CHAPTER XVI

THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN

The political condition of a nation is a symptom of its health or disease. Official corruption is an unfailing sign of national degeneration. Art, science and commerce may thrive, yet if dishonesty and selfishness rule in the administration of public affairs, there is no substantial progress. The real civilization of a nation can advance little beyond the state of public service. When citizens are indifferent to the general welfare, when the rights of the many are entrusted to the designing, when talent is dedicated to the acquisition of wealth or the mere promotion of art, then in spite of mountain high learning and world wide commercial prosperity, a nation is in the domain of danger.

A crisis reveals the potency of the politician and statesman. When war or internal conflict shows its "wrinkled front," then the merchant, the manufacturer, the artist, and the scientist forget their pride. The true politician is the incarnation of civil patriotism and guards the nation during the long days of peace, with an unfailing heroism like that of the soldier in the sudden test of war. The devotion of the civil hero is not spectacular and is often undervalued. The whole history of humanity has been a giant effort to beget a democracy where the genius of the few shall become the possession of many. When a nation cannot command the best heart and brain of its citizens for its service it is bankrupt.

The problem of Democratic government is the maintenance of a just balance between the radical and conservative elements of society, between anarchy and apathy. American history was for a long time largely a struggle between visionary abolitionist and slavery adherent. Northern reformers turned all Southerners into vigorous advocates of human bondage, while Southern radicals finally abolitionized the North. Slaveholders were the children of a long established selfish interest. Abolitionists were possessed of a vision. Neither understood the other. Rock and cloud were not more unlike. Each saw only the injustice in the opposing position, and had no charity for the environment and traditions of the other. There could be no compromise between a Wendell Phillips and a Preston Brooks. War was the only solution.

Statesmanship looks to the preservation of the primal principles of the Republic, favors the general welfare whenever circumstances permit, seeks its progressive evolution, encourages prudent reform, a reform that is not the parent of reaction. It avoids alike the radicalism of the demagogue and the stagnation of the materialist. While stupid conservatism is unwittingly the main friend of anarchy, statesmanship is its chief foe. The stability of the Republic depends on wise leadership, courageous enough to combat violence on the one hand and greed on the other.

Egoism and foolish fears are the chief obstacles of human progress. Self interest being the main source of human action, it is the problem of the politician to quicken the public conscience and convince the community that advancement and enlightened selfishness are companions. Altruism is a large factor in human evolution, yet not so basic that it may be made the foundation of abiding government. It is a high mission to lead the people to the conception of making self interest an every day servant of the general welfare.

Expediency is as essential to the triumph of right as to that of wrong. Cunning materialism may vanquish virtue that is a stranger to wisdom, but prudent integrity never knows final defeat. The following of visions without purpose is as vain as the worship of debasing worldliness. Politics is a larger phase of life than the idealist comprehends, while ideas are more dominant than politicians dream.

In an ideal state diplomats would be no more essential than the physician, lawyer, jurist and minister. Compromise finds its basis in human weakness, conservatism and selfishness. The history of humanity is written in blood and tears largely because men have been prone to passion and prejudice rather than true to reason and judgment. Politics is the art of securing results in government. It is a study of success applied to legislation and administration.

There are few problems of larger moment than the general acceptance of the wisest policy in combating established and organized evil. Civilization itself depends on the manner in which the unresting battle between the constructive and destructive forces in society is conducted and decided. Mighty empires have flourished and fallen, democracies have sprung to life and decayed, dauntless protesters have sacrificed on the altar of conviction, even nations under the spirit of high impulses have for a short time followed the banner of the brotherhood of man. Yet in spite of ages of progress, of heroic martyrdom, the battle is still of the same character as the conflict was on the plains of Palestine, the banks of the Nile and the seven hills of Rome. Human nature has changed largely in outer manifestations, not in essential character. The selfishness of man, vested interests, fear of change, still stand in the way of righteous reforms, which are now as bitterly contested as they were by the patricians of Latium and the barons of the middle ages. In the conflicts of centuries good men have sunk sometimes in a fearless, sometimes in an imprudent encounter with the host of cohesive and malignant interests. Selfish motives unite the supporters of evil, while the forces of righteousness are often discordant and rent with civil feuds. Economic interest is the influence that makes evil gregarious.

Lincoln conceived his plan of warfare on the organized evil of his time in wisdom. He attacked it at its weakest point, its injustice and its bad policy. He made it not only an ethical issue, but an economic one as well. He understood that reform must be founded on self interest as well as on justice. He fought the evil and not the wrong doer. He was aware of the influence of environment on the opinions of men whenever property rights were involved and so would not exact nor expect too much of the individual. He did not favor premature reform, knowing that it was not permanent. A foe to slavery, yet for a long time he was not a friend of abolitionism. He longed for the emancipation of the black man, yet would not buy it by attacks on the Constitution or on the compromises of the statesmen of the Republic.

He admitted the evil of slavery, yet recognized the institution as far as the law sanctioned its existence. So he would fight its transfer to new territory where it had no legal right of entrance. He would circumscribe and starve it, would favor compensated emancipation, and thus slowly and safely eradicate the evil from the nation. His political philosophy is worthy of the study of every citizen, patriot and reformer, of every man who believes in the dawn of better ages. His greatness consists in never having relinquished his lofty ideal in all of the materialism of daily compromise, and in never forgetting charity, justice and policy in his communion with world-shaking ideas.

No man in history longed for the triumph of justice more earnestly than Abraham Lincoln. He hated evil. Still his main purpose was the preservation of the principles of the republic. Rather than endanger them, the larger good, he would hesitate to begin a campaign against organized selfishness. Such battles for humanity require good generalship as well as those of cannon, fife and drum. It is not enough to hate evil, to strike at it in the dark. To husband strength, to bide the time, to await the solemn moment for attack, is political generalship, a generalship that is as essential in the Senate as on the battlefield.

He was willing to engage in the hard mission of educating men to believe that brotherhood was a more substantial foundation for humanity than hatred and selfishness. There was nothing of Don Quixote in his warfare. Democracy was his religion, the source of his strength and the secret of his influence. All that he was, he largely owed to the privileges of the Republic, to the support of the plain people. He believed in them with a rare faith and they trusted him with remarkable fidelity, as the incarnation of the higher humanity. He was in harmony with the onward movement of sanity, justice and manhood. Charity to all was his platform, justice his program, democracy his guide. His spirit is the spirit of the new age. He almost marks as distinguished an advance in American history as Moses did in that of Israel.

The politician blindly follows, while the statesman wisely educates public sentiment. In his political philosophy Lincoln gave due weight to the potency of the general opinion of mankind. He said, "He who molds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes or decisions possible or impossible to be executed." He well knew the principle, so paltrily recognized, by even modern legislators, that it is far more vital to prepare the public mind for righteous legislation than prematurely to pass laws. It would be well to write his supreme statement relating to public sentiment in every legislative hall and judicial tribunal in the whole land. An educated public sentiment will soon enough secure the passage of appropriate legislation, and what is more essential, see to it that it is enforced. The curse of American politics is the passage of multitudinous enactments to please certain organized interests and the deliberate indifference, if not hostility, of public sentiment to their subsequent enforcement. The problem will be far from settled until fewer laws are passed, and such enactments are religiously enforced. Lincoln would not aid in the passage of a law not intended to be enforced or incapable in the common course of events of being substantially enforced, and he recognized that legislation should be a practical science based on the actual character, the ability of a people to move forward. Froward reform is almost as pernicious as selfish conservatism.

So complete was Lincoln's mastery over the masses that many have misunderstood the power of his genius as merely following public opinion. He did infinitely more. He studied the capacity of men for progress, slowly leading them to the higher altitude. Lincoln recognized the limitations of average human advance; that the mind and heart move slowly in the march of centuries. He worked with the materials at hand and builded on the solid foundation of the real national character. He did not stand in the direct way of events, still he deemed it a duty ever to guide them toward the goal of an advancing civilization.

The attitude of Lincoln to party organization is of commanding interest. There was no more valiant, earnest worker in the Whig ranks. None can question his devotion to the routine, burdensome labor of the campaign. In making speeches, in writing platforms, in arranging meetings, in issuing circulars, and in the tiring work at the polls, he was a persistent toiler, a loyal partisan. In the Legislature he usually voted with his associates. He often sought to strengthen the party in the selection of office holders.

He believed in organized political action. He remained a trusted leader in the party of his choice, seldom alienating himself from the party managers, or the rank and file. Still he was no slave of party or caucus. His party, town or state, could not buy or bribe his integrity, or get him to be false to his duty. He believed that parties were useful to democratic government as long as they were substantially in harmony with its deeper objects. Still he did not deem them sacred, and when circumstances demanded, favored their dissolution, and the organization of new parties. He was one of the few politicians in American history who acted on the conviction that the man who served his state best, best served his party. Having no sympathy with anarchy in politics, he gave full value to the importance of the organization, but did not exalt it into an object of adoration. Above it, he placed loyalty to the Constitution and the fathers of the country. He was neither mugwump nor partisan.

There are two classes of men, materialists and visionaries. The materialist is a slave to the fact. He is so intent on the earth that he seldom enjoys a glimpse of star or constellation. Still he is a student of methods and results, a worshipper of success, and hence he is generally in the ascendancy. The visionary is a slave to his ideal, he looks at the world as it should be and not as it is. While he gazes at the sunset and the evening star he falls in the pit at his feet. He resembles the mariner of Heine:

"A wonderful lovely maiden, Sits high in her glory there, Her robe with gems is laden, And she combeth her golden hair, And as she combs it, The gold comb glistens, The while she is singing a song, That hath a mystical sound and a wonderful melody, The boatman when once she has bound him, Is lost in wild mad love, He sees not the black rocks around him, He sees but the beauty above."

The real leaders in the world's history have been idealists of high practical wisdom. They have been the captains, not the subjects of their ideal. The petty politician rules for the day. The men who dominate the ages give substance to shadow, make the dream of one day the reality of another, crystallize the yearnings of humanity into statute and decision.

The world is used to the omnipresent politician. The visionary, the undaunted reformer, is not an infrequent participant in the domain of affairs. The political idealist, with the judgment of the one and the inspiration of the other, is so rare that he confounds by his presence. The combination astounds the generation unaccustomed to such a phenomenon. The man of high endowments is stupidly expected to be wanting in worldliness, and the practical representative of the people in the vision. The solution of all political problems depends on political sagacity illumined with altruism. The political idealist consummates the alliance of vision with method.

Lincoln was neither idealist nor politician. With the idealist he was faithful to the vision, with the politician he studied the way to success. He was not lost in mere adoration of the ideal; was not content until it became a reality. He blended the enthusiasm of the visionary with the wisdom of the politician. He was the ideal politician.

Lincoln was the prophet politician of his time, blending the righteousness of the Hebraic seer with political sagacity. He faced failure imperiously. He was never finally vanquished. He looked beyond temporary triumph to ultimate consequences. Despite setback, disaster and every obstacle, he had abounding faith in the abiding triumph of justice.

He knew the shortcomings of human nature, the painful, sluggard progress of moral evolution. He weighed men as they were and not as he wished them to be. Hence, he was patient with their failings. He made ample allowance for the heavy hand of habit, for ancestral, religious, political, social and industrial environment. That men were largely the children of their time was to him an ever present truth. Coöperation not antagonism was his method of achievement. He would not force progress and he recognized the sway of the grim law of necessity. He measured the labored march of public sentiment. He waited the slow processes of time; was no believer in magical reforms or quack political remedies. He did not squander his energies in the wonderland of dreams. He is the wisest politician in American history, consummate in his strategy for the general welfare, the supreme friend and champion of democracy and humanity.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Benton, Thomas H., Thirty years' view; or, a history of the working of the American government for thirty years, from 1820 to 1850. II v. New York, 1854.

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Brown, Samuel R., The Western Gazetteer. Auburn, N. Y., 1817.

Cartwright, Peter, Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the backwoods preacher. Edited by W. P. Strickland. New York, 1856.

Chittenden, L. E., Recollections of President Lincoln and his administration. New York, 1891.

Collins, Lewis, History of Kentucky. 2 vols., Covington, Ky.

Cox, Sanford C., Recollections of the early settlers of the Wabash Valley. Lafayette, Ind., 1860.

Darbey, John F., Personal recollections of many prominent people whom I have known. St. Louis, 1880.

Dillon, John B., History of Indiana from its earliest exploration by Europeans to the close of the territorial government in 1816, with historical notes of the discovery and settlement of the territory of the U. S. northwest of the River Ohio. I v. Indianapolis, 1843.

Drake, Daniel, Pioneer life in Kentucky. Cincinnati, 1870.

Ford, Thomas, History of Illinois. Chicago, 1854.

Gilmore, James R., Personal recollections of Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War. Boston, 1898.

Goodrich & Tuttle, History of Indiana. Indianapolis, Ind., 1875.

Grant, U. S., Personal memoirs of. 2 volumes in one. New York, 1894.

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Herndon, William H., Herndon's Lincoln. 2 vols. New York, 1916.

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Indiana Historical Society, Publications of. Indianapolis, 1895.

Johnson, Oliver, William Lloyd Garrison and his times. Boston, 1880.

Jones, N. E., The Squirrel Hunters of Ohio, or, glimpses of pioneer life. Cincinnati, 1898.

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Maltby, Charles, The life and public services of Abraham Lincoln. Stockton, Cal., 1844.

Martyn, W. C., Wendell Phillips, the Agitator. 1890.

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Nicolay & Hay, Abraham Lincoln, a history by John G. Nicolay and John Hay. X v. New York, 1890.

John G. Nicolay and John Hay. Abraham Lincoln's complete works, comprising his speeches, letters, state papers and miscellaneous writings. Edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay. II v. New York, 1902.

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Ranck, George W., History of Lexington, Ky. Cincinnati, 1872.

Rice, Allen Thorndike, Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln by distinguished men of his time. Collected and edited by Allen Thorndike Rice. Sixth Edition. New York, 1888.

Ross, Harvey Lee, The early pioneers and pioneer events in the State of Illinois. Chicago, 1899.

Sangamon County, History of Springfield. 1881. Inter State Pub. Co., Chicago.

Shaler, N. S., History of Kentucky. American Commonwealth Series. Boston, 1895.

Sheahan, James, The life of Stephen A. Douglas. New York, 1860.

Smith, William C., Indiana miscellany, containing sketches of Indian life, the early settlement, customs and hardships of the people, and the introduction of the gospel and schools, together with biographical notices of the pioneer Methodist preachers of the state. Cincinnati, 1867.

Smith, William Henry, History of the State of Indiana. 2d ed. II v. Western Pub. Co. Indianapolis, 1903.

Stevens, Frank E., The Black Hawk War, including a review of Black Hawk's Life. Chicago, 1903.

Stewart, James Hervey, Recollections of the early settlement of Carroll County, Indiana. Cincinnati, 1872.

Tarbell, Ida M., The Life of Abraham Lincoln. II v. New York, 1904.

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Whitney, Life on the Circuit with Lincoln.

INDEX

Abolitionists--Abolition Intelligencer, 35; brute force dooms slavery, 77-78; early western movements of, 35; favor emancipation in District of Columbia, 144-146; Garrisonian, 117; "Genius," 35; Illinois, hated in, 76-78; political, 118-119; public service performed, 78.

Adams, John Q., 22.

Alton Observer, 83.

American Government, Lincoln's Essay on, 28.

American party, see Know-nothing party.

American Preceptor, 35.

Anti-slavery, see Slavery.

Armstrong, Jack, 43-44, 46.

Atchison, D. R., 158.

Baker, Col. E. D., 90, 96-98, 112-115, 121, 128, 138, 149.

Battles, greatest, 161.

Birney, James G., 118.

Bissel, Gov., 195.

Black Hawk War, 47.

Bloomington Convention, 190-193.

Brackenridge, John V., 31.

Brooks, Preston S., 190.

Browning, O. H., 90, 138.

Buchanan, Pres. James, 194-195, 201, 203-205.

Burke, Edmund, 119.

Butterfield, Justin, 149-150.

Calhoun, John (Ill.), 55-56, 90-91, 119.

Calhoun, John C., 20, 116-117, 158.

Campaign, 1834, in Ill., 59.

Campaign, 1836, in Ill., 64.

Campaign, 1838, in Ill., 87-88.

Campaign, national 1840, exuberant speech, 95-96.

Campaign, national 1844, 116-120.

Campaign, national 1848, 137-142.

Campaign, national 1852, 155.

Capitalists, 74.

Cartwright, Rev. Peter, 124-127.

Cass, Gen. Lewis, 138, 140.

Chase, S. P., 145.

Chatham, 119.

Civilization, test of, 213.

Clary Grove boys, 43-44, 50, 66-67.

Clay, Henry, 18, 22, 34, 116-120, 138, 153-155, 159; colonization proposal, 154-155; tribute to in defeat, 120.

Clinton, De Witt, 23-24.

Columbian orator, 35.

Compromise, 147; slavery not settled by, 158.

Compromise measures, 1850, 152.

Convention system, 110-111.

Darbey, J. F., 141.

Davis, Judge David, 180.

Dawson, 60.

Democratic Party--Anti-Nebraska Democrats, 190; banks, hostility to, 105; New Salem Democrats work for Lincoln, 54-55; Northern complicity in crime of Kansas, 201-202; Northern repudiate Kansas crime, 202; Northern resent Southern support of Taylor, 144; patriotic minority in 1854, 165-166; run Lincoln as candidate in 1834, 58.

Democracy, political religion of Lincoln, 217.

Dixon, Archibald, 158.

Douglas, Fred, 20, 35.

Douglas, Stephen A., See Lincoln,--Buchanan, braves, 203; conqueror, returns as in 1858, 204-205; debate, defeats Ewing in, 97; debate, Whig's challenge to, 90; Democratic administration fights, 202-203; howled down in Chicago, 162; judiciary reorganized, 100-101; Kansas issue, not the author of, 157-158; Lincoln, debates with, 92, 97-99, 119, 170-175, 211; Missouri Compromise, 167-168; patriot, not humanitarian, 159; Republican leaders coquette with, 203-204; senate, Anti-slavery leaders in, confounded by, 170; State Fair speech, 162-163; Supreme Court, Jackson's attack on, 199.

Dred Scott decision, See Lincoln.

Dueling, 105.

Economic interest, 216.

Edwards, Cyrus, angry at Lincoln, 149-150.

Emancipation, gradual, 147.

Emancipation proclamation, 86.

Emancipation, race, 85.

Erie Canal, 22-23.

Ewing, W. L. D., 73.

Ewing, Gen. John, 97.

Fillmore, Pres. Millard, 150, 194.

Ford, Gov., 69-70.

Forquer's lightning rod, 67-68.

Franklin, 199.

Free Soil men, 142-143.

Fremont, J. C., 193-195.

Garrison, W. L., 173, 185.

Gentry, Allen, 34.

Gentryville, Ind., people of, 31-32.

Giddings, J. R., 145.

Gillespie, Joseph, 106.

Graham, Minter, 42, 55.

Great Britain, 117.

Great Debate, The, 91.

Greeley, 127, 133, 204-205.

Grigsby, Nat., Story of, 119.

Grigsbys, fight with, 32-33.

Hardin, John J., 112, 115, 121-124, 128.

Harrison, Pres. W. H., 90, 95-96.

Head, Jesse, 19.

Heine's, Lorelei, 219, 220.

Henry, Patrick, 119.

Herndon, W. H., 82, 109-112, 131-132, 156, 163-165, 177, 188, 192-193, 204, 207-208.

Herndon, Rowan, 45.

Ideals, political, 219-220.

Illinois--Abolitionism, hated in, 76; Abolition societies, early in, 35; Black code of, 76; judiciary in politics, 100-102.

Indiana--Gentryville, 31-32; internal improvement policy, 22-24; pioneer politics, 21-23; Spencer County, 21, 24; Statutes revised, 28, 30.

Injustice, nation cannot live on, 208.

Internal improvement policy, 22-24, 68-69, 89.

Jackson, Andrew, 22, 34, 50, 56, 117, 124-125, 141, 199.

Jayne, William, 176.

Jefferson, 17, 154, 199.

Johnston, John, step-brother of Lincoln, 30, 32.

Judicial system of Ill. prey of partisanship, 100-102.

Kansas, Neb. struggle, 181-183, 189, 201-204; crisis, national, marked by, 182; Lecompton Constitution, 202; violence begets violence, 189.

Kentucky--Abolitionism, 18, 35; Anti-federalist, 17; frontier life, 15-17; law-abiding, 16-17; passion for politics, 17; pioneer hardships, 16; schools, 16; slavery, 18.

Know-nothing party, 190; seek Lincoln, 182; opposed by Lincoln, 185, 187.

Labor, Lincoln sympathizes with, 135-136; grapple with slavery, 182.

Lambourn, Josiah, 90.

Lamon, W. H., 93, 100, 102, 109-110, 163, 192, 207-208, 210.

Legislature Ill. in 1834, 60-61; corruption in, 126.

Liberty men, 118.

Lincoln, Abraham,-- Abolitionist, not, 41. Ambition, 53-54, 109-110. American Government, essay on, 28. Ancestry, 15. Aristocrat, charged with being, 113-114. Armstrong, Jack, fight with, 43-44. Athlete, 36, 44. Bargain with Democrats in 1834, 58. Black Hawk War, 47-49. Campaign, 1840, active for Gen. Harrison, 96. Campaign, 1844; enthusiastic for Clay, 119; speaks in Indiana, 119. Campaign, 1848, 137-142; strong for Taylor, 137-138; speaks in New England, 142. Campaign, 1852; colorless, 155. Campaign, 1856, received flattering vote for vice-presidency in Republican convention, 193; great demand for as speaker, 193-194. Campaign, purse returned by, 87-88. Capitalists, comment on, 74. Capitol removed from Vandalia to Springfield, 70-71. Captain, elected in Black Hawk War, 47-48. Clary Grove boys, the, 43-44. Clay, Henry--admirer of, 119; opposed to in 1848 campaign, 138; tribute to at death, 153-155. Colonization proposal of Clay--approved by, 154-155. Congress, candidate for, in 1843--bargain as to nomination at Pekin Convention, 121; defeated by Baker, 113-115; explanation of his defeat, 114-115; Hardin defeated by for the nomination in 1846, 121-124; elected in 1846, defeating Cartwright, 126-127. Congress, in,--anti-slavery radical resolution opposes, 144; anti-slavery bill skillfully introduces, 144-145; democratic postmaster general supports, 135; internal improvement policy approves, 136-137; Mexican War, attitude to, 127-134; Mexican War policy, hateful to constituents, 131, 151; speech, Campaign, 139; "Spot resolutions," 130, 151; training in, 151; war of aggression, opposes, 129-134; Wilmot Proviso, votes for, 144. Conservative radical, 79. Convention system, favors, 110-111. Court trial, attended by, 31. Debater,--convincing, 141-143; demagogue, exposes, 88; fairness in debate, 66; skill in, 175; youthful, 31, 47. Douglas--followed with facts, 98-99; match for, 175; popular sovereignty doctrine crushed, 171-172; sought by Lincoln in debate, 91-92; sophistry of exposed, 170; State fair speech, replied to, 163; truce tendered Lincoln, 174-175. Declaration of Independence--not a lie, 174, 199-200. Deist, charged with being, 115, 126. Demagogue, exposed by, 88. Democrats--bargain with, 58; charges with having vulnerable heels, 92; popular with, 54. Democracy, faith in, 63-64. Disappointments, familiar with, 54. Diplomacy, 74-75. Dred Scott Decision, 197-200; Lincoln's opposition to, 198-199; weakened respect for Supreme Court, 198. Drink, does not, 87. Duality of his life, 35-36. Duels--Ewing with, 73; Shields with, 104-105. Education--books that mould his political opinions, 28-30; early, 19-20; law, studies, 56; learning, love of, 27; legislature in, 60-61; libraries, haunts, 161; method of, 26-27; practical for leadership, 36-38; subjective, 27, 36; Weems' Life of Washington, 29. Environment, 20, 32, 33; poverty of, 25, 26; Kentucky, 17-18. Fairness, 46. Federalist, 17. Financier--69, 99; De Witt Clinton, aims to be of Ill., 68; merchant, failure as, 45-46. Foresight--foresees slavery struggle, 47, 127, 132, 157, 172. Free Soil Men attacked, 142; converted, 143. Genius, towering and race emancipation, 85. Greatness, 216-217. Greeley corrected, 133. Grigsbys, fight with, 32. Harrison, Gen. W. H., candidacy for presidency promoted, 90. Herndon, W. H., see Herndon above; letter to, 111-112. Hero of New Salem, 57. Honesty, 45. Horse races, judge at, 45. Humility--50, 54, 91, 100; lesson in at murder trial, 31. Imagination, 139. Indian, protects old, 48-49. Internal improvements--public lands proceeds for, 61-63; persistent supporter of, 68, 69, 89, 136-137. Judiciary--function of, 198-199; Jackson's attitude to, 199; opposes political interference with by legislature, 101; speaks bitterly of relation to slavery, 156; war on Dred Scott decision, 198-200. Justice, nation cannot exist on injustice, 208; negro, to, 170; south, to, 168-169. Kindness, 46-47. Know-nothingism, 184-185, 187, 190; prescriptive principles opposed, 187. Labor--sympathy for, 135-136; laborer, 44; farmer, 44. Law--reverence for, 198; studies, 56. Lawyer, dislike of details, 109. Lawmaking, skilled in, 61. Legislature, 1832, defeated for, 55; 1834, elected to, 58; 1836, received highest vote for, in Sangamon County, 68; 1838, elected to, 87; 1838, candidate for speaker, 88; 1840, candidate for speaker, 99; charges of corruption of Sangamon delegation, replies to, 73; jumps from window during session, 105-106; log-roller in, 68; protest of 1837, 80; State debt, loose plan to pay, 99-100; summary of career, 107-108. Liberty men, satirizes, 118. Literary style--development of, 27-28, 32; fanciful, 83-84, 92-94; scathing speech, 141; vulgar satires, 32. Log-roller, 68. Lovejoy, Owen, writes to, 178. Maxims, 74. Mexican War--127-134; 151. Mob spirit--83; cure for, 84. Mother, 26. New England--speeches in, 142-143; Seward, meets in, 143. New Salem--42-57; hero of, 57. New Orleans, sale of slave stirs Lincoln, 41. Office seeker, as, 149-150. Office seekers, unique recommendation of, 148. "Old Abe," 54. Oregon governorship refused by, 150. Parliamentarian, smartest, 68. Partisan--65-66; 110-112. Patriot--72, 192-193; corrupt bargain, spurns, 71-72; fraudulent voting, opposes, 106; party spoils system, opposes, 148; politician and patriot, 72; political duty, 179-180; Trumbull's election, advises, 179-180. Peace, friend of, 185. Peoria speech, 167-170. Personal influence, 70-71. Physical strength, 44,46. Pilot, 45. Political philosophy of, 213-221; brotherhood basis of progress, 217; central idea of the republic, 195; compromise when available, 147; compensated emancipation, 216; faith in triumph of justice, 221; laws of political progress, 216-218; legislation, 218; organized political action favored, 219; parties not sacred, 219; party power, 184; patient with frailty, 221; political generalship, 217; public office, public trust, 107; public opinion, 218; revolution through ballot, 189-190; slavery, attacks at weakest point, 216; universal feeling, 169; violence opposes, 189-190; works with men as they are, 221. Political strategy--adroitness with country editor, 176-177; anti-slavery bill in Congress, 144-146; bargain with Democrats, in 1834, 58; bargain for Congressional nomination, 121; Fremont campaign sees Fillmore danger, 194; jumps from church window, 106; log-roller, cunning, 68, 70-71; Lovejoy avoided, 164; smart parliamentarian, 68; tactician, 144-145; trick of Herndon endorses, 164-165. Politician--74; act, first political, 42; activity, 110; advancement as, 111-112; applicant for office, 148-150; Capitol removes to Springfield, 70-71; defeat, training in, 114, 180; discernment, 139; expediency, 99; fairness, 148; generalship, 217; greatness, 216-217; ideal, 221; party leader, 219; patriot and politician, 72; policy, 41-42; politics, his world, 109-110; popularity, champion of, 52; popularity in New Salem, 54-55; prescience, 210; prophet politician, 221; religion, political, 217; schooling, 106; self-glorifying declination, 107; skill, 179; succeed, how to, as, 111-112; vote, new method of, bring out, 94-95; wisdom, 148, 210. Popular will, student of, 63. Postmaster, 56. Preacher, indefatigable, 30. Presidency, 140, 210. Press, seeks the, 121-122, 176-177. Protection, favors, 50, 135. Protest 1837, 79-81, 108. Public office, public trust, 107. Public lands proceeds for internal improvements, 63. Religion, political, 217. Republican Party--Bloomington Convention, 190-191; editors convention, first step in formation of in Ill., 187-188; joins, 188-189; parties, three seek Lincoln in 1855, 182; party uncertainty, 1855, 184-185. Right, exhortation to stand with whoever is, 172-173. Senate U. S.--candidate in 1854, 176; defeated, 179-180; duty of as representative of whole state, 178; nominated unanimously by Republicans, 1858, 205-206; passion for term in, 176. Shields, "scrap with," 103-105. Slavery,--anti-slavery bill in Congress, 145-146; not apologist for, or abolitionist, 41; attacks weakest point, 216; anti-slavery sentiments, origin of, 35; anti-slavery movement, growth of in New England, 143; colonization favors, 154-155; Declaration of Independence, relation to, 199-200; despair at strength of, 153; economic strength, 197; foresees conflict over, 47; gradual emancipation policy, 147; hatred of, 110, 173-174, 183; justice to negro, 170; menace of, 173-174; moral issue in North, 197; New Orleans trip, kindles hatred, 40-41; protest, 1837, 79-81; sale of mulatto girl, fires with hatred of, 41-42; subverts government, 157; shackled slaves torment, 110; slavetraders control Southern policies, 184; South's pecuniary interest in, 197; territories, opposition to spread in, 169. Social slight, resentment at, 32. South--constitutional rights recognized, 169; pecuniary interest in slavery, 197; slave-traders dictate politics of, 184. Speaker--attract, does not, in "great debate," 91-92; growing demand for, 194; eminence in 1836, 68; emotions, appeals to, 50, 67-68, 96; eulogy on Clay, 153-155; fails as, 97; Forquer, crushing reply to, 67; Fremont campaign, makes 50 speeches in, 193-194; humorous passage in speech, 92; "lost speech," 191-192; Peoria speech, 167-174; "scathing style," 141; shocks cultured lawyer in 1840, 96-97; Springfield, 1858 speech, 207-212; State Fair speech, 163; youthful, 30, 40, 50-51; wilderness, as in a, 192. Spot resolutions, 130, 151. Springfield speech--"house-divided-against-itself" address, 207-212; apotheosis of career, 212; criticized by friends, 207-208, 210; pride in, 210-211; nation cannot exist on injustice, and must become all free or all slaves, 208-210; presidency, claim that it was a bid for, 210; United States history, one of the momentous addresses in, 208; wisely framed, 211. Springfield, Ill.--humble entrance into, 72-73; secures removal of Capitol to, 70-71. Statesman--78; national leader, 212; national vision, 134. Stories,--appearance, 59-60; ballots, not bullets, 189-190; bragging horse owner, 30-31; John Calhoun, 55; campaign purse, 87-88; candidate, pompous, rebuked, 60; captain, 48; cruelty to animals, 30; cultured lawyer shocked, 96; demagogue exposed, 88; despair as to slavery, 153; Douglas tenders truce, 174-175; duel, Shields, 103-105; engagement, 102-103; fairness, 45-46; farm hands, 59; fight with Jack Armstrong, 43-44; free speech, 98; foresight, 127; honesty, 45; horse race, 45; Indian, old, 48-49; jumps from window, 106; law studies, 56; lightning rod, Forquer's, 67-68; Lovejoy, avoids, 163-164; mercy, 46-47; mother, 25; negro boy, 189; negro girl, sale of, New Orleans, 41; partnership, Herndon, 112; Pekin convention, 121; poverty, 68, 72-73; principle, loyalty to, 71-72; politics, his world, 109; public, first act, 42; Revolutionary history, 29; same Abe Lincoln, 114; slavery struggle serious, 152; shackled slaves, 110; soldier, 19; speaker, failure as, 97; speech, early, 52; "Speed, I'm moved," 72-73; "There's Nat," 119; trick of Herndon, 164-165; Washington, Weems' Life of, 29; world not dead, 192-193. Supreme Court of U. S.--attitude to, 198-199; Douglas, approval of Jackson's position, 199; Dred Scott decision of, 197-200; Dred Scott decision weakens respect for, 198; Jackson's view of its lack of constitutional power of interpretation, 199; judges of, students of the past, 200; judicial decisions, function of, 198-199; Lincoln wiser than, 200. Surveyor, 55. Taylor, Zachary, promotes presidential candidacy, 138. Temperate, 87. Texas, annexation of, 129. Todd, Mary (Lincoln), engagement to Lincoln, severance of engagement and reconciliation, 102-104. Universal suffrage, faith in, 64. Usury, 52-53. Voting, fraudulent, opposes, 106. War--captain in Black Hawk War, 47-49; dissatisfaction with Lincoln's action in Mexican War, 131; Mexican War, vigorous prosecution of favored, 128-129; Mexican War, inception of opposed, 129-131; Mexican War, speech on inception of in Congress, 130-131; war power under the Constitution, 132-133. Washington, 28-30. Whig, 34, 50, 58, 68, 172. Woman Suffrage, 62-63. Wit, 30-31. Writer, see literary style above, first efforts, 27-28; first important address, 51-54.

Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, 150, 176.

Lincoln, Nancy Hanks, 19, 25.

Lincoln, Sally Bush, 19.

Lincoln, Thomas, 15-16, 19, 24-25, 39; reasons for removal from Kentucky, 18-19.

Linder, W. F., 73.

Locos, 115, 139.

Lost speech, See Lincoln.

Logan, Judge S. T., 51, 90, 121.

Lovejoy, Rev. E. P.--murder of, 79, 86; mob spirit, 81-82.

Lovejoy, Owen, 163, 177-178, 186.

Lundy, Benjamin, 35.

Matteson, Gov., 179.

Mexican War, origin of, 127-128; patriotism awakened by, 128-131; Whigs, attitude toward, 129-130.

Milk-sick, 39.

Minority party, value of, 101-102.

Missouri compromise, 167-168; repeal of, 158-160, 162, 170, 182.

Mob spirit, 81-83; cure for, 84.

Moral prophet, seldom politician, 166.

Morrison, Col. J. L. D., 149.

Moses, 217.

National campaigns, See campaigns.

O'Connell, Daniel, 173.

Offutt, Denton, 40, 42, 43.

Ohio, 23.

Osborn, Charles, 35.

Pain, John, 193.

Pain, Thomas, 19.

Palmer, John M., 165-166, 191.

Panic, 1837, 103.

Parties, new, need of about 1854, 181-182; power of partisan lash, 183-184; sacred, not, 219; utility of, 219.

Partisanship, growth of, 64-65, 66; judiciary, 100-102.

Party ties, painful rending of, 165-166.

Patriotism, civil, 213.

Pekin convention, 1843, startling story of, 121.

Pettit, John, 174.

Phillips, Wendell, 173.

Pierce, Pres. Franklin, 195.

Pioneer life--churchman as public officer, 127; Illinois, 39; Indiana, 21-23; politics, 21-22; recreation, 31-32; schools, 16; social life, 32-33; store, 33; story-telling, 33.

Politics--art of securing results, 215; American History, struggle between abolitionism and slavery, 214; evil, organized wisest attack on, 215-216; factor vital in civilization, 215; pioneer, 21-23; politician seldom moral leader, 166; political generalship, 217; political progress, painful struggle, 166-167; recreation to pioneer, 22; school of the nation, 22; true politician, 213; voters, new method of getting out, 94-95.

Political philosophy--economic influence gregarious, 216; human nature, slow-changing, 215; injustice, nation cannot live on, 208; Lincoln's, 213-221; politician and statesman distinguished, 217-218; public opinion, importance of, 195-196, 217-218; universal feeling, 169.

Polk, Pres. J. K., 119-120, 127, 130-131, 136.

Presidency, 140, 210.

Public office, hunger for, 148.

Public service, state of, test of progress, 213.

Religious leader opposed as representative of people, 127.

Republic, central idea of, 195-196.

Republican Party--new party, need of, 181; national, first convention, 193; origin Illinois, 187-188; second step in formation of, 190-191.

Sangamon River, navigability of, 52.

Sangamon delegation charged with corruption, 70, 73.

Schieder, G. H., 187.

Selby, Paul, 190.

Senate, U. S., slave power favored by, 144.

Seward, W. H., 143, 145, 201, 204-205.

Shields, James, 103-104, 128.

Slavery--economic strength of, 197; free speech endangered by, 78; gradual emancipation, 147; Illinois friendly, 76-78; intolerance of, 145-146; Kansas struggle, 181-182; moral issue in the North, 197; north and south responsible for, 168; policy, bad, 80; portentous problem, 20; power of, 41; property, ostentatious, 157; slave-trade, effort to abolish, 144-145; subverts government, 157.

South, Texas, annexation of, 117.

Speed, Joshua, 67, 72-73, 87, 90, 103, 182-185.

Spencer County, 21, 24.

Spot resolutions, See Lincoln.

Springfield speech, See Lincoln.

Stanton, E. M., 145.

Stephens, A. H., 134, 138.

Stone, Dan, 80, 146.

Stuart, John T., 60, 90, 188.

Sumner, 190.

Taylor, Richard, 88.

Taylor, Pres. Zachary, 137-139, 149-150.

Texas, annexation of, 116-117, 129.

Thomas, 90.

Todd, Mary (Lincoln), See Mrs. Abraham Lincoln.

Toombs, Robert, 138.

Trumbull, Lyman, 179-180.

Tyler, Pres. John, 116, 127.

Universal feeling, not to be disregarded, 169.

Usury, 52-53.

Vandalia, Capitol, Ill., 70-71.

Van Buren, Martin, 98, 116, 142.

Voting, 1834, viva voce, 60.

Walker, Robert J., 201.

War, only solution to slavery struggle, 214.

War power under Constitution, 132-133.

Washburn, E. B., 138, 179.

Washington, 29, 131, 156, 199, 201.

Webster, Daniel, 92, 95, 116, 159, 209.

Weems' Life of Washington, 28.

Whigs--called federalists, 49; aggressive campaign, 1840, 95; judiciary, corruption of, opposed, 100-102; Mexican War, 129-130; support banks, 103, 105; seek Lincoln, 182.

White, Hugh L., 63.

Wilmot, Proviso, 138, 144.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Notes:

Spelling has been made consistent throughout where the author's preference could be ascertained.

Hyphenation is inconsistent as in Post-office and Postoffice.

Punctuation and tyographical errors corrected without comment except the following:

Page 46 ("Jack" always treated his victim when he thought he had been too hard upon him.) Removed quotes around "Jack" and added quotes to "treated".

Page 74 (It is he who by these unholy means, is endeavoring to blow up a storm that he made ride upon and direct.) Replaced "made" with "may".

Page 96 (Thus a newspaper of the day says: He is going it with a perfect rush. "Thus far the Locofocos have not been able to start a man that can hold a candle to him in political debate. All of their crack nags that have entered the list against him have come off the field crippled or broke down.) Moved open quotation marks to "He is going it...

Page 183 (I am not aware than any one is bidding you yield that right ...) Changed "than" to "that".

Page 192 (When the first flood of enthusiasm, after the Bloomington Convention, subsided, a mysterious apathy, a stifling indifference, met the new movement, a no unusual phenomenon in politics or human affairs.) Replaced "no" with "not".

End of Project Gutenberg's Lincoln, the Politician, by T. Aaron Levy