and that it will please you to stay the matter till my coming up to London. Also that it would please your lordship so to order this matter that it may be an example to all other, how they should make any such mysteries within any nobleman or woman's house hereafter, and in especially with one of the King's wards. And thus fare you well, my very good lord, I beseech Jesu to send you long life and good health. From the manor of Rising, the 17th day of March.
"By your assured CHARLYS SUFFOKE."
[473] Green's "Lives of the Princesses of England," v. 116.
The betrothal was of course invalid, and Suffolk got no blame in the matter, but it is a great pity one cannot read what Wolsey said to forward Mistress Jerningham. Suffolk came to Court for St George's Day, was well received by the King and Wolsey, and in a few days returned to Suffolk to bring his wife to town, and they were spectators of the Cardinal's "pageant" when at the intercession of himself and the three queens, for the Queen of Scots was in London, the King pardoned the rioters of the Evil May Day. Mary saw the fine sight when each of the forty men in custody took the halter from his neck and threw it in the air, and jumped for joy at his escape from death. "It was a very fine spectacle and well arranged," said a cynical foreigner. In July they were present at the banquet and jousts given at Greenwich to the ambassadors of the Emperor and the King of Spain on the signing of the treaty of amity. Suffolk signed it, and with it lost, he probably thought, all chance of his wife's income. At Greenwich the sailors from the King's great galley set up the cables for the tilt, and the two queens, Katharine and Mary, watched their husbands joust under the windows of the palace,[474] "like Hector and Achilles," Henry in black and white, the Duke in white, lozenged with crimson satin semé with the letters C.M., for Charles and Mary. Then came a banquet, when the French Queen sat at the head of the table beside her brother, and Suffolk was in the middle of one side opposite Norfolk and old Lady Guildford. During the dinner boys made the sweetest melody with their voices, flute, rebeck, and harpsichord, and after this there was dancing, when the King showed himself indefatigable, dancing all night after jousting all afternoon. The great feature in the whole series of entertainments was the playing of Fra Dionysius Memo,[475] late organist at St Mark's, Venice, and now chief musician to Henry, and so sweet it was, and so enthralled was the King by it, that the Court had concerts lasting for four hours on end. Henry always led the applause vehemently. The Court resounded with song, and there was rivalry among the boy singers and the musicians. Small wonder that Mary, whose tastes were like her brother's, longed to be always at Court with such gay company, but Suffolk could not move without running up against his creditors, and again he had to refuse Lord Shrewsbury,[476] who was pressing for his money, so that probably his enjoyment was not as whole-hearted as his Queen's.
[474] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3455.
[475] C. S. P. Venice, i. 910.
[476] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3487.
Immediately the festivities were over,[477] Mary went to Bishop's Hatfield, and there was delivered of a daughter who was called Frances, for she was born on St Francis' Day. The Queen and the Princess Mary were godmothers, for whom Lady Boleyn, Anne Boleyn's mother, and Lady Elizabeth Grey acted as deputies, and the Abbot of St Albans was godfather. There was great state at the christening, but nothing like that held for the young lord who might become King of England.
[477] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3487 and 3489.
The financial arrangement which Suffolk had made with the Council was an indenture which showed that their debts to Henry amounted to £24,000 due by them at Calais, £600 for their diets in the King's house, and also £2300 for other things. Of this, £20,000 was the proper debt of the French Queen, and £6901 the debt of the Duke. Henry acknowledged having received from them in jewels £1666, 13s. 4d., and was to receive the remainder in instalments of 1000 marks at Michaelmas and at Easter, "if the French Queen so long live and the Duck togeders," and it probably was now that the clause was inserted by which the King waived his right to demand payment when by reason of war Mary's income was practically cancelled.[478] Francis promised in February 1518 that the dowry of his _belle-mère_ should be paid, and gave orders to the officers in Saintonge, and the other places of her dower-lands, to let her representatives receive the rents, and the result was that 14,610 crowns were paid to Henry's representative, Fowler, at Calais. The arrangement with the Suffolks seems to have been that the King's officer was to receive the amount paid by the French, and that he was to pay over to the Queen the proportion due to her after the King's debt was satisfied, and in July 1518 Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's officer, gave receipt for £2722.
[478] _Ibid._, ii. 43* App.
The Easter of 1518, the French Queen and her husband were ordered to the Court at Abingdon,[479] whither Henry had fled from the sweating sickness, out of the region of the daily death-roll. Suffolk wrote to Wolsey[480] to know how the French Queen was to be ordered in her coming to the King, "the which shall not fail to be followed." Mary was always delighted to be at Court, and by reason of her[481] Henry allowed Suffolk to remain till St George's Day. This was an opportunity for the Duke by protestation to clear himself of the slur cast on him by his reported private dealings with the French, and after he had received the sacrament on Easter Day,[482] he went to Sir Richard Pace, Wolsey's secretary with the King, and said he had been accused as untrue to the King's Grace as well in accepting a protection offered him by France, as in putting the French orators, on their being last in England, in comfort of the restitution of Tournay. It was all untrue. Pace listened and reported, but nothing happened, save that Suffolk remained at Court with his wife, and when Henry went to Woodstock Manor, they both went with him. Henry here indulged his passion for music to the extent of having the organs in the parish church repaired and taken to the manor house by two men had down from London for the purpose, and Dionysius Memo charmed the thoughts of the sickness out of his mind. Mary fell ill there and could not be moved, and her husband wrote to Wolsey to apologize for their over-staying their invitation. "The chief cause[483] of my writing unto your Grace at this time is to advertise your Grace that the French Queen cannot depart the Court so soon as was appointed, for, Sir, it hath pleased God to visit her with an ague, the which has taken her Grace every third day four times very sharp, but by the grace of God she shall shortly recover. For, Sir, the King's Grace's physicians take marvellous good heed unto her Grace, and also especially his Grace comforts her so like a good and loving sovereign and brother that it takes away a great part of her pain." Before she was able to be moved, Suffolk again urged his cause on Wolsey, telling Pace of the most faithful love and servitude he intended to use towards the Cardinal's Grace during his life, and Wolsey evidently wrote to him a letter of comfort, promising to help him[484] "to obtain his purpose to his reasonable desires." In October Mary, now quite recovered from her ague, was again in her element, for a brilliant party of French nobles came over for the signing of the general peace, against which was put the delivery to the French of Tournay, and for the marriage of the Princess Mary to the Dauphin of France. They were a constant pageant to the Londoners, for they changed their silken clothes, "the new fashion garment called a shemew,"[485] every day, and rode about the city on mules in companies, a thing no Englishman ever did. But then in Paris, the city of horses and mules, the mud and dirt was such that no man could walk, and the Parisians did not make their river their highway as did the people of London. Mary's old friend Bonnivet was at the head of the embassy, and with him "many young fresh gallants of the Court of France," who were not concerned in the treaty-making, but "danced and passed the time in the Queen's chamber with ladies and gentlewomen." On October 3 the general peace was declared in St Paul's, after Mass celebrated by Wolsey with extraordinary magnificence. The King invited the whole company to dine at the Bishop of London's house, and afterwards they all went to sup with the Cardinal at Durham House[486] on the Strand, where was served a supper "the like of which was never given either by Cleopatra or Caligula, the whole banquetting hall being so decorated with huge vases of gold and silver that I [the Venetian Ambassador] fancied myself in the tower of Chosroes, where the monarch caused divine honour to be paid to him." Then Henry and Mary, and Suffolk and Anne Carew, and Bessie Blount and Sir Harry Guildford, with other lords and ladies, appeared as mummers dancing, and "after performing certain dances in their own fashion, they took off their visors: the two leaders were the King and Queen-dowager of France, and all the others were lords and ladies, who seated themselves apart from the tables and were served with countless dishes of confections and delicacies." Then dancing began for those who liked, and play for those who preferred that, "large bowls filled with ducats and dice being placed on the table for such as liked to gamble," and after all the company had departed Henry remained to play high with the Frenchmen. Two days after followed the wedding of the little Princess to the Dauphin at Greenwich, when in front of Katharine and the French Queen, beside the throne, stood the baby who never cried, clad in cloth of gold, with a cap of black velvet on her head adorned with many jewels. She wanted to kiss Bonnivet, for she thought he was the Dauphin when he wedded her for the other baby with a little ring set with a big diamond, _juxta digitum puellæ_.
[479] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4034.
[480] _Ibid._, ii. 4035.
[481] _Ibid._, ii. 4061.
[482] _Ibid._
[483] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4134.
[484] _Ibid._
[485] Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 594.
[486] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4481.
The Court was now gayer than ever, for Henry seemed to do nothing but amuse with pageants and hunts the French hostages exacted for the keeping of the peace, and Mary took her part in all. She passed the winter months of 1519-20 at Court or at her husband's house in Southwark, and now the talk was all of the meeting of the English and the French kings. Henry had set his mind on it, had sworn he would wear his beard till they met, and Katharine, usually a silent spectator of political doings, had set hers on a meeting with her nephew Charles of Spain, now the Emperor Charles V. She found she could not prevent the interview with Francis, but she did persuade her husband, and possibly Mary here joined her importunities to hers, to shave his beard. The news was carried to Louise de Savoie, who had to console herself with the reflection that "the love of the kings was not in their beards but in their hearts." A good understanding with Francis meant to Mary an assured income, and on the question of the interview she may have been at variance with her sister-in-law. The Court moved to Croydon to Sir Nicholas Carew's place, in February, and Mary went with them, but here she was taken ill of her "old disease," and would not let her husband from her side, as he writes to Wolsey on March 16, 1520.
"Please it, your lordship,[487] so it is that I have knowledge of your pleasure by my servant Lacy that I should ascertain your lordship of the number of such persons, as well men as women, as should give their attendance upon the French Queen at her giving her attendance upon the King's Grace in his coming to Calais. And also the number of the horses that should be requisite for the said French Queen and for her said servants. My lord, accordingly I have so avised you in the bill here enclosed the number as well of the said persons as of their horses. Wherefore the said French Queen and I doth most heartily desire your lordship to take the pain to order the same as you shall think shall stand most with the King's pleasure and her honour, and her Grace will be contented to follow the same. And, my lord, whereas I of a certain space have not given mine attendance upon your lordship in the King's Council according to my duty, I beseech your lordship to pardon me thereof. The cause why hath been that the said French Queen hath had, and yet hath, divers physicians with her for her old disease in her side, and as yet can not be perfectly restored to her health. And albeit I have been two times at London only to the intent to have waited on your lordship, yet her Grace at both times hath so sent for me that I might not otherwise do but return home betimes. Nevertheless her Grace is now in such good avancement that upon Tuesday or Wednesday next coming I intend, by God's grace, to wait upon your lordship. From Croydon, by your assured CHARLYS SUFFOKE."
[487] L. and P. H. VIII. iii. 684.
This recurrence of the "old disease" may have been brought on by the birth of her third child, Eleanor, but there is no record of the date of this event. The doctors were successful, or else the prospect of excitement and gay doings worked a cure, for there is no doubt she was restored to her usual frail health when the meeting between the two kings was in near preparation. Mary "made great cost on the apparel" of her ladies and gentlewomen, and doubtless her own gowns were as magnificent as befitted the sister of Henry. But first Katharine was to have her desire, and Mary was to see the man whose name she had borne in her girlhood for six years. On his way back from Spain to be crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle, Charles V. had arranged to meet Henry before the latter crossed the Channel in May, but north-easterly winds kept him at Corunna for three weeks, and he could only snatch a hurried four days' visit to his aunt and uncle at Canterbury, where the English Court was on its way to Calais. There is a legend to the effect that Mary's beauty on this occasion so affected Charles that he was cast into melancholy at the thought of having lost her as his wife, but it is doubtful, to say the least, that he was moved by anything deeper than natural curiosity to see the woman who had jilted him in his youth. No doubt Mary emulated her brother's attitude when he was told that he had no chance of the imperial crown, for which he had been Charles' rival, and said now, as he did then, that she was better as she was. This pale-faced, silent, sombre young man, busy about the realities of government, was far less to her taste than her rubicund, good-natured husband, her lord and servant, over whom she could queen it in Tudor fashion when the occasion served. The maker of the legend knew more of the hearts of princesses than of emperors, and Mary, true to her upbringing, wore, no doubt, the pretty gowns she had had made for the meeting with the French Court, and would have been gratified had she seen the faintest desire in the eyes of her former suitor. It may have been there, but it found no accredited chronicler.
On June 1 the whole Court crossed the Channel, and four days afterwards rode from Calais to the camp at Guisnes, where the sun glittered on golden tents and roofs. There the King and Queen and Mary were lodged in the house built for them in the courtyard of the castle of Guisnes, under the roof painted and gilded by John Brown, King's painter, afterwards Alderman of London. Since the beginning of April Sir Nicholas Vaux and others had been busy restoring the castle to its former strength, and with the help of many artists, particularly of John Raslett, Clement Urmeston, and the said John Brown, had erected this palace of pleasure. "Mr Maynn,[488] who dwelleth with the Bishop of Exeter, and Maister Barklye, the Black Monke and poet," were "to devise histoires and convenient raisons to florisshe the buildings and banquet house with all," and the Duke of Suffolk[489] was asked to lend divers of the King's arms and beasts cast in moulds, and batons of Urmeston's making for the greater ease and furtherance of the business. The time for the erecting of the house was short and the workmen laboured at high pressure, but on June 5 it stood complete, a golden casket for the best in England. The windows glittered in golden mullions, the walls were hung with golden tapestry and green and white silk, the ceilings were studded "with the King's roses"[490] (of which he had been so nearly disappointed by the late arrival of the artists), large and stately, set in a ground of fine gold, and between the windows were gilt bosses. The chapel,[491] for the service of which the rich vestments given by Henry VII. to Westminster were borrowed, had a ceiling of blue and silver, but all other ornaments and furnishings were of cloth of gold or of gold metal. Jewels blazed everywhere, in vestments, vessels, hangings; neither was the red and white rose absent here. In the courtyard, claret, hypocras, and water flowed all day from a statue of Bacchus, and silver cups were lying by to drink from; but outside, between the gate and the courtyard, was a quiet, green bowery maze like "the garden of Morganna la Fée of the days of the knights errant."[492] The Earl of Dorset had been sent over to superintend the building of the lists and the stands, galleries they were called, after Wolsey's "plat," but the churchman had to give way here to the jouster, and some of Wolsey's arrangements were declared to be dangerous, and were altered accordingly. The tree of honour, on which were to be hung the shields of the kings as challengers, was a hawthorn twined with a raspberry, and was made in England by nimble English fingers. Margaret Davy and her girls made 3000 hawthorn flowers and buds of silk, and the "framboser" had 1800 flowers and 2400 red satin fruits. "The body of this royal albypene or whitethorn was 22 feet long, wrapped in cloth of gold: the thirteen principal frambosers were also wrapped in fine green cloth of gold: also the roots wrapped after a kind in cloth of gold."[493] Before this wonderful production Francis and Henry had the usual amicable dispute of precedence, and it ended in Henry's insisting on the French King's shield being hung on the right side, while his was hung at the same height on the left.
[488] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 737; Calig. D. vii. 202.
[489] _Ibid._, iii. 750; Calig. D. vii. 218.
[490] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 750; Calig. D. vii. 218.
[491] _Ibid._, iii. 704.
[492] _Ibid._, iii. 870; Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 605 _et seq._
[493] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. p. 1553.
Before the jousts began on Monday, June 11, there were visits of ceremony, and on Sunday the 10th the two kings exchanged visits to each other's wives, and Francis was received in the most gracious manner possible by Katharine and Mary, while Claude was pleased and soothed by Henry's gentle manners. Francis was delighted with the glistening show at Guisnes, just as Henry at Ardres was pleased with Queen, ladies (in passing whom "il allait tout à son aise pour les voir à son plaisir)," dinner, everything, in short, down to the velvet carpet in the high room. Monday began the lists, and the queens, all three, met in the glazed galleries reserved for them and talked comfortably out of the roaring wind, while below their husbands did marvels, in spite of the blast, which would hardly let a lance be couched. Many of the ladies had no French and many no English, and those who knew both languages had to interpret for the others. On the following Sunday, Queen Mary dined with Queen Claude, who was in miserable health, while Henry, who had ridden over with her, dressed as Hercules, invited the Admiral of France and other noblemen to share his table in the French camp. After dinner there was the usual dancing and disguising, and it is marvellous what pleasure the Tudor Court got out of "dressing up." Now Henry dressed up as a lanzknecht, and, masked, he swaggered into Claude's presence as pleased as a child. There were musical rivalries too between the courts, but in this England easily bore the palm, for Henry's Court was notorious for its melody, and the Duke of Alençon could not give the King greater pleasure than to promise to send him his servant who played on the clavichord. On Saturday, the 23rd, the two kings, "all clinquant, all in gold," closed the lists, and in a semi-open chapel in the camp they and their Queens attended Mass, and such was their politeness that "when God was shown at the said Mass, which was with great honour, reverence and devotion," and the pax presented, neither would kiss it first. It remained unkissed, for the Queens, too, had the same difficulty, which they solved after many curtseys by kissing each other instead. Then came a dinner, and the sexes were divided--the Kings dined in one gallery, the Queens in their own. "Kings and Queens," remarks the chronicler, "always dined at home before coming to the banquets, and only conversed while admiring the service and the meats. The legates, cardinals and prelates dined in another room and drank and ate _sans fiction_." The next day the Kings met in the lists and reluctantly said good-bye, exchanging many presents, as did their Queens and nobles. A church, they decided, must be built on this auspicious spot, to be called "La chapelle de Nôtre Dame de la Paix," and the chronicler adds a doubtful prayer, "Dieu par sa Grace permette la paix être durable, Amen."[494]
[494] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 870.
Then followed the meeting with Charles V. and the Lady Margaret of Savoy, and Mary saw for the first time the woman whose fortune had so often touched hers, for Margaret might have been her step-mother or her aunt, and had been in love with her husband. Suffolk seems to have lost his love for France by now, and, indeed, though French fashions were the order in the Court, and Henry went to the interview with the Emperor in a doublet and cloak given to him by Francis, the King's retinue were more at their ease in the Court of the King of Spain than they had been at Ardres. If servants' talk is any indication of their masters' opinions, then Suffolk must have been hot against the French alliance, for his servants could "not hold their tongues from speaking against France."[495] If this be so, Suffolk was now definitely in opposition to Wolsey. The trial and death of the Duke of Buckingham, undoubtedly Wolsey's work, for wanting to make himself King, shocked the whole Court and increased this bitterness against the Cardinal, long felt by the older nobles. Buckingham had merely said what they all felt, that the King was surrounded by boys and that no place was given to men who had experience in counsel. But then Wolsey had a policy, and hated time wasted in opposition, and boys did not oppose. Henry was still a far cry from his final attitude when he tried, condemned and executed all in a breath, but even now the wrath of the King meant death. All chose rather dishonour, and Buckingham's peers to a man, and the Duke of Norfolk with bitter tears, condemned him on puerile evidence for a crime which in their hearts they had all committed. Buckingham was no favourite, a quick-tempered man with a bitter tongue, and Mary would be loyal to her family, and without doubt took her brother's view, and approved heartily Suffolk's "I say that he is guilty," for she was indignant at this attempt to wrest the crown from her family, and no other aspect of the case would be presented to her. Neither she nor her husband disdained to profit in the grants[496] from the Duke's estates, which followed his execution and their confiscation.
[495] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 926; Galba B. vi. 186.
[496] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 3162.
The peace between England and France was of short duration, and by 1523 Henry was keenly interested in fishing for a crown in the waters of France troubled by the Bourbon rebellion. One reason for war given in the Parliament of 1523[497] was the injury done to the King's sister, the Queen-dowager of France, in withholding her dower. Mary was parted from Suffolk, who was made Earl Marshal and sent to command the English army in France, which, in conjunction with the Burgundians, was to march on Paris. Suffolk, by refusing to follow Henry's senseless plan of besieging Boulogne, and "by winning the passage of the Somme and unresisted entry into the bowels of France,"[498] encouraged the King to think there was likelihood of his obtaining his ancient right. But there was the usual difficulty of joint arms, and the Burgundians, unpaid by Margaret, refused to go beyond the Somme, "limoners"[499] (transport horses) were unobtainable in the winter, and there were no provisions, so that the army "dissolved and skaled," and Suffolk came to Calais in December with small thanks.[500] He was kept waiting there a long time with his captains "till their friends had sued to the King for their return," for Wolsey and the King had both wrung the uttermost penny from the country and the King's treasury to win the crown of France, and bitter was Henry's disappointment. "But at the last all things were taken in good part, and they well received and in great love, favor and familiaritie with the Kyng."[501]
[497] _Ibid._, iii. 2958.
[498] _Ibid._, iii. 3485; Galba B. viii. 87.
[499] _Ibid._, iv. 26.
[500] _Ibid._, iii. 3623; Add. MS. 24,965, f. 131.
[501] Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 672.
The life of Queen Mary when not at Court or at her husband's house in Southwark was spent chiefly in Suffolk and Norfolk, for when provisions at Westhorpe, their chief seat, gave out, she toured through the counties from house to house and from abbey to abbey, in imitation of the royal custom. Pic-nics and hunting parties were her diversions, and she evidently delighted in the kindly and courteous treatment she always received from the monks.[502] Her household was a large one; in 1527 it consisted of two knights and one esquire, forty men, and seven gentlewomen,[503] and this naturally did not include domestic servants. She had her chamberlain, her vice-chamberlain, treasurer, steward, and comptroller, while her husband had his officers and his council, and ruled county affairs. Mary was beloved by the country-folk and adored by her servants, in whose welfare she took the keenest interest, as is attested by the numerous letters written by her to Wolsey and others in their favour. She was not without domestic troubles, for her husband's former wife, Dame Margaret Mortimer,[504] who owned Somerton in Suffolk, had had to appeal to the Duke for protection against her daughter Anne, whose second husband, Robert Browne, wanted to get hold of Lady Mortimer's possessions. The affair, which in some scenes was melodramatic enough, possibly led to questions about the validity of Mary's own marriage and the legitimacy of her children. This was in 1524, and next year the King openly acknowledged his illegitimate son by Mistress Bessie Blount, and made him premier Duke in the kingdom, with the title of Duke of Richmond. At the same time he created Lord Henry Brandon, Mary's son, Earl of Lincoln.[505] Then came the "King's secret matter," to which her husband was privy, in the summer of 1527,[506] and of which she was probably not ignorant. This was Henry's tardy consciousness of guilt at having married his brother's wife, which increased in intensity as his love and desire for Anne Boleyn grew stronger. What large issues were to hang on the fact that Anne was not as easy as the other ladies at Court. Had she but been a Bessie Blount! Mary was alarmed at this upsetment of all social status, and sent to Rome for a bull from Clement VII. to attest the legitimacy of her children's birth. It was exhibited before the Bishop of Norwich by Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's cousin, on August 20, 1529.[507] Scruples of conscience being fashionable, it rests on these the facts of the annulling of Suffolk's marriage with Lady Mortimer and his resumption of Anne Browne. Money matters, too, were a constant worry all her life long. Apart from the fact that payment to Mary might flow in peace and was dammed in war, the officials who farmed her dower lands in Saintonge and elsewhere did not pay over the proceeds as had been arranged, and she was continually hampered by lack of money, while her representatives in France during the wars were imprisoned and put to ransom.[508] When the general peace was signed with France in 1518 Wolsey did not forget Mary's interests; in fact, he was not allowed to do so, for Dr Denton, the French Queen's almoner, daily waited on him to represent her interests. Once before they had been omitted "for lack of her book,"[509] and Denton was there to see that this did not happen again. Wolsey gave him all heed in the matter, and the dot was set forth by the English ambassadors in Paris. In 1525 the capture of Francis at Pavia left France without a king, and gave the English a chance to open profitable negotiations with Louise de Savoie,[510] the Regent. The restitution of Mary's dowry, with payment of arrears, was made a necessary article in the truce. Wolsey even went the length of demanding the gold plate and jewels, but Louise was indignant, and repeated what had been so often said, that Mary had been married according to the customs of France, by which movables were the common property of man and wife, and descend to the survivor, but only on payment of debts, and Mary had repudiated her responsibility for these. Also "the miroir," the most excellent jewel in Christendom, had been sent to England, and the English might well be satisfied with this. However, Louise gave a satisfactory promise that Mary's dowry should be paid at Calais twice yearly in May and November, and that arrears should be paid up at the rate of £5000 per annum. There was a good deal of haggling about who should farm the dower lands; the French Court wanted to appoint the officers, but Mary demanded the right to do this, and it was conceded. She wrote to Wolsey on the matter, and, if words mean anything, the letter shows the kindly terms on which she was with the Cardinal.
[502] Chron. Butley Abbey, Tanner MS. 90, ff. 29-33, Bodleian Library, quoted by Mrs Green.
[503] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 2972.
[504] _Ibid._, iv. 736-7.
[505] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1431 (8); Add. MS. 6113, f. 61, B.M.
[506] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 3217.
[507] _Ibid._, iv. 5859.
[508] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 2446 and 3535.
[509] _Ibid._, ii. 4388.
[510] _Ibid._, iv. 1093.
"My lord,[511] in my most hearty wise I recommend me unto you. So it is divers of my rights and duties concerning my dot in France have been of late time stent and restrained, in such case as I ne mine affairs may not have ne receive the same as they have done in times past being to my damages therein. And so thereat great trouble many ways, as my trusty servant George Hampton, this bearer, shall shew unto you, to whom I pray you to give credence in the same. And my lord in this and in all others I evermore have and do put mine only trust and confidence in you for the redress of the same. Entirely desiring you therefore that I may have the King's Grace's, my dearest brother's, letters unto France to such as my said servant shall desire. And by the same I trust my said causes shall be brought to such good conclusion and order now, that I shall from henceforth enjoy my estate there in as ample use as I have heretofore. And so it may stand with your pleasure, I would gladly my dearest brother's ambassadors being in France now, by your good means should have the delivery of the said letters with them, furthermore of the contents of the same to that they may do. And thus my lord I am evermore bold to put you to pains without any recompense unless my good mind and hearty prayers, whereof ye shall be assured during my life to the best of my power, as knoweth the Lord."
[511] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1542.
Suffolk's letter a month later is just as friendly. He says, "The said French Queen and I do not only put this matter in your hands, but at all times hereafter shall do in the same as shall be thought good by your Grace, as we be bounden to do, seeing the great kindness that your Grace doth daily shew unto the said French Queen and me by the which you bind us during our life to do your Grace such pleasures as shall lie in our powers."[512] For the last few years of her life Mary's income was paid regularly, thanks largely to Wolsey, to whom she and her husband had cause to be grateful, as they both said.
[512] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1543.
But the Cardinal was upsetting the old order, and life in the county of Suffolk was not as pleasant as it had been. The people had banded and murmured against the subsidies for the French war. The master cloth-workers (Suffolk was the centre of the woollen trade) said if they paid the King they could not pay their hands; the work-folk said, No work, no paying of the subsidy; and they rioted. Suffolk, aided by the new Duke of Norfolk, no friend of his or of Wolsey's either, had to put down the insurrection. Then Wolsey was suppressing some of the smaller monasteries and founding Ipswich College. Some of Mary's friends among the clergy were suffering, notably the Abbot of St Benets,[513] and she and her husband had to relinquish to the use of the new college their title deeds to the Priory of Snape, of Sayes Court (Deptford), and of Bickling. There were changes all round and Wolsey was blamed for all. Still, it seems almost incredible that the Duke who wrote so gratefully to the Cardinal in 1525 should be using in 1528 or earlier every art to poison the King's mind against him. Suffolk had the reputation of being grasping and avaricious, he never dropped a noble unless he took up a royal for it, and his gratitude and his dislike were perhaps both rooted in his pocket. The disaster of the divorce wrecked the frail ship of Tudor court morality. All through the year's struggle with Wolsey [1528-9] Suffolk sang treble to Norfolk's bass, and it was his incorrigible courtier habits which tuned his voice so harmoniously to Howard's, for the burden of their song was that the King's matrimonial wishes were being secretly frustrated by Wolsey. The Dukes used Mistress Anne, as she was generally called, as a lever to hoist their enemy out of office, and when Suffolk was sent on an embassy to France to prevent any _rapprochement_ between Francis and Charles V. which would have heartened the Pope into refusing point blank a bull of divorce, the report was that by his conversations he had put Wolsey out of favour with the French King. Mary did not exile herself entirely from her brother's Court, where his mistress ruled, and a bastard took precedence of all nobles, and where her niece was disregarded, but one would like to think that she did not second her husband in his hunting of the Cardinal. However, there is no evidence one way or the other.
[513] _Ibid._, iv. 3772.
Once the great man down, and the seals of office in the hands of Norfolk, with Suffolk as his lieutenant, the heinousness of the proceedings against Queen Katharine struck both Dukes, and they agreed that "the time was come when all the world should strive to dismount the King from his folly." Suffolk withstood Henry at least once to his face, and he summed up the situation "in two words and said that the Queen was ready to obey him [Henry] in all matters, but there were two that she must first obey. The King, thinking he meant the Pope and your Majesty [Charles V.], inquired immediately who these two were. He replied that God was the first and her conscience the other, which she would not destroy for him or for any other."[514] Henry turned away and made no answer. The same writer, Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador, said that "Suffolk and his wife if they dared would offer all possible resistance to this marriage," and in an age when the Archbishop of Canterbury refused to give Queen Katharine advice because, he said, "_ira principis mors est_," how can one blame the Suffolks for not daring? Mary was beloved by the Londoners,[515] who were heart and soul for Katharine, and her well-known sympathy with her sister-in-law and her niece is attested by that ridiculous figure which appeared in Lincolnshire after her death claiming to be the Princess Mary, and retailing conversations with her aunt the French Queen.[516]
[514] L. and P. H. VIII., v. 287.
[515] _Ibid._, vi. 723.
[516] _Ibid._, vi. 1193.
Mary's health had for long been far from good. This mysterious and recurring disease in her side constantly demanded physicians, with which the Court swarmed, for Henry was a great drug-master. In one letter [undated] she implores the King's permission, to come up to consult his physician, Master Peter, than whom no other in her opinion can give her relief, and her husband seconds her request in a letter in which he says she sits and weeps all day long, and is generally very ill as anyone can see. But here again the searcher draws a blank. There is no information, and one is suddenly confronted with a line in a letter of Chapuys' to his master, "the Duchess of Suffolk, late Queen of France, is dead," and he adds, touching the keynote to Mary's claim to publicity in her later life, "by which the French King will gain 30,000 crowns a year of dower." She died on Midsummer's Day, says Hall; on June 26, says the Heralds' College, at Westhorpe in Suffolk.
Her funeral was deferred for nearly a month to allow time for the representatives of France to be present, and finally took place at Bury St Edmunds on Tuesday, July 21. The strange thing about it is that not Mary's husband, nor her son the Earl of Lincoln, but her eldest daughter, Lady Frances, was the chief mourner, followed by her second daughter, Lady Eleanor, and, in fact, the cortège was chiefly made up of ladies. The abbey was draped in black, and, after the coffin had been lowered, the chief officers of her household brake their staves of office, and, weeping, cast them into the grave, and the French herald cried aloud, "Pray for the soul of the right high excellent princess and right Christian Queen, Mary, late French Queen, and for all Christian souls." Then they left her lying under the device which had blazed so gloriously in Abbeville and in Paris,
LA VOLONTÉ DE DIEU ME SUFFIT.
APPENDIX
I. Papers relating to the preparations for the marriage of Princess Mary to the Prince of Castile at Calais in May 1514.
i [Cotton MSS. Vitellius, xi. 150.] The margins are burnt.
For the transporting of Lady Mary, princesse of Castell.
First it may please the King's grace to name some honorable aged person to be her chamberlayne for the tyme. And he to devise for thapparell of her chamber and for officers of the same.
Item to Appoint some sadde personne to be tresourer of her chamber for the tyme. And that he devise plate for her chamber, coubbord and Ewry.
[Sidenote: [ ]r Edmund.] Item to Appointe an almosyner and confessor both in one persone, certayne chaplayns and a clerk of the closet. And the same clerke to devise the ornaments and other stuffe necessarie for her chapell.
[Sidenote: [ ] Jernyngham.] Item to Appointe a master of her horse. And he to provyde palfrais, litters, Sadils, and Apparell for the said palfrais.
[Sidenote: My lady of Oxford.] Item that it may please the qwenis grace to name some honorable personage to be her Lady Maistres.
Item to Appoint certayn other Ladies the whiche with thear attendaunce gevyng uppon the said Ladie Maistres. And by her advise have the charge to devise for thapparell of her person.
Item to Appoint other Ladies and Gentilwomen wherof some to Attende and some to serve in the Chamber of the said princess and some to contynue in her service in flaundres.
Wardrobe of Beds.
ii [_Ibid._, 145.] The margins are burnt.
Hereafter ensuyth such stuff as is nede [burnt] be provided for my ladie the princesse of [Castell] and aswell for her wardrop of beddes as [for] her stable against the solempnization of her marriage.
The words enclosed and in italics have been substituted for others in a hand which seems to be Wolsey's.
First her bedde chamber to be hanged with cloth of gold (_with a border imbrodred with her bagies or any other devi[se]_).
[Sidenote: All these pieces to be had out of the Kyngs wardrobe or in default therof in london [in Wolsey's hand?].] Item for the said chamber a large trussing bedde with colour tester and counterpoint of [the fine] cloth of golde, with Curtaynes of Damaske. Item a chayar of cloth of gold. Item iiij longe and large carpetts to cover the floure of the same chamber. Item v cussions of cloth of golde (_1 rycher then the other_) iii long and ii shorte.
Item smale carpetts for windowes, borde and cobords (v) at the lest (_of velvet of cramosyne_) and as many carpetts of wolle for every day.
Item a fethyr bedde of fine doune with a bolster, ij pillows, (v) smale pillowes for to take the say [_i.e._ for crossing the sea] and for every of them iij pilowe beers off fyne holland cloth.
Item iiij pair of fyne shets and ij pair of fustians for the said trussing bedde.
Item a palet bedde (of feddars) with bolster furnisshed with shets (iii payr) fustians (ii payre) and counterpoint (ii) for the gentelwomen that shall lie in the said chamber.
For the secound chamber.
[Sidenote: [The]s must be provydyd [in] flaundres. [ ] flemesse elnes. [ ] border.] First a riche story of Aras gold & silver (_of iiij yards depe_) with a border of her armys and bagies for a remembraunce (_of ij fote depe paid_ [?] _the flemysshe elne xv.s._).
Item a large sparver of cloth of golde (_with the same storye grevyne in toto of cramosyn velvet pourpale, the velvet embrodred with her bagies and other devise_) with a counterpoint of the same, the curteyns of the same sparver to be of (_double [[sarsene]t?] pourpale with the colors that the cloth of golde and velvet hath_).
Item a Chaiar of cloth of golde for the same chamber with v cossions of cloth of golde iij longe and ij shorte.
Item a fether bedde of fyne doune with a bolster and ij pillowes with shetis, fustians and pillowebeers as is appointed for the trussing bedde.
Item a longe and large carpet for the borde (_under the fete_) and iiij for wyndowes carpetts.
[_Item a traverse of cramosyn sarsenet._]
For the iijde Chamber.
First a hanginge of (_fyne tapessarye_) with bagies and armys [burnt] in the border (_of vi flemysshe elnes in toto_).
Item a bedde of astate with a counterpoint of (_riche velvet and cloth of golde of her colors purpale_).
Item a chaiar of cloth (_of cramosyne velvet embrodred_) and v cussions of the same.
Item a large fedder bedde with a bolster for the said bedde of astate.
Item a large and a longe carpet and iiij smale carpetts for the said chamber.
Item ij cloths of astate the oon richer then the other of cloth of gold.
The iiijth Chamber.
First a story of good and fyne Tapettry for to hange the same chamber with a border of her armys and bagies (_of vi elnes with the border [ ] iiij ft._).
Item viii paillat (_1 fedder_) bedds, every of theym stuffed, with bolster, fustians, counterpoint and iij pair of shets for every paillat.
Item a stole covered with crymsyne velvet, naylled with gilt naills and a smale canape with curteyns of crymsyne double sarcenet to hange a bowte the same stole.
Item a basyn for the said stole of silver.
Item ij or iij large carpetts and vij smale carpetts in store to serve alwaies when nede is.
Item as many pieces of fyne border or tapicerie worke as will serve for hanging of ij or iij chambers when she rides by the waye (_or ellys_ [or else] _the same that she hath if it be thought holl and well colored and honest_).
Item a trussing bedde to carry with her by the waye with celor, testor and counterpoint of velvet or of damaske purpale of her colors, with bedd, bolster, pillowes, fustians, shets and other necessaries there for.
Item ij cofres for her juels.
Item iij cofres for her plate.
Item iij large cofres for the wardrobe for bedds, shetis and fustians.
Item iiij cloth sackes at the lest and cases for [the] trussing bedde.
For the Stables.
First a Riche litter of cloth of golde lyned with satan or Damaske with iiij cussions of the same cloth of golde: with horse harness for the same.
Item a charriot for herre or her principall ladies covered with cloth of golde with iiij cussions of the same; and the horse harnais in likewise.
Item ij other charriots for ladies or gentilwomen covered with crymsyne velvet and for every charriot iiij cossions of the same. And the horse harnais in like wise.
Item a large and a goodlie palfray to be ledde in hande with a sadill and pillion covered with riche clothe of golde, the bordres richelie Imbrodred orels [or else] of goldsmyth worke harnes of the same.
Item a nother goodlie palfray with a like riche side sadill for the said Ladie princesse to Ride alone the harneis like.
Item viii other palfrais to folowe her with side sadils richelie covered with cloth of gold orels Imbrodred upon velvet with harnes of the same.
Item iij or iiij fotemen with riche cots of goldsmyths worke to goo a boute her litter or a boute her palfray.
Item a pase to lifte her uppon her palfray covered with silver plate gilt as the qwene is grace is.
Item a chaunge for the said palfrais, that is to say aswell pilions, sadils and harneis, and also coverings for the said litter and chariotts to cover theym when it is foule wedder, and a change of harneis for every of the horses of the said litter and Ladies chariotts.
Item a closed carre for her wardrobe of the robes and ij chariotts for the wardrobe of the robes. ij Large cannavas and ij borehidis for the said chariotts to save the stuf drie.
Item a bottell horse and sadell for her flagons.
Item a sompter horse for her trussing bedde.
Item a nother for her cofres.
Item a male horse.
Item a nother horse for the grome of the sta[ble].
Item the said palfrais to be provided for betymes and in likewise horsis for the litter, the Ladies chariotts and for all other cariags before specified.
ii For themperours logienge.
First his bed chamber to be hanged with cloth off golde and a trussing bedde with testor and celor and counterpoint of riche cloth of golde, the curteyns with damaske. With all other necessaries ther to belonging.
Item a chaier of cloth of golde and v cussions of the same for the said chamber.
Item for the borde, cubbourd and windowes carpetts of the same or of velvet.
Item iij fyne carpetts to lye on the flowre or a boute his bedde.
Item a pailot bedde furnisshed for theym that be in his chamber.
The secounde chamber.
First the secounde chamber to be hanged with riche Aras of golde and silke.
Item a bedde with a sparver and counterpoint of cloth of golde, the curteyns of double sarcenet.
Item a chaier of cloth of golde and cussions off the same for the said chamber and window[es] a greate carpett for the floure and smale carpet[ts] for the bourde, cubborde and windows of velvet or of wolle and a cloth of astate of cloth of gold.
The iiide chamber.
The iiide chamber to be hanged with fyne tapestry with carpetts upon the cubbord and windowes and cussions of velvet if nede be.
Item a chamber hanged and well dressed for his chamberlayne.
The Prince of Castill.
For the prince of Castill in like forme as the Emperour excepte the prince to have the hall well hanged and appointed and also the chapell.
For my Lady Margarete Archeduchess of Austriche.
First her bedde chamber to be hanged with riche Aras. The seconde chamber also. The iiide of fyne tapestry, a large trussing bedde of cloth of gold, the curteyns of damaske: a chaiar of cloth of golde and iij cussions of the same. Carpetts about her bedde of wolle and upon the cubbords and windowes of velvet.
The secounde chamber.
In the secounde chamber a bedde with a sparver & counterpoint of cloth of goulde & velvet purpale: curteyns of double sarcenet, with all that belongeth thereto. A cloth of a state of cloth of goulde. A large carpet in the floure. A chaier covered with crymsyn velvet and cussions of the same for the said chaiar. Windowes carpetts for the bords and windowes of velvet or of wollen.
Item a chamber to be hanged and dressed for her chamberlayne.
Item to have in store paillet bedds furnished for every chamber wher beddes be, and v or vi besids them for every of the said logiengs of themperour, prince and Archeduchesse.
The Kyngs logieng.
Item for the Kings lodegeing iiij chambers at the lest, to be hanged and well appointed. And a chapell if nede be.
Themperour to be lodgied where the last deputie dwelled in Calais.
The prince in the staple house.
My Ladie Margaret Archeduches in the Tresourer's house.
The King's grace in the castell.
[_Ibid._, 145. The margins are burnt.]
iii My Lady the Princesse of Castell.
First a Cronell for her head of golde & stone in the day of her mariage.
Item a goodlie devise for her neke set with stone and perle.
Item a goodlie gurdill of golde of as goodlie facion as may bee devised.
Item ii braseletts of golde set with stone and perle.
Item on the nexte day for her change a Riche Juell of golde with a cheyne of golde for her nekke.
Item a goodlie gurdill of golde.
Item a goodlie Crosse gilte poisaunt iiij{xx} unc.
[Sidenote: To be provydyd in Flaundris.] Item vi Imags [_images_] gilte poisaunt lx oz. Item ii chalises gilte poisaunt both to gedders iiij{xx} oz. Item ii goodlie candilstiks gilte poisaunt cxx oz. Item iiij Cruetts gilte poisaunt all to gedders lx oz. Item ii Basens of her owne poisaunt to gedders cxx oz.
[Sidenote: To be newly made here.] Item a haliwaterstok gilte poisaunt lvii oz.
[Sidenote: To be new made here.] Item a boll of silver and gilte poisant xii oz.
Item ij goodlie Cuppes of golde the one garnyshyd with why[te] herts [?] the other with rosys.
Item one other cup of gold with portculles and a rose on the top garnyshyd with gold xxx oz.
Item ij faire large potts well wrought either of theym weying cc oz. iiij{c} unc.
Item ij goodlie flagons gilte well wrought either of theym weying cc oz. iiij{c} oz.
[Sidenote: [of] hyr owne.] Item ij lesse potts gilte poisaunte iij{c} unc.
[Sidenote: hyr owne stuff.] Item ij potts of alesse sorte poisaunt cxx oz.
[Sidenote: Thre to be new [m]ade and thre of hyr owne and one with the [cover].] Item xij bollis with ij covers well wrought poisaunt iiij{c} oz. Item a pair of flagons (of frenche plate) poisaunt xl oz.
[Sidenote: Of the King's owne.] Item ij standing Cuppes gilte poisaunt iiij{xx} uncs.
[Sidenote: To be new made.] Item iij Cuppes of Assey gilte poisaunt l unc.
[Sidenote: Of her owne.] Item a whyte potte for bere poisaunt iiij{xx} unc.
[Sidenote: to be made of newe.] Item a greate water potte cxx oz.
[Sidenote: of hyr owne.] Item a spone of golde poisaunt ij unc.
[Sidenote: of hyr owne] Item ij goodlie salts of golde garnysshyd with one cover poisaunt lx oz.
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item xij spones gilte poisaunt xviij oz.
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item a pair of kerving knyves gilt
[Sidenote: one of hyr owne and two to be provydyd.] Item iij salts without covers poisaunt iiij{xx} oz.
[Sidenote: of the Kyng's owne.] Item a pair of goodlie Basins gilte of a goodlie facion poisaunt iij{c} oz.
[Sidenote: of the Kyng's owne stuff. of the frenche plate] Item iij Basins and iij Ewers poisaunt each Basin iiij{xx} oz. poisaunt each Ewer xl oz. ijxl oz.
[Sidenote: to be made] Item a greate Ewer for to warme water poisaunt c oz.
[Sidenote: to be bowgth of A. ys plate.] {Item v spice plats with two covers {gilte poisaunt v{c} oz. {Item xii pecs of spice plats parcell {gilte for powder, soketts and peris {poisaunt ii{c} [burnt] {Item a ginger potte and a forke {poisaunt xxx [burnt]
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item v candilstiks gilte of a goodlie facion poisaunt cc oz.
[Sidenote: of her owne thre and ij to be provydyd.] Item v candilstiks parcell gilte poisaunt viij{xx} oz.
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] {Item a weyving stole to be {platted with silver. {Item a little pirling {while[wheel]. {Item a pair of billetts {with a port a pynne and {two mortues to the same. {Item a faire coffer of {silver to lay in her {Juellis. {Item A Meror or glasse {golde poisaunt vi oz.
[Sidenote: of the Kyng's owne plate.] Item a leyer for lie poisaunt lx oz.
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item a lie casse gilte poisaunt xx oz.
[Sidenote: of the Kyng's owne.] {Item vi potts parcell gilte poisaunt a pece {l oz. ccc oz. {Item xii bollis parcell gilte poisaunt ccc oz.
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item an almessdisshe poisaunt cc. oz.
[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item a rownde Basyn for the Chamber poisaunt xl oz.
[Sidenote: of the Kyng's owne.] Item ij garnysshe of silver vessells poisaunt, iij{l} iij{l} oz.
[Sidenote: of the frenche plate.] Item one chaffingdisshe poisaunt, lx oz.
II. Inventory of the trousseau furnished for the Princess Mary on her marriage with Louis xii. There are four manuscripts, two of which are fragments.
i. Transcripts: Foreign Countries: France vol. v. Public Record Office.
Endorsed:
(_a_) Archives du Royaume. Trésor des chartes. T. 650. 11. Inventaire des meubles de la chapelle Robbes et Vêtemens fournis par le Roi dAngleterre pour sa sœur Marie Femme de Louis xii.
This has been collated with a fragment of the original copy given to the master of the English wardrobe. MSS Cotton. Vitellius xi. 158, British Museum.
(_b_) Archives du Royaume. Trésor des chartes. T. 650.11. Inventaire des chevaux haquenees et haubins, litiere et chariots, &c. fournis par le Roi dAngleterre pour sa sœur Marie Femme de Louis xii.
(_a_) Cy apres sensuyvent les meubles de la chapelle habillemens qui sont robes coctes habillemens de teste manches et aussi litz cielz doucielz cote-pointes Linges cossins et autres utencilles pareillement tapisseries tapez veluz et autres choses le tout delivre et mis es mains du tres xtien Roy Loys de France xiie de ce nom. En la presence, de Messrs Thomas Bohier, Jacques de Beaune et Henry Bohier chevalliers et conseiller dv dit Seigneur Roy Loys de France et generaulx de ses finances par Mess. Andre de Windesore chevallier conseiller et maistre de la grant garde Robe du tres excellent et tres puissant prince Henry Roy dAngleterre et de France huit{me} de ce nom. Les dits meubles utencilles et autres choses donnees ordonnes et establyes par le dit Roy dAngleterre et de France a tres haulte et tres excellente princesse Madame Marie a present Royne de France sa sœur pour le service et usage de son corps et autres usaiges et services. Ce present inventaire fait en la ville dAbbeville le xj et xij jours doctobre lan mil cinq cens et quatorze. Du quel inventaire ont este faiz et arretez deux rolles lung signe par le maistre de la grant garde robe lequel doit demeurer es mains du dit Roy Loys de France et lautre inventaire signe par les dits generaulx doit demeurer es mains de dit Roy dAngleterre et de France et ont les dites Rolles este endentelez par le hault pour les adjointer et recognoistre quant besoign sera et que le cas les requerra pour lung & pour lautre des dits deux Roys.
Et premierement pour la chapelle.
[Sidenote: Tapisserie.] Tapisserie. Andrew de Wyndesore. Andrew de Wyndesore.
Premierement quatre pieces de tappisserie pour tendre la chapelle qui sont de Damas blancs et cramoisy chacune tappisserie de largeur de six damas doublez de bougran vert.
[Sidenote: Travers ou Pavillon.] Item ung travers de taffetas et de sept longeurs de taffetas.
[Sidenote: Paremens dautel.] Item deux paremens dautel mespartez de damas blanc et damas cramoisy a fleurs dor de baudequyn [_riche drap de soie_: Godefroy].
Autres deux paremens dautel pour le hault et pour le bas de drap dor tissu mespartez dont lun este figure de cramoisy et lautre de jaune.
Item ung autre pour le hault et pour le bas de velours bleu et cramoisy mes partyz.
[Sidenote: Convertures.] Item une converture dautel de drap imperial de baudequyn.
[Sidenote: Messals.] Item ung messal.
[Sidenote: Estuitz a corporaulx.] Item trois estuitz a corporeaulx et deux corporaulx de drap dor tissu sur cramoisy.
[Sidenote: Chasubles.] Item une chasuble de drap dor tissu de pourpre avec la croix dicelle dorfroys borde de perles et autres choses complectes.
Item une autre chasuble de drap daras bordee de velours bleu complecte.
Item une autre chasuble de velours pourpre avec une croix de drap dor figure de blanc complecte.
[Sidenote: Toailles dautel.] Item quatre toailles dautel dyapres [_d'Ypres_].
Item une toaille pour nectoyer les mains.
[Sidenote: Coissins et Carreaulx.] Item ung de drap dor bleu tyssu.
Item ung autre de drap dor cramoisy tyssu.
Item ung autre de drap de velours cramoisy.
Item ung autre de drap de velours bleu.
[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les robbes a la mode Francoise.] Item une robbe de velour couleur de pourpre doublee de drap dor jaune sur satin.
Item une robbe de drap dor garnie de damas de baudequyn fourree dermynes.
Item une robbe de drap dargent a louvrage de damas doublee de velours cramoisy broche dor.
Item une robbe de drap dor figure en sorte de damas fourree de pampelyon.
Item une autre robbe de drap dor de damas cramoisy a louvrage dytalia [_d'Italie_] fourree de mynks.
Item une robbe de drap dor tissu sur pourpre fourree de sables.
Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy doublee de drap dor de damas sur vert.
Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor a facon et ouvrage de yeulx doyseaulx doublee de velours sur velours de pourpre et broche dor.
Item une robbe de velours cramoisy doublee de drap dor de damas cramoisy en facon deschiquier.
Item une robbe de velours noir doublee dermynes.
Item une robbe de Satin pourpre doublee de drap dor de damas sur pourpre.
Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor de baudequyn fourree de Romaine [_sic_].
Item une robbe de Satin gris broche dor en facon dyeulx doiseaulx double de velours cramoisy.
Item une robbe de velours jaune doublee de Romaine.
Item une robbe de velours jaune fourree de peaulx de conilz noirs.
[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les cottes a la facon Francoise.] Item une cotte de satin gris broche dor a yeulx doiseaulx.
Item une cotte de drap dor sur pourpre a facon de camelot.
Item une autre de Satin cramoisy.
Item une autre cotte de drap dor blanc frise figure de blanc.
Item une cotte de drap dargent de Venise de baudequyn.
Item une cotte de Satin broche dor sur or couleur de vert et dyeulx doiseaulx.
Item une cotte de drap dor de damas cramoisy de baudequyn.
Item plus sept paires de manches sortables aux dites cottes.
[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les robbes a la mode dAngleterre.] Item une robbe de satin Cramoisy bordee de drap dargent de damas doublee de taffetas noir.
Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent de baudequyn fourree de bougys [_lamb_].
Item une robbe de Satin broche de cramoisy sur or a la nouvelle facon bordee de velours et doublee de taffetas noir.
[Sidenote: La Royne la: la dite robbe a este veue.] Item un robbe de velours noir bordee de Satin noir doublee de taffetas noir.
[Sidenote: La Royne la damee a Mestresse Reding.] [Blank in original.]
Item une robbe de velours noir doublee de martres.
Item une robbe de velours noir bourdee de mynks et fourree de calabre.
Item une robbe de velours jaune bordee de drap dor figure de blanc et doublee de taffetas.
Item une robbe de drap dor figure a figures et tissue de blanc fourree dermynes.
Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent bordee dor et doublee de taffetas blanc.
[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les cottes a la facon dAngleterre.]Item une cotte dargent en facon de camelot en borde de velours cramoisy.
Item une cotte de Satin vert bordee de drap dor.
Item une cotte de Satin noir tissu sur or bordee de velours cramoisy.
[Sidenote: La Royne la: la dite cotte este veue sur son corps.] Item une cotte de satin cramoisy bordee de drap dor.
Item une cotte de satin pourpre bordee de drap dor.
Item une cotte de satin blanc bordee de velours cramoisy.
[Sidenote: La Royne la: la dite cotte a este veue.] Item une cotte de satin jaune bordee de velours cramoisy.
Item sept paires de manches sortables aux dites cottes.
[Sidenote: Robbes a la facon de Millan.]Item une robbe de drap dargent a la sorte de damas de baudequyn embordee de drap dor doublee de taffetas blanc.
Item une robbe de satin vert doublee de drap dargent de damas et bordee de drap dargent de damas.
Item une robbe de drap dor a louvrage de camelot [_this seems to be woven or embroidered in circles or rondeaux_] doublee de velours vert et taffetas vert et bordee de satin cramoisy.
[Sidenote: Bonnetz a la facon de Millan.] Troys bonnetz le premier de velours cramoisy, lautre de velours noir et lautre de satin cramoisy.
[Sidenote: Esguillettes [_points_] pour les Robbes a la facon de Millan non ferres. Les esguillettes tiennent aux robbes.]Item xxviii grandes esguilettes dor de Venise et xii petites.
Item xxviii esguillettes grandes faictes dor et soye cramoisye et xii petites.
Item xxviii grandes esguillettes dor et soye verte et douze petites.
[Sidenote: Manteaulx et chappes. La Royne les a.] Item une manteau de scarlate, deux chapperons de velours noir, douze pieces appartenant aux chapperons.
[Sidenote: Scabelles. Les dites choses ont este veues.] Une couverture de velours cramoisy une autre de scarlate.
Une custode [_curtain_] de taffetas vert.
[Sidenote: Car & grans coffres.] Item ung car clos: deux grans estandars.
[Sidenote: Lietz et conchettes et a contremens diceulx.] Item ung chapeau couvert de taffetas borde velours.
Item deux couvertures de cuyr pour couvrir les dits cars.
Item ung lit de camp avecques pommes dor et girouettes dessus.
[Sidenote: La Royne en est servie.]
[Sidenote: Les choses ont este veues en la dite chambre.] Item une dossiel, ciel et cotepoincte de drap dor sur vert & argent sur pourpre mispartez [_mespartir = to divide in equal pieces. John Palsgrave's French Grammar_] frange de soye de pourpre et cinq Rideaulx de damas cramoisy.
[Sidenote: A la seconde chambre de la Royne.] Item ung autre lit de camp paint dor girouettes et pommes dor.
Item ung dossiel, ung ciel une cotepoincte dor coite & taille dor mespartez de frange de soie verte et dor avecques cinq Rideaulx de vert et damas cramoisy.
[Sidenote: A la chambre de la Royne. Les dites choses ont este veues comme dessus.] Item une custode et cotepoincte de drap dor coite [_stuffed with feathers and quilted_] & velours cramoisy emborde de Rouses [_roses_] & porcsespics [_porcupines_] et letres frange de soye verte et dor & ung Rideau de taffetas changeant.
Item ung grand Lit destat contenant dossiel ciel cotepoincte de velours bleu emborde de Rouses Rouges franges de soie bleu & fil dor.
[Sidenote: Grande Tapisserie pour chambres six de dits pieces sont a la chambre de la Royne elles y ont este veues.] Item sept grans pieces de tapisserie de drap dor mespartez a frange de cramoisy & blanc & bordeures de velours cramoisy emborde avecques armes congnoissances et devises dont deux pieces sont de sept mesparties deux de six mesparties et troys de cinq.
[Sidenote: Sept de dites pieces sont a lune des chambres de la dite Dame. Les pieces ont este veues en la dite chambre.] Item huit autres tapisseries de drap dor mespartez de velours cramoisy emborde de porcsespics & Roses couronnees avec bordeures de velours bleu emborde de fleurs de lis et armes dont deux pieces sont de huict mesparties deux de sept et quatre de six.
Item six pieces de tappisserie riches daras [_d'Arras_].
[Sidenote: Tapicerie simple.] Item sept pieces de tappisserie contenantes histoire de Hercules.
Item Treze pieces de tapicerie a figures de bergeres et bergiers.
[Sidenote: Doucelez a la chambre de la Royne il a este veu en la dite chambre.] Item ung drap de tissu sur pourpre & cramoisy mespartez en troys.
Item ung autre de drap dor sur blanc & cramoisy mespartez de troys.
[Sidenote: Rideaulx.] Item ung grand Rideau de taffetas cramoisy de huyt parties.
[Sidenote: a la chambre de la Royne elles y ont este veues Chaires.] Item une chaire de drap dor tissue sur pourpre.
Item une autre de drap dor sur blanc et frange de fil dor et de soye verte.
[Sidenote: a la chambre de la Royne.] Item une autre chaire de drap dor sur cramoisy frange de fil dor et de soye cramoisy.
[Sidenote: Coussins et Carreaulx.] Item quatre coussins de drap dor tissue.
Item quatre de drap dor sur blanc deux longs et deux cours.
[Sidenote: Les deux longs a la chambre de la Royne. Ils ont este veue en la dite chambre.] Item quatre coussins de velours, deux longs et deux cours.
[Sidenote: Linceaulx & Couvertures doreilliers.] Item xxij paires de linceaulx [_sheets_] de deux pieces et demye toille a troys verges dAngleterre de long.
Item xxvj paires de lincaulx de troys toilles a troys verges et troys quartiers de long.
[Sidenote: Il y en a sept en la chambre de la Royne. On les a veus.] Item sept paires de troys toilles a quatre aulnes de long.
Item neuf paires de troys toilles.
Item deux paires de quatre toilles.
[Sidenote: En a chambre de la Royne quatre. On a veu les dite quatre en la chambre de la Royne.] Item xxx couvertures doreiliers.
[Sidenote: Litz de duvet le lit est dans la chambre de la Royne et le traversin est en la dite chambre Orielliers et Traversins.] Item une lit de duvet avecques le traversin et la coite [_quilt_] fustaine.
Item deux couvertures de fustain pour le dit lit & traversin en longueur deux aulnes et trois quartiers et deux aulnes et demy de largeur.
Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques une coyty de bresel [_red stuff_] & traversin.
Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques une coity de bresel & traversin.
[Sidenote: Deux en la chambre de la Royne. Ils ont este veus.] Item xxvi oreilliers de duvet couvers de fustayne.
[Sidenote: Litz de plumes.] Item ung grant lit destat de douze quartiers avecques ung coity de bresel.
[Sidenote: Deux en la chambre de la Royne qui ont este veus.] Item quatre litz de dix quartiers coitez de bresel & traversins.
Item quatres autres litz de huyt quartiers coitez de gaud [_yellow stuff_] & traversins.
Item deux litz de xij cartiers coitez de bresel & traversins.
[Sidenote: Matellatz en la chambre de la Royne: ont este veus.] Item deux matellatz delayne couvert de bougran bleu [_buckram, but finer than the modern stuff_].
[Sidenote: Manteaulx d'Irlande.] Item deux manteaulx lung de cramoisy lautre de tanne.
[Sidenote: Frese, lun en la chambre de la Royne on les a veues dans la dite chambre.] Item deux frises lun de cramoisy lautre de bleu.
Item une couverture de lit de scarlate et de bleu de dix aulnes et demy de longueur et largeur de deux lez. [_nearly_.]
[Sidenote: Fustaines. en la chambre de la Royne troys. veus en la dite chambre.] Item onze paires de quatre litz.
Item une paire de cinq litz.
[Sidenote: Cotepoinctes.] Item quatre cotepoinctes de bordure de xx aulnes flamandes piece.
Item deux autres de bordure de xx aulnes flamandes piece.
[Sidenote: deux en la chambre de la Royne: elles y ont este veues.] Item deux pieces de bordures fines de xxv aulnes flamandes.
Item ung autre piece de bordure de xl aulnes flamandes.
Ung autre piece de bordure de [ ] flamandes.
Item deux pieces de bordure de xxx aulnes flamandes.
Deux grans tapiz veluz de longueur de huict aulnes on environ et de largeur iij quartiers ii aulnes (_sic_).
[Sidenote: Tapiz Veluz.] Ung autre tapiz de quatre aulnes ou environ a roues.
Item ung autre de sept aulnes en longueur et de largeur ii aulnes et 1 quartier.
Ung autre de quatre aulnes et demye en longueur et deux en largeur.
Ung autre de troye aulnes et trois quartiers en longueur et ij aulnes & ung quartier en largeur.
Ung autre de quatre aulnes en longueur et ung quartier, & deux en largeur et un quartier.
Ung autre de quatre aulnes en longueur et deux aulnes en largeur.
Ung autre de troys aulnes et troys quartiers en longueur et une aulne troys quartiers en largeur.
Ung autre cinq aulnes & ung quartier en longueur et ij aulnes & 1 quartier en largeur.
Ung autre deux aulnes troys quartiers en longueur et une aulne et demye de largeur.
Item xxij pety tapiz dune mesure de deux aulnes de longueur et une aulne & demye de largeur.
[Sidenote: en la chambre de la Royne doit avoir huit tant grans que moyens et cinq petys qui ont este veus.] Somme de tapiz xxxiij grans et petys _cestassavoir_ [c'est à savoir] onze tant grans que moyens et xxij petys.
[Sidenote: Cordes.] Item xx Liure de corde Ronde et plate.
[Sidenote: Canevatz.] Item Canevatz pour metre dedans les charriotz de la Royne qui sont quatre de cinq aulnes de long et quatre lezes de largeur.
Item huyt estuytz de canevatz pour metre les litz de la Royne et a chacune dix aulnes.
[Sidenote: Crochetz pour tendre tapisseries.] Item ung mile grans crochetz & quatre mil de pety.
Item deux marteaulx.
Item deux grans canevatz pour envelopper toute la tappiserie en la garde robbe.
Item troys grans estuytz de cuyr pour metre lesz tapisseries.
Item quatre grans cuirs pour couvrir charriotz.
Item deux autres grans estuytz de cuirs pour metre litz.
Item troys estuytz pour chaires.
Item deux grans coffres.
Fait et signe en la ville dabbeville par moi maistre de la grant garde Robe cy dessus nomme le xiij jour doctobre lan mil iiiij cens quatorze.
_Signé_, Andrew de Wyndesore.
(_b_) Inventaire des acoustremens de drap dor velour Cramoisy et autres Draps aportez dAngleterre a la venue de la Royne pour le service de la dite Dame tant a sa lictiere chevaulx de portement aubins et hacqunees Couvertures de chariotz et accoustremens de chevaulx qui servent [?] a les mener ainsi quil sensuit et premierement.
Le drap et acoutrement du cheval de portement fait a broderie dun drap dor tres riche.
Sellerie.
Plus xii selles de drap dor faictes a broderie pour servire a xii aubins avec tous harnois completz de semblable drap et pareur [_parure_].
Item xii autres selles semblablement de drap dor pour servire comme desous avec douze harnois completz de semblable drap et pareur.
Item plus une xiie autres selles de velours cramoisy pour servire comme les precedents avec les harnois completz de semblable drap et pareur.
Chariotz et Lictiere.
Une belle lictiere couverte de drap dor a fleurs de lis de broderie que deux grans chevaulx portent acoustrez tant de selles que harnois y servant tout completz couvert de semblable drap et dedans la lictiere y a quatre grans carreaulx couvert de pareil drap dor et sur le dehors est icelle lictiere couverte dung drap descarlate dAngleterre.
Plus ung beau chariot branlant couvert de drap dor frize a frange dor tout le tour du dit chariot et dedans quatre grans carreaulx couverte de mesme drap et y a une couverte descarlate pour metre sur le dehors du dit chariot.
Pour mener lequel chariot y a lacoustrement complet de six chevaulx dont les troys ont selles. Le tout couvert de semblable drap dor et pareur.
Item y a ung autre beau chariot couvert de drap dor a fleurs de litz de broderie frange de franges dor tout le tour et dedans y a quatre carreaulx couvers de semblable drap avec une couverture descarlate pour le dehors comme au precedant.
Pour mener lequel chariot y sont autres six acoustremens de chevaulx dont le trois ont pareillement selles le tout couvert de semblable drap et pareur.
Item plus y a ung autre chariot couvert de velours camoisy frange tout le tour de frange dor et dedans quatre carreaulx de semblable velours cramoisy couvert. il n'y a pour le dehor qune toille cirée pour le couvrir.
Pour conduire lequel chariot y a lacoustrement de six autres chevaulx tout complet dont les trois ont selles tous couvers du mesme velours cramoisy et semblable pareur.
Fait a Abbeville le douziesme jour doctobre lan mil cinq cens quatorze.
_Signé_, Filleul.
Chevaulx.
Plus y a dix sept hacquenees pour le service de la dite dame toutes couvertes de couvertures dont les quinze sont toutes blanches et deux de gris plus [?] salle [?] les quelles ont este amenee dAngleterre.
Item y a ung sommier de pareil poil que lescuier de la dite dame dit estre pour porter quelques acoustremens pour laffaires de lescuirie.
Item plus y a dix huit jeunes chevaulx que grans que petiz pour servir a mener les trois chariotz branlans.
Item six autres jeunes chevaulx qui sont ordonnez a mener le chariot couvert de la garde Robbe de la dite dame.
Item plus en y a treize qui sont pour servir a deux autres chariotz de garnisons et offices tant a la tapisserie que ailleurs ou on les voudra employer tous lesquelz chevaulx ne sont fort bien enharnachez pour le present et en deffault quelques pieces.
Item plus y a deux grans beaulx et jeunes chevaulx qui sont ordonnez a porter la lictiere dicelle dame.
Fait comme dessous a Abbeville le xij jour doctobre lan cinq cens et quatorze.
_Signé_, Filleul.
ii. Two documents in English. Letters & Papers Henry viii., vol. i., No. 5491.--
_a._ List of the gownes devised for the Princess Mary being the same in English as already given in the more complete French document. At the end comes the following in a fragmentary fashion.
Jaketts for her fotemen.
Furst iij Jaketts of white cloth of golde guilted with scales and crymosyn velvet paled with cloth of golde te be Inbrodred with a porcapin and a Rose.
Jaketts for the secounde sorte.
Item iij Jaketts of Tawny cloth of golde of damaske & blew velvet to be Inbrodred with the fleurs de lyee & a Rose.
Jaketts for the iij sorte.
Item iij Jaketts of grene velvet to be Inbrodred with Roses of a colour and the sun.
For the closet.
A gown of crymesyn cloth of golde of Damaske with a border of black velvet Inbrodred to be made a Vestment & the border of the same to serve to the same Vestment takyng certayn lettres owt of the same.
Item a riche awtar (altar) cloth of crymesyn and purpull cloth of goolde tissuwe.
Item a nother awtar cloth of cloth of bawdekyne.
Item a nother of crymesyn and bleue velvet.
Item cusshons of white cloth of golde of damaske.
Item a cusshon of bleue velvet with fleurs of golde wrought in one.
Yet for the closet.
Item a remanent of crymesyn cloth of golde of tissewe to make a cushon & ij corpvs cases.
_b. Endorsed_, Amadas bill. [_Robert Amadas was the King's goldsmith._] _Headed._ Parcells dellyveryd unto the Frenche quenys us as followth.
[_omiting weights, prices & moneys paid for making._]
Item a grete seall of sylver gravyn with the devices of England and the devices of Fraunce.
Item a nother seall of provune golde.
Item for a devyce of provune gollde with iiij Roses.
Item a nother device of provune gollde with perills & dyamonds.
Item a Braselet of provune gollde with perylls.
Item a nother Braselet of provune gollde with Rubys and Rosis.
Item for Settynge of ix Rubys in provune gollde.
Item an M of provune gollde with a grette Ballas & a Dyamond.
Item 1. Bedstonys [_Beadstones_] of fyne gollde enamellyd with Blake.
Item 1. paire of augulletts of provune gollde.
Item the v. oz. wayght of provune gollde that was put to the Frensch quenis Bawdrike.
Item for iij chaynnis of fyne gollde.
Item Dellyveryd in fyne gollde for the garnyshynge of the French quenes frontylletts.
Item Dellyveryd more in fyne gollde for frontylletts.
Item Dellyveryd in Sylver for the garnyshynge of iiij Carvynge Knyvys.
Item for makynge & gylldynge of the every [knife].
Item payd to the Butler for gravynge of the sayd knyvis & gylldyng of the bladys.
Item for makyng of a Case to the Kyngs collar of the Garter.
Item for New of a gyllte potte to a mache _[match_] that master Cumton [_Compton_] hathe in hys ckepynge [_sic_] wayning more then the olld potte be ii. oz.
Item Dellyveryd to Harre holltesweler [_Henry Holtesweller, the King's Flemish goldsmith_] for a device or a Bawdryke iiij Rossys sette with Dyamonds, Rubys and perylls & v Rvbys sette in colletts (?) iij of Them with pances and ij with owte and ix perylls mouche of a sette for the same.
Item Dellyveryd to hym a dobyll sett with a fayre poyntted Dyamonde and a fayre large tabulle Balles with a fayre large peryll.
Item Dellyveryd to hym a brassellet to a mend.
Item Dellyveryd to hym ij treangle dyamonds, a tabulle dyamonde and a dyamonde callyd a dak [?] and a fayre Rounde peryll and iiij table dyamonds and a fayre lozenged dyamonde takyn owte of the Crosse. And ix fayre perylls of the bawdryke to make a device for her neyke as is devised.
Item perylls & vi Rubys all oryentt takyn owte of the M and xii perylls takyn owte of the K to sette in a brasselett. And vi Rossys of Rubys and viiij smalle perylls for a nother Brasselet that were in a smalle casket of Spaynyshe worke.
Item Dellyveryd to him ix fayre Rubys sett in colletts to Sett in propyr flowers.
Item Dellyveryd to him in brokyn gollde of the Bawdrykys and other pecys of chens, casketts (?) and other smalle pecys of brokyn gollde.
INDEX
A
Abbeville, 103, 112, 116
Abingdon, 232
Albany, Duke of, 105, 113, 205, 221
Angoulême, Claude Duchess of (_see_ Claude of France)
Angoulême, Francis Duke of (_see_ Francis I. of France)
Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, 41, 73, 107
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 9, 12, 13
B
Badoer, Andreas, Venetian ambassador, 97, 99
Bannister, Sir Humphrey, 223
Barking, Manor of, 214, 215, 216
Barnes, Jean, 110, 128
Berghes, Count de, 19-21, 37, 46, 60, 66
Blount, Bessie, 74, 234, 245
Bohier, Thomas, General of Normandy, 94, 96, 103, 104
Boleyn, Anne, 110, 128, 231, 245, 249 ---- Lady, 231 ---- Sir Thomas, 37
Boulogne, 50, 111, 130
Brandon, Anne, 70, 83, 220 ---- Charles, 12, 100 ---- ---- Lord Lisle, 49, 59, 63, 64 ---- ---- Courts Margaret of Savoy, 61-71, 77-90 ---- ---- Duke of Suffolk, 76, 88, 96, 126, 130-144, 153, 156, 158, 168, 187, 189, 206, 208, 219, 222, 223, 224, 232, 234, 242, 243, 248, 249 ---- ---- Debts, 222, 226, 230, 231 ---- ---- Letters from, 161, 162, 164, 167, 181, 187, 190, 197, 198, 200, 210, 226, 228, 233, 236, 248 ---- ---- Letters to, 168, 184, 191 ---- Lady Eleanor, 237, 251 ---- Lady Frances, 231, 251 ---- Lord Henry, 223 ---- ---- Earl of Lincoln, 245, 251
Brégilles, Philippe de, 65, 78, 82, 83
Bresse, Governor of, 19, 37
Bridget of York, Lady, 4, 11
Brown, John, King's painter, 288
Browne, Anne, 12, 100, 101, 245
Brussels, 84, 90
Buckingham, Duke of, 99, 242
Bury St Edmunds, 251
C
Calais, 48, 50, 51, 87, 214
Cambrai, League of, 17
Camp at Therouenne, 53-55
Carew, Anne, 74, 234 ---- Sir Nicholas, 74, 235
Carroz, Luis, Spanish Ambassador in England, 28, 43
Catherine, Princess, 14
Cavalcanti, bankers, 103, 222
Charles of Castile, 14, 16, 18, 41, 62, 69, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 96, 151, 174 ---- ---- Letter from, 21 ---- ---- Emperor of Germany, 235, 237, 241, 249, 250
Chièvres, Count, 77, 78, 81, 89, 174
Claude of France-- Duchess of Angoulême, 107, 117 Queen of France, 190, 240, 241
Clugny Palace, 148, 171, 208
Compton, Sir William, 150, 224
Courtney, Lady Katharine Countess of Devon, 4, 11, 224
Crowmer, Anne, 8
D
Dacres, Lord, 223
Denton, Dr, 110, 128, 246 ---- Elizabeth, 8
Donyngton Manor, 224, 225
Dorset, Marquis of, 119, 139, 141, 143
Du Wys, Giles, 24
Dunkirk, 48
Durham House, Strand, 234
E
Edmund, Prince, 8
Elizabeth of York, Queen of England, 4-6, 10, 13
Eltham Palace, 4, 8, 11, 153, 192
Erasmus, 4
F
Fenes, Mary, 110, 128
Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 15, 17; chapter ii. _passim_; 79 ---- of Austria, 34, 79
Field of Cloth of Gold, 238-241
Flodden, 63
Fox, Bishop of Winchester, 49, 50, 66, 69, 96
Francis I. of France-- Duke of Angoulême, 50, 105, 107, 112-118, 127-128, 129, 132, 140, 142 ---- King, chapter viii. _passim_; 231, 240, 241, 246, 249
Frescobaldi, bankers, 40, 222
G
Gordon, Lady Katharine, 11
Greenwich, 11, 97, 184, 215, 230
Grey, Lady Anne, 228 ---- Lady Elizabeth, 110, 128, 231 ---- Lady Jane, 11
Gueldres, Duke of, 31, 32, 33, 35, 38, 46
Guiche, Peter de la, 165, 180
Guienne, 37, 39, 47
Guildford, Sir Harry, 62, 234 ---- Lady Joan, 11, 74, 110, 122-127, 230
Guingate, 57, 59, 60
H
Henry VII. of England, 6-8; chapter i. _passim_ ---- VIII., 4; chapter ii. _passim_; 50; chapter iii. _passim_; 94, 98, 99, 183, 194, 203, 224, 232, 234, 240, 241 ---- Duke of York, 8, 13, 14 ---- Letters to, 122, 151, 161, 162, 164, 165, 167, 181, 189, 197, 198, 200, 210, 211, 224, 226
Holy League, the, 43
Howard, Lord, Admiral, 49 ---- Admiral, 44
I
Ipswich College, 248
Isabeau, Archduchess of Austria, 33
J
James IV. of Scotland, 12, 13, 32, 64
Jerningham, Mistress, 110, 227, 228, 229
Joanna of Castile, 15, 17, 26
Jousts-- At Tournay, 69 At Lille, 70 At Paris, 139-143 At Greenwich, 230 At Guisnes: Field of Cloth of Gold, 239-240
Julius II., 29, 30, 32
K
Katharine of Aragon, 8, 12, 14, 15, 25, 63, 64, 94, 98, 222, 225, 228, 230, 231, 235, 238, 240, 241, 249, 250
L
Langley, Father, 150, 194, 195
Leo X., 93
Letheringham Castle, 226
Ligny, Count, 43, 44, 87
Likerke, Mdlle. de, 73, 85, 86
Lille, 60, 61, 63, 64, 69
Lisle, Lady, 82, 84
London, 30, 41, 49, 96, 97, 180, 206, 234
Longueville, Duke de, 57, 89; chapter v. _passim_; 129, 155 ---- ---- Letters from, 103, 104
Louis XII. of France, chapter ii. _passim_; 106-7; chapter v. _passim_; 120, 122, 131, 145, 146 ---- ---- Letter from, 104 ---- ---- Letters to, 105-6, 125
Louise de Savoie, 14, 108, 133, 190, 204, 222, 235, 246
M
Malines, 31, 42, 43, 66, 87
Margaret, Countess of Richmond, 5, 6, 74
Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots, 3, 13, 76, 95, 225
Marigny, 102, 112
Marriages-- Arthur of Wales to Katharine of Aragon, 12 Brandon, Charles, to Anne Browne, 100 ---- ---- to Lady Mortimer, 100 ---- ---- to Lady Lisle, 82 ---- ---- to Margaret of Savoy, 67, 76-88 ---- ---- to Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 159, 168, 186-199, 204, 215 Henry VII. to Margaret of Savoy, 16, 17. ---- to Joanna of Castile, 17 Henry VIII. to Katharine of Aragon, 25 Margaret Tudor to James IV., 13 Margaret of Savoy to Brandon, 67, 76-88 Mary Tudor to Charles of Castile, 14, 16, 18, 60; chapter iv. _passim_ ---- ---- to Louis XII., chapter v. _passim_ ---- ---- to the Duke of Savoy, 151, 152 ---- ---- to the Duke of Lorraine, 151, 160 ---- ---- to Charles Brandon, 159, 168, 186-199, 204, 205
Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VII., 2, 3, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19-22, 24, 60, 72, 73-76, 85, 89, 96, 100, 102-103, 109-110, 112; chapter v. _passim_; 134, 135, 144, 148, 151, 160, 168, 171, 174, 180, 183, 204, 215, 223, 230, 232, 234, 235, 237, 238, 240, 241, 245, 250, 251 ---- ---- Dowry, 23, 96; chapter ix. _passim_; chapter x. _passim_; 226, 230, 231, 243, 245, 246, 247 ---- ---- Illnesses, 76, 233, 235, 250 ---- ---- Ladies, 109-110, 128 ---- ---- Letters from, 104-105, 105-106, 122-123, 151, 154, 162, 165, 188, 195, 196, 200, 211, 224, 247 ---- ---- Letters to, 103, 104, 149 ---- ---- Trousseaux, 76, 102-103
Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII., 223, 224, 231, 233, 235
Maximilian of Austria, the Emperor, 16; chapter ii. _passim_; 52, 55-65, 91, 174
Memo, Dionysius, 230, 232
Mirror of Naples, the, 109, 188, 190, 203, 207, 209, 220
Mortimer, Lady Margaret, 100, 244, 245
Mountjoy, Lord, 4, 49, 177
N
Nassau, Count, 78, 81
Norfolk, Duke of, 96, 110, 119, 123, 130, 150, 242, 248, 249
P
Pace, Sir Richard, 232
Padua, 28, 29
Palgrave, John, 24, 110, 138
Paris, Jehan de, 101
Paris, 25, 30, 60, 94, 105, 129, 135-138, 139, 145, 158, 189, 246
Pavia, 246
Philip of Burgundy, 14, 15, 17, 26, 89
Piennes, Sieur de, 50, 53
Pole, Edmund de la, 35 ---- Richard de la, 35
Ponynges, Sir Edward, 34, 37, 39
Popenruyter, Hans, 31
Popincourt, Jane, 10, 18, 74, 110
Préjan, the French admiral, 44, 87
Q
Quintana, Pedro de, 79
R
Ravenstein, Lord, 61, 62
Renée of France, 34, 41, 107
Richmond, 11, 18, 19 ---- Duke of, 74, 245
Robertet, Treasurer of France, 105, 108, 120
Ross Herald, 56
S
San Severino, G. de, 113, 118
Sandwich, 48, 50
Saragossa, Archbishop of, 33
Savoy, Margaret Duchess of, 16, 17; chapter ii. _passim_; 29, 31, 61-71, 72, 76, 77-90, 93, 173, 174, 219, 241
Selva, John de, President of Normandy, 98, 180
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 48, 58, 59, 226, 230
Sidney, Sir William, 70, 82, 204, 211, 215, 217, 218
Skeron, Anne, 2
Southampton, 48
Southwark, the Duke of Suffolk's house at, 235, 244
Spinelly, Thomas, 84, 173
Stile, John, 26, 30, 41, 42
Stuart, Queen Mary, 11
T
Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 40
Therouenne, 50, 53, 56, 58, 65, 95
Tournay, 62, 64, 69, 83, 94, 155, 174-199 _passim_
Tournelles, Hôtel des, 105, 137, 139, 148
Treaties-- Cambrai, 18 London, 96, 97, 180, 206 Spanish, 12 Tournay, 70
V
Venetian Ambassador, 77, 97, 117, 208
Venetians, the, chapter ii. _passim_
Verney, Sir Rauf, 11, 96
W
Wanstead Manor, 96
Wardrobe, the Great, 9
West, Dr Nicholas, 153, 208, 209
Westhorpe, 244, 251
Windsor Castle, 11, 15
Wingfield, Sir Humphrey, 232, 245 ---- Sir Richard, 85-88, 153, 220 ---- Sir Robert, 32, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 79, 88
Wolsey, Thomas, King's Almoner, Bishop of Lincoln, Archbishop of York, Cardinal, 40, 49, 60, 66, 69, 89, 94, 96, 99, 149, 164, 222, 224, 248, 249 ---- Letters from, 125, 168, 185, 191 ---- Letters to, 104, 123, 154, 162, 182, 187, 190, 196, 228, 233, 236, 247, 248
Woodstock Manor, 232
Worcester, the Earl of, 96, 105, 127 ---- ---- Letter from, 108
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