CHAPTER VII.
Sunt autem privata nulla naturâ, sed aut vetere occupatione, ut qui quondam in vacua venerunt; aut victoriâ ut qui bello potiti sunt; aut lege, pactione, conditione, sorte.—Cicero de Off., Lib. _I_ , ch. vii.
If you were to make inquiry from a New Zealander as to his land-title, it would be difficult to obtain from him reliable information as to any general rules of proceeding; for he would at once consider some particular case in which he was himself personally interested, and would give an answer corresponding with his interest therein. This may be due partly to the inaptitude of the Maori to take an abstract view of anything, which has been already noticed⁶². But it is doubtless from this cause that persons having competent knowledge of their language have expressed different opinions on this subject, founded on information thus obtained.
⁶² P. 5.
There are three reliable sources, however, from which such information can be obtained.
1. From _Maori_ narratives, wherein matters relating to their land-titles are incidentally mentioned.
2. From Proverbs relating to the disposition of land among themselves.
3. From investigations of titles to land offered for sale, or when in dispute among themselves.
In the early days of the colony disputes about land were of frequent occurrence, and the Government was often appealed to by one or other of the disputants.
From the foregoing _Maori_ narrative⁶³ we learn that, after the canoe Arawa reached this island, the crew did not form a united and compact settlement at one place, as might have been expected. The names of nine chiefs are recorded who dispersed themselves north and south of the place where the canoe was dragged on shore, each going off in search of lands for himself and his own family.
⁶³ Vid. ch. v.
Of these chiefs three went to Taupo, two to Wanganui, one to Rotorua, one to Mercury Bay, and one to Cape Colville; at the same time leaving behind at Maketu some members of their families. In the third generation two divisions of the family who had been settled about Cape Colville migrated, the one to the Bay of Islands, and the other to Kaipara.
From the narrative above referred to it also appears that the lands thus taken possession of were considered as rightfully belonging to the first occupier and his descendants, and that names were forthwith given to a great many places within the boundaries claimed, these names being frequently such as would make them sacred to the family, from being derived from names of persons or things to which some family sacredness was attached.
MANA.
The chief of any family who discovered and took possession of any unoccupied land obtained what was called the _mana_ of the land. This word _mana_, in its ordinary use, signifies power, but in its application to land corresponds somewhat with the power of a Trustee. Thus _mana_ gave a power to appropriate the land among his own tribe according to a well recognized rule which was considered _tika_ or straight. Such appropriation, however, once made, remained in force, and gave a good title to the children and descendants of the person to whom it had been thus appropriated. The _mana_ of the acknowledged representative of the tribe had then only power over the lands remaining unappropriated, which power was more especially termed the _mana rahi_ or great _mana_—the _mana_ over appropriated land being with the head of the family in rightful possession. In course of time quarrels and wars arose between different tribes, so that tribes nearly allied to each other united for mutual defence and protection; and all the _Maori_ of New Zealand came to be divided, for this purpose, into a few large tribes, each representing generally the crew of one of the various canoes composing the migration from Hawaiki. These being frequently at war with each other, it came to pass that every man who did not belong to a particular tribe was considered in respect to it as a _tangata ke_ or stranger.
It has been affirmed by many on presumed good authority that no member of a tribe has an individual right in any portion of the land included within the boundaries of his tribe. Such, however, is not the case, for individuals do sometimes possess exclusive rights to land, though more generally members of families, more or less numerous, have rights in common to the exclusion of the rest of the tribe over those portions of land which have been appropriated to their ancestors. Their proverbs touching those who wrongfully remove boundary-marks show this, if other evidence were wanting.
The lands of a tribe, in respect to the title by which they are held, may be conveniently distinguished under two comprehensive divisions.
1. Those portions which have been appropriated, from time to time, to individuals and families.
2. The tribal land remaining unappropriated.
Whenever land is appropriated formally by native usage, it descends in the family of its first owners according to well recognized rules, and the _mana_ of the representative of the tribe ceases to have any control over it. Their laws as to succession naturally tended to render the greater part of such lands the property of several of the same family as tenants in common; but an individual might and did frequently become a sole owner.
The tribal lands never specially appropriated belonged to all under the _mana_⁶⁴ or trusteeship of the tribal representative.
⁶⁴ Latterly a practice has been adopted of handing over the _mana_ of their land to Matutaera, the Maori king, or to some influential chief in whom they have trust, the object being to protect it from clandestine sales, which have become frequent through the action of speculators in land. The agents who act for men of capital who enter into such speculations are always ready to offer an advance of money as a deposit on land, and when a _Maori_, especially a careless young man, visits our towns he is too often unable to resist the temptation of gold to be had for the mere signature of his name. When, however, such a transaction becomes known to the tribe it gives rise to much heart burning and trouble; but the thin end of the wedge being thus introduced ere long others follow the example, till at length a sort of forced consent is obtained to pass the land, to use the common phrase, through the Government Land Court. It is therefore not to be wondered at that this Court is not in good repute among them, more especially since they have discovered that a large share of the purchase money is swallowed up by costs for survey, costs of the Court, and lawyers’ fees.
Long before our colonists came to New Zealand land was of great value in _Maori_ estimation, and was given and received as a suitable equivalent or compensation in certain cases.
Thus when a peace was concluded between two tribes land was sometimes given up as a sort of peace offering, but in a remarkably equitable spirit, it was always the tribe that had suffered least who, in such cases, gave some land to compensate the greater losses in war of the other party.
Such a mode of making peace seems to have been adopted in case of civil war between divisions of the same tribe, especially when waged with no prospect of either party completely mastering the other, and with the consideration of preventing both suffering such serious loss as would render them unable to cope with a common foe.
Also, in cases of adultery a piece of land would be demanded by the injured person; and his demand would be respected, for such was the proper compensation for the injury—land for the woman. But then a stratagem was sometimes employed, for when the injured man went to take profession, he might find his right opposed by some of the owners of the land who had purposely absented themselves from the conference whereat it was given up. And this unfair practice has sometimes been seized on as a precedent in their dealings with the _Pakeha_; for they have too often shown a readiness to sell lands to which they had only a joint right with many others, knowing well that those others would repudiate their act.
_Descent of Land._
1. Male children succeed to their father’s land, female children to their mother’s land.
So says the proverb—“_Nga tamariki tane ka whai ki te ure tu, nga tamariki wahine ka whai ki te u-kai-po._” “Male children follow after the male, female children follow after the breast fed on at night.”
2. If a female marries a man of another tribe—_he tangata ke_—she forfeits all right to land in her mother’s tribe.
So says the proverb—“_Haere atu te wahine, haere marokore._” “The woman goes, and goes without her smock.”
3. The children of a female married to a man of a stranger tribe have no right of succession to land in their mother’s tribe.
So says the proverb—“_He iramutu tu ke mai i tarawahi awa_⁶⁵”—“A nephew or niece standing apart on the other side of the river.”
⁶⁵ This proverb was also applied in case of a war as a sufficient reason for not sparing such relation.
But there is a provision which can be applied to modify this last rule. If the brothers of the woman ask for one or more of the children—their _iramutu_—to be given up to their care, and they are thus, as it were, adopted by their uncles, they become reinstated in the tribal rights which their mother had forfeited.
A NEW ZEALANDER’S WILL.
Under this title in a former publication⁶⁶ I gave a literal translation of a written communication which I received from the celebrated Wi Tamihana Tarapipipi of Matamata, as follows:—
⁶⁶ Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders. Edit. 2, p. 271.
“A certain man had a male child born to him, then another male child, and then another male child. He also had daughters. At last the father of this family being at the point of death, the sons and daughters and all the relations assembled to hear his last words, and to see him die. And the sons said to their father: ‘Let thy mouth speak, O father, that we may hear your will; for you have not long to live.’ Then the old man turned towards his younger brothers, and spoke thus:—
‘Hereafter, O my brothers, be kind to my children. My cultivations are for my sons. Such and such a piece of land is for such and such a nephew. My eel-weirs, my potato gardens, my potatoes, my pigs, my male slaves, and my female slaves are for my sons only. My wives are for my younger brother.’
Such is the disposition of a man’s property; it relates only to his male children.”
From this it appears that the head of a family had a recognized right to dispose of his property among his male offspring and kinsmen, and that his will expressed shortly before his death in the presence of his family assembled for that purpose possessed all the solemnity of a legal document.
RAHI.
is the term applied to a tribe reduced to a dependant condition by a conquering tribe. The same authority says, “Hear the custom in regard to lands which are held by right of conquest, that is lands fallen to the brave (_kua riro i te toa_). Suppose some large tribe is defeated. Suppose that tribe is defeated a second and a third time, till at last the tribe becomes small, and is reduced to a mean condition. It is then made to do the work of dependants—to cultivate the land for food, to catch eels, and to carry wood. In short, its men are treated as slaves. In such a case their land passes into the possession of the tribe whose valour conquered them. They will not think of striving against their masters; because their power to fight has gone from them. They were not brave enough to hold possession of their land, and although they may grow numerous afterwards, they will not seek for a payment for their former losses; for they are fearful, and say among themselves, ‘Don’t let us strive with this tribe, lest we perish altogether, for it is a brave tribe.’ ”
William Thompson belonged to a victorious tribe; his sentiments therefore have a natural bias in favour of the sole right to the lands of the conquered tribe being with their conquerors. If, however, a member of the conquered tribe were to be consulted on this point, we should learn that he had not abandoned all idea of a right in the lands he had been allowed to retain, and was then occupying. Instances could be referred to where the conquered remnant of a tribe had regained power enough to re-possess themselves of the lands formerly their own; and in all cases where the conquerors have sold the lands of their tributaries the latter have resisted the right of the sellers to dispose thereof irrespectively of their own interests therein.
NGATI-HANUI.
One day a chief named Hanui and his travelling companion Heketewananga fell in with the old chief Korako seated in the hollow trunk of a tree, which he had converted into a temporary abode. Then said Hanui’s companion, “I will make water on the old man’s head, to degrade him (lit., that his growth may be stunted).” Hanui was displeased; for the old man was his cousin, being the son of the younger brother of his father Maramatutahi, that was the cause of his displeasure at the words of his companion. But that fellow Heketewananga persisted. He would not listen to the anger of Hanui, but climbed the tree in order to make water on the head of the old man. And when he had done so, he jeered at the old man. “Ho! ho! now then your growth is stunted because of my water; for your head has been made water on.”
With this Hanui and his companion went on their way. When they were gone Korako also went to seek his son. When he reached the bank of the river Waikato he saw some boys on the other side of the river at play near their _Pa_, and called to them, “Go and tell Wainganui to bring a canoe for me.” “We will bring a canoe,” said the boys. But the old man said “No. I don’t wish you to bring the canoe. Go and call Wainganui. He himself must bring the canoe.” So the boys went and told Wainganui, “Your father is calling you to go to him with a canoe.” “Why did not you go?” said Wainganui. “We offered to take the canoe to him,” said the boys, “but he was not willing. He said that you must take the canoe to him.” So Wainganui went in a canoe, and when he reached the other side of the river he called to his father to come down to him. But his father said, “Do you come up here to my side.” So Wainganui left the canoe and went to his father; for he knew that he had something important to say to him. Then seating himself by his father’s side he said “What means this that you have done?” The father said, “My son, I have been wronged by your uncle Hanui and by Heketewananga.” “What sort of wrong?” inquired the son. “My wrong,” said the old man—“my wrong. Heketewananga climbed on top of my house, and made water on my head—at the same time he jeered me, ‘Ho! ho! now then your growth is stunted.’ ” Then the son said to his father, “Ha! you were all but murdered by those men. Their act shall be avenged. Their heads shall soon be struck by my weapon.” Then turning in anger he went back to his canoe, and returned to the _Pa_.
Without delay he called together the whole tribe, and made known to them all that his father had told him. After the tribe had heard the wrong done to their old chief, they assembled at night to deliberate, and determined to go the next morning to kill those men. Then they retired to rest. At daybreak they arose and armed themselves, in number three hundred and forty, and set out for the _Pa_ at Hanui.
The men within that _Pa_ were more than six hundred. So when they saw the armed party coming to attack the _Pa_, the six hundred rushed out to fight, and a battle took place outside. The men of the _Pa_ were driven back, and the conquerors entered it with them. Then while the men of the _Pa_ were being struck down Wainganui shouted to Hanui, “Be quick, Hanui, climb on top of your house, you and your children and your wives.” So Hanui and his children and his wives climbed on the roof of their house. But most of the men of his tribe were killed, some only being left to be a _Rahi_, in which condition they now remain.
TAPUIKA.
It may happen that a tribe is driven off its lands by a conquering tribe, who may hold possession of the conquered lands for many years, but be, in their turn, driven off by the assistance of tribes allied to the original possessors of the land. It then becomes a question what right the allied tribes acquire in the recovered lands. A case of this sort came under my notice thus: I was instructed to purchase for the Government a piece of land of moderate size at Maketu to be occupied as a Mission station. As I had built a house on this land on a title of mere right of occupation, or as expressed in Maori, “_Noho noa iho_,” and had resided there for some time, I thought, naturally, that the persons, at whose invitation my house had been placed there, were the persons to whom the land belonged. An arrangement was therefore made with them for the purchase of the land required, and a price agreed on. One night shortly after I was awoke from sleep by a knocking at the door of my house. My visitors were a deputation from some of the tribe Tapuika who had a small _Pa_ below my house by the river side, at some distance from the large _Pa_ by the mouth of the river. Their business was to warn me not to complete the purchase of the land, the persons with whom I had contracted being, as they affirmed, only occupiers and not owners thereof; whereas their tribe Tapuika were the owners, and the _mana_ of the land belonged to their chief Te Koata. They came by night because they did not wish their interference to be known publicly, as it would cause disputes. And it did cause dispute when their nocturnal visit and its object was made public the next morning. However a good result came of it, for it was agreed that the question of title should be referred to the decision of the chiefs of the whole Arawa tribes.
A general assembly of the tribes consequently met at Rotorua, when it was shown that the land I proposed to purchase came within the old boundaries of Tapuika. But several generations before the present the _Pa_ at Maketu had been taken by the hostile tribe Ngatiawa, and the Arawa tribes, including Tapuika, had been driven from the sea-coast to Rotorua and elsewhere. When the flax trade with Sydney was in vigour, many of the Arawa natives had been permitted to return to scrape flax for sale to a trader named Tapsell who was stationed at Maketu; and at length the combined Arawa tribes expelled Ngatiawa, and recovered the lands of their forefathers. They then established themselves in force at Maketu, and some of them marked out by boundaries, and took possession of land originally belonging to Tapuika, for their own use. Tapuika did not offer any objection to this, but now said that the land so taken was merely given up for their occupation, and that the _mana_ of their chief Te Koata over the land had never been given up.
The decision of the chiefs of the Arawa, to which Te Koata, who was present, assented, was that as Tapuika could not have recovered their lands if unassisted by other Arawa tribes, the land of Tapuika which had been taken possession of by the fighting men of the combined tribes now belonged to those men, or expressed in their own words, “_kua riro i te toa_,” had gone to the brave.
This decision was important, as it established a precedent of value in dealing with any lands similarly circumstanced elsewhere in New Zealand—a precedent being always a powerful argument with the _Maori_.
THE EARLY SETTLERS.
When foreigners, called by the natives _Pakeha_, first came to New Zealand, they were admitted readily by the _Maori_ to dwell among them. They were allowed to acquire land by purchase, and to form alliances with their families; and the children of such connections were considered as belonging to the tribe of their mother. They were never treated as belonging to a stranger tribe—as _tangata ke_. _Tăku pakeha, toku matua_, my own _pakeha_, my father, were the common terms used to denote their sentiment of relationship.
It is not to be wondered at that every tribe in these islands was at first anxious to have _Pakeha_ settlers dwelling with them, and was ready to admit them to the privileges of tribesmen, for through them they could obtain what they most valued of the world’s goods. But when dissensions arose between the two races, notably about land, and issued in war, the feelings of those who took up arms became modified, and their old friends, the _Pakeha_, were no longer looked on as _matua_ or fathers, but rather as _tangata ke_, or strangers.
THE WAITARA DISPUTE.
It is a recognised mode of action among the _Maori_, if a chief has been treated with indignity by others of his own tribe, and no ready means of redress can be obtained, for the former to do some act which will bring trouble on the whole tribe. This mode of obtaining redress is termed “_whakahe_,” and means putting the other in the wrong. Strange to say, this very dangerous principle of action, by whatever great evils it may be followed, obtains the respect and not the censure of the whole tribe for the person who adopts it.
Being in the neighbourhood of Matamata some years ago, not long before the war broke out in Waikato, I heard in conversation with a chief⁶⁷ of Ngatihaua, who had taken part in the war at Taranaki, that the reason why Teira proposed to sell Waitara was to obtain satisfaction for a slight put upon him by Wi Kingi in connection with a private quarrel.⁶⁸ I never had an opportunity to verify the facts narrated, but there was in them nothing improbable, and according to _Maori_ usage they accounted for Teira having acted as he did.
⁶⁷ Paora Te Ahuru.
⁶⁸ “_Hei whakahe mo Wiremu Kingi_” was the expression used.
The land thus offered for sale was estimated to contain about six hundred acres, the whole of which had, in former years, been thickly inhabited, and apportioned among a great many individuals and families. It was therefore of the character comprised under our division No. 1. Teira and those more nearly allied to him offered to sell the whole six hundred acres, in opposition to the wish of Wi Kingi and others who claimed rights in the land.
That Kingi and his party had substantial claims to portions of this land, and that such was the original ground of his opposition to the sale appears from several letters written by natives at the time as a kind of protest, particularly from one written by Riwai Te Ahu in which he says: “The reason why Wiremu Kingi and his party made so much objection, when Teira proposed that the place should be sold to the Governor, was the fear lest their land and ours should be all taken as belonging to Teira.”
A chief of great influence well supported has no doubt frequently acted as if he could dispose of large tracts of land without consulting others who had rights included therein. But he never thought of asserting a right to ignore _in toto_ the rights of others not parties to the sale. On the contrary, the chief and they who had shared the purchase money would say to other claimants who had not received any part of the payment, either that they should be satisfied out of a future payment (for it was a general, though an impolitic and bad custom, to pay by instalments in such transactions), or that they might themselves apply to the purchaser for payment of their interests, or that they might hold fast to their own.
If before paying any part of the purchase money to Teira, he had been required to mark out the boundaries of those portions of the six hundred acres which he and his party claimed, the _onus probandi_ would have been placed on the right man. It would then have been discovered that those portions were detached and of various shapes and sizes, and in some cases only to be approached by narrow paths, and that some of his boundaries were disputed. For all which reasons what he could have rightfully sold would have been of little value for the occupation of our colonists.
But in addition to any claim of Wi Kingi and others whom he represented to the ownership of portions of the six hundred acres offered for sale by Teira, they had a further right not to be disturbed in their holdings, which does not appear to have been considered at the time.
When the Te Ati-awa tribes determined to abandon Cook’s Straits and return to the lands of their ancestors about Taranaki, they were still in dread of their old enemies the Ngatimaniapoto. It was therefore arranged among them, for their better security, that they should form one united settlement on the south bank of the Waitara—thus placing the river between themselves and the common enemy. Supposing, therefore, that Wi Kingi and his division of the tribe had no land actually their own by ancient right at the place thus occupied, they had acquired a right by virtue of the arrangement made, a right recognised by old native custom, on the faith of which they had expended their labour in building houses, as well as in fencing and cultivating the land, to disturb which, in a summary manner, could only be looked on as an offensive act. We have seen also how in relation to the dispute between Tapuika and the Arawa tribes it was adjudged by general consent that the latter had acquired a permanent right to the lands which they had occupied under somewhat similar circumstances.
There appears little reason to doubt that Teira’s proposal to sell Waitara was prompted by a vindictive feeling towards Wi Kingi; for he knew well that by such mode of proceeding he would embroil those who would not consent with their European neighbours. At the same time it is a rather mortifying reflection that the astute policy of a _Maori_ chief should have prevailed to drag the Colony and Her Majesty’s Government into a long and expensive war to avenge his own private quarrel.
APPENDIX.
MAORI TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP.
_Tupuna._ _An ancestor—male or female._
_Matua._ _A father, or uncle either patruus or avunculus._
_Papa._ _The same._
_Whaea._ _A mother, or aunt on either side._
_Tama._ _Eldest nephew._
_Tamahine._ _Eldest niece; also used more generally._
_Tamaiti._ _Son, or nephew._
_Tamaroa._ _The same._
_Tuakana._ _Elder brother of males, elder sister of females; also elder brother’s children in reference to younger brother’s children, elder sister’s children in reference to younger sister’s children._
_Teina._ _The younger brother of males, the younger sister of females; also the younger brother’s children in reference to elder brother’s children, the younger sister’s children in reference to elder sister’s children._
_Tungane._ _A sister’s brother._
_Tuahine._ _A brother’s sister._
_Iramutu._ _A nephew, or niece._
_Hungawai._ _A father-in-law, or mother-in-law._
_Hunaonga._ _A son-in-law, or daughter-in-law._
_Taokete._ _A man’s brother-in-law, or sister’s sister-in-law._
_Autane._ _A woman’s brother-in-law._
_Auwahine._ _A man’s sister-in-law._
_Potiki._ _A brother’s children, or sister’s children; also the youngest child of a family._
_Mokopuna._ _A grand-child, or child of a nephew or niece._
_Huanga._ _A relation in general._
_Whanaunga-tutu._ _A blood relation._
_Ariki._ _The first born male or female._
_Waewae._ _A man’s younger brother: literally the foot._
_Hamua._ _Syn. tuakana._
_Maronui._ _A married man or woman._
_Takakau._ _A single man or woman._
_Pouaru._ _A widow._
_Puhi._ _A betrothed female, also a female of rank restricted from marriage._
_He wahine taumaro._ _A betrothed female._ N.B.—There is a distinction between a _Puhi_ and a _wahine taumaro_. The betrothed female is a _Puhi_ in reference to her father’s act of consent, and a _wahine taumaro_ in reference to her future father-in-law’s act of consent to the arrangement.
――――
VOCABULARY
OF SOME MAORI WORDS REQUIRING EXPLANATION.
_Ihi_ has the sense of _tapu_ when occurring in _karakia_, or invocations of spirits.
_Kahukahu_, the spirit of the germ of a human being: also called _Atua noho-whare_, or house-dwelling _Atua_. Verbi _kahukahu_ significatio simplex est panniculus; et panniculus quo utitur femina menstrualis nomine _kahukahu_ dicitur κατ’ ἐξοχὴν. Apud populum Novæ Zelandæ creditur sanguinem utero sub tempus menstruale effusum continere germina hominis; et secundùm præcepta veteris superstitionis panniculus sanguine menstruali imbutus habebatur sacer (_tapu_), haud aliter quàm si formam humanam accepisset: mulierum autem mos est hos panniculos intra juncos parietum abdere; et hâc de causâ paries est domûs pars adeo sacra ut nemo illi innixus sedere audeat.
_Karakia._ This word generally rendered by ‘charm,’ does not signify what the word charm would mean, in its popular sense. The word ‘invocation’ conveys more correctly its meaning; for it is a prayer addressed to spirits of deceased ancestors, in form somewhat like a litany.
_Kaupapa_, one whom the spirit of an ancestor visits, and who is its medium of communication with the living.
_Pukenga_, a spirit, the author or first teacher of any _karakia_.
_Tapairu_, any very sacred ancestral Spirit: also sometimes applied to the female _Ariki_.
_Tauira_, a person who is being instructed by a _tohunga_, or by the spirit of a parent or ancestor. He had to submit to a strict fast of several days before he was taught any important _karakia_.
_Tipua_, or _Tupua_, the spirit of one who when living was noted for powerful _karakia_.
_Tiri_, a strip of flax leaf or _toetoe_ so placed as to serve as an imaginary pathway for an _Atua_. In sickness a _tiri_ is suspended above the head of the sick person to facilitate the departure of the _Atua_ who causes the disease. A _tiri_ is also suspended near the _kaupapa_, when he desires his _Atua_ to visit him. It is also applied to signify the _karakia_ used on such occasions.
_Tohunga_, a person skilled in _karakia_, also one skilled in any craft.
_Tuahu_, a sacred place where offerings of food—first fruits—for the _Atua_ were deposited.
_Wananga_, the Spirit of anyone who when living had learned the _karakia_ of his ancestors: thus when a _tauira_ died he became a _wananga_.
TE KARAKIA
Mo te pikinga o Tawhaki ki te Rangi.—_vid._ p. 23.
Piki ake Tawhaki i te ara kuiti I whakatauria ai te ara o Rangi, Te ara o Tu-kaiteuru. Ka kakea te ara wha-iti, Ka kakea te ara wha-rahi, Ko te ara i whakatauria ai To tupuna a Te Ao-nunui, A Te Ao-roroa, A Te Ao-whititera. Tena ka eke Kei to Ihi, Kei to Mana, Kei nga mano o runga, Kei o Ariki, Kei o Tapairu, Kei o Pukenga, Kei o Wananga, Kei o Tauira.
TE TUKU O HINE-TE-IWAIWA.—_vid._ p. 28.
Raranga, raranga tăku takapau, Ka pukea e te wai, Hei moenga mo aku rei. Ko Rupe, ko Manumea, Ka pukea: ē! ē! Mo aku rei tokorua ka pukea. Ka pukea au e te wai, Ka pukea, ē! ē! Ko koro taku tane ka pukea. Piki ake hoki au ki runga nei: Te Matitikura, ē! ē! Ki a Toroa irunga, Te Matitikura, ē! ē! Kia whakawhanaua aku tama Ko au anake ra. Tu te turuturu no Hine-rauwharangi; Tu te turuturu no Hine-te-iwaiwa. Tu i tou tia me ko Ihuwareware; Tu i tou kona me ko Ihuatamai. Kaua rangia au e Rupe. Kei tauatia, ko au te inati, Ko Hine-te-iwaiwa. Tuku iho irunga i ton huru, I tou upoko, I ou tara-pakihiwi, I tou uma, I to ate, I ou turipona, I ou waewae. E tuku ra ki waho. Tuku ewe, Tuku take, Tuku parapara. Naumai ki waho.
KARAKIA
Mo te wahine i pākia nga u i te whanautanga o te tamaiti.—_vid._ p. 39.
Nga puna irunga te homai, Te ringia ki te matamata O nga u o tenei wahine; Te kopata i te rangi te homai Hei whakato mo nga u O tenei wahine: Ki te matamata o nga u O tenei wahine: Nga u atarere reremai Ki te matamata o nga u O tenei wahine: Nga u atarere tukua mai. Tenei hoki te tamaiti te tangi nei, Te aue nei i te po nui, I te po roa. Ko Tu-te-awhiawhi, Ko Tu-te-pupuke, Naumai ki ahau, Ki tenei tauira.
KARAKIA
Mo te whakapikinga o te ara o te tupapaku ana ka mate, kia tika ai te haere ki nga mea kua mate atu imua.—_vid._ p. 44.
Tena te ara, ko te ara o Tawhaki, I piki ai ki te rangi, I kake ai ki tou tini, Ki tou mano: I whano ai koe, I taemai ai to wairua ora Ki tou kaupapa. Tenei hoki ahau Te mihi atu nei, Te tangi atu nei Ki to wairua mate. Puta purehurehu mai To putanga mai ki ahau, Ki to kaupapa, I piri mai ai koe, I tangi mai ai koe. Tena te tiri, Ko te tiri a o tupuna, Ko te tiri a nga Pukenga, A nga Wananga, Aku, a tenei tauira.
HE WHAKAMURI-AROHA.—_vid._ p. 47-8.
Aha te hau e maene ki to kiri? E kore pea koe e ingo mai ki to hoa, I piri ai korua i to korua moenga, I awhi ai korua, I tangi ai korua. Tena taku aroha Ma te hau e kawe ki a koe, Huri mai to aroha, Tangi mai ki to moenga, I moe ai korua. Kia pupuke—a—wai to aroha.
TE POROPORO-AKI A TAMA-TE-KAPUA.—_vid._ p. 53.
E papa nga rakau i runga i a koe, Mau ake te Whakāro ake. Ae, Ae. E haere nga taua i te ao nei, Mau e patu. Ae, Ae.
Transcription note
The following typographical errors (or presumed such) have been corrected:
- *p. 2, l. -7:* By Tiki, by Rangi, by Papa. ——> By Tiki, by Rangi, by Papa.” - *p. 12, l. 6:* Hine-ruakimoe ——> Hine-ruakimoe. - *p. 19, l. 17:* =straight-neck Tane ——> =straight-neck-Tane - *p. 21, l. 13:* (=the tender one). ——> (=the tender one).” - *p. 26, l. 1:* designed to be eat ——> designed to be eaten - *p. 29, l. -3-1:* _the paragraph_ “For tradition as to Tuhuruhuru...” _has been treated as an additional footnote._ - *p. 29, l. -2:* vid Sir Geo. Grey’s ——> vid. Sir Geo. Grey’s - *p. 40, l. -6:* Breathe strong thy long, ——> Breathe strong thy lung, - *p. 45, l. -2:* Traditions and Supersitions ——> Traditions and Superstitions - *p. 61, l. 3:* The _kohukoku_ ——> The _kohukohu_ - *p. 63, l. -5:* in our own house, ——> in our own house. - *p. 63, l. -4:* said Kahu”; ——> said Kahu; - *p. 64, l. -1:* Vid: Sir G. Grey’s ——> Vid. Sir G. Grey’s - *p. 65, l. -3:* named the lake “Te Roto-iti-kite-a-Ihenga ——> named the lake Te Roto-iti-kite-a-Ihenga - *p. 70, l. 19:* and my _ngakoa_. ——> and my _ngakoa_.” - *p. 71, l. 10:* “The name of the island, said Ihenga ——> “The name of the island,” said Ihenga - *p. 88, footnote:* p. 5 ——> P. 5. - *p. 89, l. -1* (note⁶³): _footnote marker missing_ - *p. 93, l. 21:* mother’s tribe.” ——> mother’s tribe. - *p. 97, l. -12-11:* returned to the Pa. ——> returned to the _Pa_.
The Errata of the book has been transcribed faithfully, and its corrections have been carried into the text. However, on p. 21, the word to be corrected is apparently _harekeke_ and not Herekeke. The entry is even misplaced in the list, which is sorted in order of appearance.
Diacritics of Greek have been normalized:
- Νόμιζε σαυτῷ τοῦς γονεῖς ἔιναι Θεούς ——> Νόμιζε σαυτῷ τοὺς γονεῖς εἶναι Θεούς - Θεοὶς χθόνιοις ——> Θεοῖς χθονίοις - Αλλ᾿ ἄγε δὴ τινα μάντιν ἐρείομεν ——> Ἀλλ᾿ ἄγε δή τινα μάντιν ἐρείομεν
In the second part of the Karakia of Hineteiwaiwa, on page 29, all letters _i_ are dotless [_ı_]. The same also for the second part of the Karakia on page 33, and most of the _i_ in the lines of text immediately below. All those have been restored as normal _i_’s.
In doubt, all hyphenized and non-hyphenized versions of the names and compound words have been retained as printed. Thus e.g.: Rangi-potiki as well as Rangipotiki, _Ngatoro-i-rangi_ / _Ngatoro-irangi_ / _Ngatoroirangi_, Te Ika-roa / Te Ikaroa, Rerenga-wairua, Te Whare-pakau-awe, _water side_ / _water-side_.
Antiquate spellings like _antient_, _muscle_ [for mussel] have also been preserved.
Footnotes have been renumbered progressively throughout the book.