CHAPTER XVI.

Account of the family of Brant subsequent to his death--Catharine Brant--The line of descent among the Mohawks--John Brant, the youngest son, appointed to the Chieftainship--The war of 1812--General Van Rensselaer on the Niagara frontier--Preparations for a descent upon Queenston Heights--First attempt frustrated--Arrangement for a second movement--Arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Scott on the lines--His efforts to accompany the expedition--Landing of Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer and his party--Intrepidity of the attack--Van Rensselaer and others grievously wounded--Captain Wool carries the Heights--Advance of General Brock--His defeat and fall--Arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Scott upon the Heights--Attack of the Indians--General Sheaffe advances from Niagara with reinforcements--Battle--The Americans driven down the Heights--Attempts of Scott to capitulate--His flag-bearers shot down--Determines to bear a flag himself--A young Indian leaps upon him like a tiger--His rescue--Interview with General Sheaffe--Capitulation--March to Niagara--Remarkable interview between Scott and two Indians at Niagara, the younger of whom was John Brant--Base poltroonry of the militia--Battle of the Beaver-dams--Close of young Brant's military life--Removes to the Brant House with his sister--Account of the family by Lieutenant Hall--Visit of the British Consul to the Brant House--Controversy of John Brant with Archdeacon Strachan---He visits England respecting the ancient land-title controversy--Succeeds with the ministers--Disappointed by the Colonial Government--Correspondence with Campbell respecting the memory of his father--Attention to the moral wants of his people--Correspondence respecting the Mohawk schools--Presentation of a silver cup--His election to the Provincial Parliament--Seat contested--Death by cholera--His character--Farther notices of the family--Description of his sister, and of his successor--Death of Catharine Brant--Conclusion.

Catharine Brant, the widow of Thayendanegea, was forty-eight years old at the time of his decease. According to the constitution of the Mohawks, which, like that of Great Britain, is unwritten, the inheritance descends through the female line exclusively. Consequently the superior chieftainship does not descend to the eldest male; but the eldest female, in what may be called the royal line, nominates one of her sons or other descendants, and he thereby becomes the chief. If her choice does not fall upon her own son, the grandson whom she invests with the office must be the child of her daughter. The widow of Thayendanegea was the eldest daughter of the head chief of the Turtle tribe--first in rank of the Mohawk nation. In her own right, therefore, on the decease of her husband, she stood at the head of the Iroquois Confederacy, alone clothed with power to designate a successor to the chieftaincy. The official title of the principal chief of the Six Nations, is Tekarihogea; to which station John, the fourth and youngest son, whose Indian name was Ahyouwaighs, was appointed.

On the removal of the old Chief, Thayendanegea, to his new establishment at the head of Lake Ontario, he had adopted the English mode of living, and arranged his household accordingly. Mrs. Brant, however,--the Queen mother she might be styled in Europe--preferred the customs of her people, and soon after the death of her husband returned to the Mohawk Village on the Grand River, where she ever afterward resided.

The young Chief was born at the Mohawk Village on the 27th of September, 1794--being at the time of his father's decease thirteen years of age. He received a good English education at Ancaster and Niagara, under the tuition of a Mr. Richard Cockrel; but through life improved his mind greatly, by the study of the best English authors, by associations with good society, and by travel. He was a close and discriminating observer of the phenomena of nature, upon which he reasoned in a philosophical spirit. Amiable and manly in his feelings and character, and becoming well acquainted with English literature, his manners were early developed as those of an accomplished gentleman.

When the war of 1812-'15, between the United States and England, broke out, the Mohawks, true to their ancient faith, espoused the cause of the latter, and the _Tekarihogea_ took the field with his warriors. He was engaged in many of the actions on the Niagara frontier, in all of which his bearing was chivalrous and his conduct brave. His first effort was at the battle of Queenston--commenced so auspiciously for the American arms by the gallant and daring Van Rensselaer, and ended so disastrously by reason of the cowardice of the militia on the American side, who refused to cross the river and secure the victory which had been so bravely won.

There were incidents marking that battle, however, involving the conduct of the young Chief, and connected with the life of an American officer whose name from that day forth has been identified with the military glory of his country, which forbid that the transaction should be thus summarily despatched. Aside, moreover, from the part borne by John Brant in the battle, and the exciting incidents to be related, sufficient of themselves to form a chapter that might well be entitled "the romance of history," many facts connected with that singular engagement have to this day remained unwritten.

The command of the Niagara section of the American frontier, during the Autumn of 1812, had been committed by Governor Tompkins to Major General Stephen Van Rensselaer, the senior officer of the State Cavalry of New-York. Attached to his staff was Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer, an officer who, as a subaltern in the regular service, had signalized himself by his undaunted bravery, and coolness and intrepidity in action, during the Indian wars, and particularly under the command of General Wayne at the Miamis. The situation of General Van Rensselaer had been exceedingly embarrassing during the whole period of his command, or nearly three months before the movement under review. His selection for that post by the Commander-in-chief of New-York, considering the adverse state of their political relations, was deemed an equivocal act on the part of the Governor. But, although opposed to the policy of the war, and in the possession of the first paternal estate in America, and in the enjoyment of every blessing which can sweeten life, General Van Rensselaer hesitated not to comply with the call of his country, and took the field immediately. [FN-1] After reconnoitering the frontier from Ogdensburgh to Lake Erie, he determined to establish his head-quarters at Lewiston, on the Strait of Niagara. After the failure of the expedition of General Hull, who had been ingloriously captured with his army at Detroit, the next point of attack upon the enemy's country was obviously the Canadian peninsula at Niagara. But the season for active military operations had almost glided away under the tardy levy of regular troops, and the uncertain assemblages of the militia; and it was October before General Van Rensselaer found himself in force to warrant offensive operations. His solicitude, not only for the interests of the public service and the honor of his country, but for his own reputation, determined him to strike a blow at the enemy if possible, [FN-2] in order to obtain a position for winter-quarters on the Canada shore. Added to which was the manifestation of a strong and impatient desire by the militia to be led against the enemy. This desire rose to such a height that resistance seemed scarcely possible, and patriotism was apparently passing the limits of subordination. [FN-3] Indeed, the determination of the militia was expressed to the General through various channels, as an _alternative,_ that they must have orders to _act_ against the enemy or they would go home. [FN-4] Nor was the General himself less desirous of action than his troops professed to be. He felt that the disgrace of the American arms at Detroit, at the opening of the campaign, could only be wiped away by a brilliant close of it; and that unless a signal blow should be struck, the public expectation would be disappointed; all the toil and expense of the campaign would be thrown away; and, worse than all, the whole would be tinged with dishonor. [FN-5]

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[FN-1] Memoirs of General Wilkinson.

[FN-2] Ibid.

[FN-3] Low's History of the War.

[FN-4] General Van Rensselaer's official report.

[FN-5] Letter of General Van Rensselaer to Governor Tompkins, Oct 8, 1812.

Impressed by considerations like these, and encouraged by the apparent desire of the militia to take the field, dispositions were made for an attack upon Queenston Heights, with a view of moving thence upon Fort George at Niagara, which it was proposed to carry by storm, and then take up the quarters of the army there for the winter--an excellent position for obtaining supplies, and making the necessary arrangements for opening the campaign early in the following Spring. [FN-1] General Brock, the British commander on the opposite shore of the river, was watching the motions of the Americans with unwearied vigilance; but a spy, who had been despatched across the river, having returned with the erroneous information that that officer had moved in the direction of Detroit with all his disposable force, arrangements were made by General Van Rensselaer for crossing the river and attacking Queenston Heights early on the morning of the 11th of October. The design, however, was frustrated, either by the ignorance, the cowardice, or the treachery of a boatman, who had been selected as the leading waterman for his skill and steadiness. The enterprise was to be led by Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer,--"The corps designated for the expedition, and principally composed of militia, assembled punctually and in good order at the place of rendezvous, and, with the exception of the weather, which was wet and windy, every thing wore a propitious aspect. But when, after long and patiently abiding the pelting of a north-easterly storm, the embarkation was ordered and the boats called for, none were found to be in readiness; and on inquiry it was discovered that the person having charge of them had not only withdrawn himself, but had carried with him all the oars necessary for the service. For this unexpected occurrence there was no remedy but patience; the expedition was accordingly suspended, and the troops sent back to their cantonments." [FN-2]

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[FN-1] Ibid.

[FN-2] General Armstrong's Notices on the war of 1812.

The impatience of the militia continuing, and having received a reinforcement of three hundred and fifty regular troops under Lieutenant-colonel Chrystie, the General determined to renew the attempt before daylight on the morning of the 13th. Colonel Van Rensselaer was to command the expedition as before, and lead the attack with three hundred militia, to be followed by Lieutenant-colonel Chrystie with three hundred regulars. Lieutenant-colonels Chrystie and Fenwick had agreed to waive rank, and serve under Colonel Van Rensselaer. Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick, with Major Mullaney, was to follow Chrystie with three hundred and fifty regular troops and some pieces of artillery, after whom the greater body of the militia were to succeed in order. Such is an outline of the dispositions for the movement on the morning of the 13th of October. Meantime Lieutenant-colonel, (now Major general Scott) had arrived with his regiment of artillery at Schlosser, two miles above the Falls, and twelve from Lewiston, on the day before the engagement. Having heard from Colonel Stranahan, of the Otsego militia, whose regiment, stationed at the Falls, was on the move, that an expedition of some kind was contemplated by General Van Rensselaer, Scott, then young, and ardent as he is now, impatient of an early opportunity to meet an enemy, mounted his horse and rode full speed to Lewiston. He forthwith presented himself to the Commanding General, from whom he learned the character of the enterprise on foot, and of whom he solicited the privilege of taking a part. The General replied that the details had all been arranged--that Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer was to have the command, and that Lieutenant-colonels Fenwick and Chrystie had waived their rank, and were to serve under that officer. But such was the urgency of Scott, that the General gave him permission to accompany the expedition as a volunteer, if he also would waive his rank. This proposition was declined; but as Scott was anxious to bring his regiment down to Lewiston, it was ultimately stipulated that he might select a position upon the bank of the river, and use his artillery to such advantage as opportunity might afford. Under this arrangement he hastened back to his regiment at Schlosser, which, although wearied by its long journey, was nevertheless, by a forced march, over horrible roads, brought down to Lewiston all in good time in the evening. Scott again importuned for permission to participate directly in the enterprise. But in vain. Had he been in the field, his rank in the line of the regular service would have given him the command of a Colonel of militia--in which only Van Rensselaer bore a commission; and as the whole project had originated with the latter, the commanding General designed that he should reap the laurels in expectancy.

It would be foreign from the purpose of this narrative to dwell upon the variety of untoward and vexatious circumstances which delayed, and had nearly caused a total failure of, the enterprise. Suffice it to say, that after those difficulties had been in part surmounted, the expedition departed upon its perilous undertaking. It has already been remarked that the enemy was keeping a vigilant watch over the motions of the Americans, and they had discovered indications of a movement of some kind during the last few preceding days. The narrowness of the river, without the agency of spies, enabled them to make these observations; added to which the sound of the oars had been heard, so that, instead of being surprised, the enemy was measurably prepared for Van Rensselaer's reception. Indeed, a fire was opened before the boat of Colonel Van Rensselaer had reached the shore, and Lieutenant Rathbone was killed in the Colonel's boat. Two companies of regular troops, however, and Captains Armstrong and Malcolm, had previously landed without annoyance or discovery. [FN]

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[FN] Armstrong's Notices of the War.

Other boats successively followed, and the landing of two hundred and thirty-five men was effected, although the detachments first arriving suffered severely from the fire of the enemy, especially in the loss of their officers. The troops formed under a very warm fire, climbed the bank, Van Rensselaer himself leading the detachment, and routed the enemy at the point of the bayonet without firing a shot. In this operation Ensign Morris was killed, and Captains Armstrong, Malcolm, and Wool were wounded, the latter slightly. Colonel Van Rensselaer himself was a severe sufferer, having received one ball in his hip, which passed out at his spine, two in his thigh, one of which lodged, two in his leg, and a sixth in his heel. Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick was also severely wounded, and Colonel Chrystie slightly. Indeed Captain Wool, himself wounded also, was now the senior officer fit for duty. The gallant leader, concealing his wounds under his great-coat as long as he could, immediately on the retreat of the enemy toward the town, ordered Captain Wool, the senior officer capable of duty, to ascend the mountain and carry the battery, giving him a direction for the movement by which he would avoid the fire of the enemy's artillery--placing Lieutenants Randolph and Gansevoort, who volunteered, at the head of the little column, and Major Lush, another volunteer, in the rear, with orders to put to death the first man who should fall back. [FN-1] This enterprise was gallantly executed by Captain Wool, and the battery was carried "without much resistance." [FN-2] Colonel Van Rensselaer, however, unable longer to sustain himself, fell to the ground soon after the party had filed off before him; but he did not lose his consciousness, and the pains of his wounds were soon alleviated by the shouts of victory.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Wilkinson's Memoirs.

[FN-2] Report of Captain Wool. The officers engaged in storming the battery were Captains Wool and Ogilvie; Lieutenants Kearney, Huginen, Carr, and Sammons of the 13th regiment; Lieutenants Gansevoort and Randolph of the light artillery, and Major Lush of the militia.

Meantime, the most intense anxiety was felt on the American shore to learn the result of the daring attempt; and before it was well light, the painful intelligence was received that the gallant leader had fallen, covered with wounds. And upon the heels of that unpleasant news, the report came that Colonel Fenwick had also fallen, dangerously wounded. Had Scott been in the field, Fenwick would have ranked him, being the oldest in commission. Chrystie was younger in rank than Scott; but while the latter was again urging to be sent across, Chrystie himself appeared at General Van Rensselaer's marquee, having received a slight wound in the hand. Scott was now entitled to the post he had been seeking, and was immediately gratified with directions to cross the river, and assume the command.

But while these arrangements were concerting on the American side, and before Lieutenant-colonel Scott had arrived at the scene of action, another important act in the changing drama of the day had been performed. The landing of the Americans had been opposed by the light company of the 49th regiment of grenadiers, and the York volunteer militia, together with a small number of Indians. The light troops had been dislodged by the Americans on ascending the heights, and an eighteen pounder battery taken. [FN-1] The fortress on the heights, carried by Captain Wool, was manned by a detachment of the grenadiers, the whole numbering, as was supposed, one hundred and sixty regulars. [FN-2] The heights having been cleared of the enemy, who retired upon the village of Queenston, the Americans were allowed to repose a short time upon their laurels. But the respite was brief. General Brock being at Niagara when the action commenced, was startled from his pillow by the roar of the artillery; but so rapid were his movements, that he arrived at Queenston ere the grey of the morning had passed, accompanied by his Provincial aid-de-camp, Lieutenant-colonel McDonell. [FN-3] Placing himself immediately at the head of four companies of his favorite 49th grenadiers and a body of militia, General Brock advanced for the purpose of turning the left of the Americans, and recovering the ground that had been lost. A detachment of one hundred and fifty men, directed by Captain Wool to take possession of the heights above the battery, and hold General Brock in check, was compelled to retreat by superior numbers. An engagement ensued, in the course of which, after some fighting, the Americans were driven to the edge of the bank. With great exertions, Captain Wool brought his men to a stand, and directed a charge immediately on the exhaustion of his ammunition. This order was executed, though with some confusion. It was, nevertheless, effectual, and the enemy in turn were driven to the verge of the heights, where Colonel McDonell, having his horse shot under him, fell, himself mortally wounded. [FN-4] In the meantime General Brock, in attempting to rally his forces, received a musket ball in his breast, and died almost immediately. The last words he uttered as he fell from his horse, were, "Push on the brave York Volunteers." [FN-5] The enemy thereupon dispersed in every direction; [FN-6] and Captain Wool, receiving at that time a small reinforcement of riflemen from the American side, set about forming a line on the heights, fronting the village, detaching flanking parties, and making such other dispositions as were first prompted by the exigencies of the occasion.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Chrystie's account of the Canadian War.

[FN-2] Wilkinson's Memoirs.

[FN-3] Chrystie.

[FN-4] Captain Wool's official Report.

[FN-5] Chevatler.

[FN-6] Captain Wool.

It was at this point of time, being yet early in the morning, that Lieutenant-colonel Scott arrived on the heights, where he found the troops, both regulars and volunteers, in considerable disorder. He immediately announced his name and rank, and assuming the command, with the assistance of his adjutant, an officer of great activity and intelligence, brought them into line. On counting his men, he found that of regular troops there were three hundred and fifty rank and file, all told, and two hundred and fifty-seven volunteers, under General Wadsworth and Colonel Stranahan, the former of whom at once waived his rank in favor of Scott. Just before Scott had arrived upon the ground, Captain Wool had ordered Lieutenants Gansevoort and Randolph, with a detachment of artillery, to drill out the eighteen pounder heretofore spoken of as having been taken from the enemy, at a point some distance below the crest of the heights, but which had been spiked before its capture. Hearing of the circumstance, and being told that the gun had been spiked only with a ramrod, Scott hurried away in person to direct the process of extracting this impediment to its use. He was not long absent, and on reascending the heights, great was his astonishment to find a cloud of Indians in the act of rushing upon his line, tomahawk in hand, while his troops were breaking, and evidently on the point of a general flight. The Indians bore down fiercely, and were, some of them, within ten paces of his men, when he gained his place just in season to prevent total disorder, and bring them to the right about, facing the enemy, upon whom they were turning their backs. All this was but the work of a moment. The Indians, finding this sudden change in the mode of their reception, recoiled; and after a sharp engagement, were compelled to retreat. Their leader was a dauntless youth, of surprising activity; dressed, painted and plumed _en Indien,_ cap-a-pied.

The Americans, it will be recollected by those familiar with the history of the war, retained possession of the heights, and of the little fortress they had taken, during several hours--undisturbed by the regular troops of the enemy, who was waiting for reinforcements from Fort George at Newark, six miles below. But they were incessantly harassed by the Indians, who hovered about them, occasionally advancing in considerable numbers, but who were invariably put to flight when seriously engaged by the Colonel's handful of an army. The stripling leader of the Indians was of graceful form and mould, and, as already remarked, of uncommon agility. He was often observed by Colonel Scott, and others, and was always accompanied by a dark, stalwart chief, evidently of great strength, who was subsequently known as Captain Jacobs. It was discovered that these two Indians in particular were repeatedly making a mark of Scott, who, like the first monarch of Israel, stood a full head above his soldiers, and who was rendered a yet more conspicuous object by a new and brilliant uniform, and a tall white plume in his hat. The conduct of these two Indians having been particularly observed by an officer, a message was instantly sent to Scott upon the subject, with his own overcoat, advising the Colonel to put it on. But the disguise was declined; and the Indians, having taken refuge in a wood at some distance on the left, were driven thence by a spirited charge, gallantly led by Scott in person.

By these successive actions, however, the numbers of the Americans, both regulars and volunteers, had been sadly reduced, the wounded having been sent across the river to the American shore in the few boats not rendered useless by the enemy's fire in the morning. The British column, led by General Sheaffe, the successor of General Brock, was now discovered advancing in the distance from Niagara. Its approach, though slow and circumspect, was steady and unremitting; and of its character and objects there could be no doubt. [FN-1] The column with which General Sheaffe was thus advancing, consisted of three hundred and fifty men of the 41st regiment, several companies of militia, and two hundred and fifty Indians. Reinforcements, both of troops and Indians, arriving from Chippewa, the force of the enemy was augmented to eight hundred. [FN-2] Major-General Van Rensselaer, having crossed the river before he made this discovery, hastened back to his own camp, to make another appeal to the militia to cross over to the rescue of the little band of their own countrymen, now in such imminent peril. But in vain. Not a man could overcome his constitutional scruples about crossing the confines of his own country; and for more than two hours the troops and volunteers upon the heights were allowed to behold an advancing enemy, in numbers sufficient to overwhelm them, while by looking over their right shoulders they could see an army of American militia, abundantly sufficient to defeat the approaching column, and maintain the victories of the morning. [FN-3] The march of General Sheaffe was protracted by an extensive detour to the west, beyond the forest heretofore spoken of as having been a shelter to the Indians. Scott and his officers, in consideration of their own diminished numbers, marveled greatly at this fatiguing measure of precaution on the part of the enemy, but were afterward informed by the officers into whose hands they fell, that the enemy had no idea that the diminutive force they saw upon the heights constituted the whole of the army they were marching to encounter.

* * * * *

[FN-1] General Armstrong's Notices

[FN-2] This is the estimate of the Canadian historian, Robert Chrystie. Colonel Chrystie of the American forces, in his estimate, stated the force of Sheaffe at from four to five hundred regulars, with four pieces of artillery, from five to six hundred militia, and three hundred Indians.

[FN-3] "Neither entreaty nor threats, neither arguments nor ridicule, availed any thing. They had seen enough of war to satisfy them that it made no part of their special calling; and at last, not disdaining to employ the mask invented by faction to cover cowardice or treason, fifteen hundred able-bodied men, well armed and equipped, who a week before boasted largely of patriotism and prowess, were now found openly pleading constitutional scruples in justification of disobedience to the lawful authority of their chief."--_General Armstrong's Notices of the War._

During the breathing-time thus enjoyed by the Americans, and prolonged by the extreme caution of the enemy, a note from General Van Rensselaer was received by General Wadsworth, informing him of the facts heretofore stated respecting the cowardice of the militia, and advising a retreat. The General stated that not a company could be prevailed upon to cross the river; that he had himself seen the movements of the enemy, and knew that they were too powerful to be resisted by the handful of men upon the heights; and that he would endeavor to furnish boats and cover a retreat. Still, he left it optional with Wadsworth and his officers, to govern themselves according to circumstances under their own more immediate view. A consultation of the officers was immediately held; but nothing was decided upon. Meantime the enemy continued to approach, but with undiminished circumspection--"maneuvering from right to left, and from left to right, and counter-marching nearly the whole length of the American line twice, as if determined to count every man in the ranks, and to make himself familiar with every foot of the position before he hazarded an attack." [FN-1] This deliberation gave time for renewed councils on the part of the American officers. A retreat, however, was considered hopeless; whereupon Colonel Scott literally mounted a stump, and made a short but animated address to his soldiers:--"We cannot conquer; we may fall; we must die," said Scott; "but if we die like soldiers, we effect more by our example of gallantry upon a conquered field, than we could ever have done for our countrymen if surviving a successful one." A unanimous shout of approval answered the stirring appeal. Nor were the militia volunteers, who had continued faithful through the morning skirmishings, backward in seconding the determination. Indeed, though inexperienced, there were no braver men upon the field than Wadsworth and Stranahan. [FN-2] The British advanced steadily in column, reserving their fire, as did the Americans, excepting the single piece of artillery in their possession, until they came within eighty paces. Several well-directed and effective fires succeeded--the Americans maintaining their ground firmly until actually pricked by the bayonets of the enemy. They then retreated toward the river, the side of the steep being at that day covered with shrubs, which enabled the soldiers to let themselves down from one to another, with sufficient deliberation to allow an occasional return of the fire of their pursuers. Presently, however, the Indians came springing down from shrub to shrub after them; which circumstance somewhat accelerated the retreat of the Americans. On reaching the water's edge not a boat was at command; and to avoid the galling fire of the pursuers, Scott drew his men farther up the river, to obtain shelter beneath the more precipitous, and, in fact, beetling cliffs.

* * * * *

[FN-1]General Armstrong's Notices of the War.

[FN-2] The late Colonel Farrand Stranahan, of Cooperstown. General Wadsworth and Colonel Stranahan have both since deceased.

Escape was now impossible, and to fight longer was not only useless but madness. After a brief consultation with Gibson and Totten, therefore, (the latter officer having returned to the field in the afternoon,) a capitulation was determined upon. A flag was accordingly sent, with a proposition. After waiting for some time without any tidings, another was sent, and afterward yet another--neither of which returned; and it subsequently appeared that the bearers had been successively shot down by the Indians. Scott thereupon determined to go with the flag himself. But while preparing to execute his hazardous purpose, his attention was attracted by two of his men, who were deliberately stripping themselves to the skin. On inquiring their motive, they replied that they might as well drown as be hanged, as they were sure to be if taken, since they acknowledged themselves to be deserters from the ranks of the enemy. Saying which they plunged into the dark torrent flowing madly along in its mighty eddies and whirlpools. It was a fearful leap, but both succeeded in reaching the American shore in safety, and the Colonel afterward saw and conversed with them.

But to resume. Colonel Scott having determined to bear the fourth flag himself, Totten's cravat was taken from beneath his stock for that purpose. Totten and Gibson both resolved to accompany their commander, who, being the tallest, bore the handkerchief upon the point of his sword. Keeping close to the water's edge, and sheltering themselves as well as they could behind the rocks, the Indians continually firing in the meantime, they passed down until the bank afforded no farther protection, when they turned to the left to take the road. But just as they were gaining it up rose the two Indians who had been aiming at Scott in the morning--the young and agile chief, and the more muscular Captain Jacobs--who both sprang upon them like tigers from their lairs. Scott remonstrated, and made known the character in which he was seeking the British commander, but to no purpose. The Indians grappled with them fiercely, and Jacobs succeeded in wrenching the sword from the Colonel's hand. The blades of Totten and Gibson instantly leaped from their scabbards, and the Indians were raising their hatchets when a British serjeant rushed forward, hoarsely exclaiming--_"Honor! Honor!"_--and having a guard with him, the combatants were separated, and Colonel Scott was conducted to the presence of General Sheaffe, to whom he proposed a surrender, and with whom terms of capitulation were speedily arranged--the General at once saying that they should be treated with all the honors of war. Orders were immediately given that the firing should cease; but these orders were not promptly obeyed, which caused a remonstrance from Colonel Scott, and finally a peremptory demand to be conducted back to his troops. This prolonged fire was from the Indians, whom General Sheaffe admitted he could not control, as they were exceedingly exasperated at the amount of their loss. Scott passed a rather severe rebuke upon an enemy who avowed allies of such a character; but officers being ordered among them in all directions, they were presently compelled to desist.

The prisoners surrendered by Scott numbered one hundred and thirty-nine regular troops, and one hundred and fifty-four volunteers, just--the Colonel accurately counting them of himself. [FN] They were all marched down to Newark, (now Niagara,) the same evening, where the Colonel and his two principal officers were quartered in a small tavern, having invitations the first evening to dine with General Sheaffe. While waiting for the arrival of an officer to conduct them to the General's quarters, another incident occurred, equally spirited, and even more startling than the scene with the two Indians by the road-side. Just at twilight, a little girl entered the parlor, with a message that somebody in the hall desired to see the "tall officer." Colonel Scott thereupon stepped out of the parlor, unarmed, of course, into the hall, which was dark and narrow, and withal incommoded by a stairway; but what was his astonishment on again meeting, face to face, his evil geniuses, the brawny Captain Jacobs and the light-limbed chief! The Colonel had shut the door behind him as he left the parlor; but there was a sentinel standing at the outer door, who had improperly allowed the Indians to pass in. The dusky visitors stepped up to the Colonel without ceremony, and the younger, who alone spoke English, made a brief inquiry as to the number of balls which had cut through his clothes, intimating astonishment that they had both been firing at him almost the whole day, without effect. But while the young Indian was thus speaking, or rather beginning thus to speak--for such, subsequently, seemed to be the import of what he meant to say--Jacobs, rudely seizing the Colonel by the arm, attempted to whirl him round, exclaiming in broken English, "Me shoot so often, me sure to have hit somewhere." "Hands off, you scoundrel," cried Scott, indignant at such freedom with his person, and adding a scornful expression reflecting upon the Indian's skill as a marksman, as he flung him from him.

* * * * *

[FN] When, shortly afterward, the general order of Sheaffe appeared, it was announced that two hundred of the Americans were drowned and nine hundred taken prisoners. Colonel Scott immediately called upon General Sheaffe, and remonstrated against such an exaggeration; since he had himself counted his own men, and knew that the number was less than three hundred, all told. Sheaffe replied that the numbers he had announced had been reported to him, and he felt strong confidence in the accuracy of the statement. In conclusion, he invited Scott to go to the barracks and see for himself. He did so and to his deep mortification found that the statement of the general order was true! On an investigation of the discrepancy, it appeared that the number of prisoners had bean swollen to that amount by several hundred cowardly rascals of the militia, who, upon landing on the Canadian shore, had availed themselves of the darkness and other facilities, to hide themselves away among the clefts of the rocks; where they had remained in concealment during the day, and were only dragged by the legs from their lurking-places by the British troops after the surrender. So much for militia.

The Indians drew instantly both dirk and tomahawk, when, with the rapidity of lightning, Scott, who had fortunately espied a number of swords standing at the end of the passage, seized one from its iron sheath, and placed himself in a posture of defence against the menacing Indians. As they stood in this picturesque attitude, Scott with his sword ready to strike, and the Indians with their tomahawks and dirks in the air, frowning defiance upon each other,--both parties awaiting the first blow,--Colonel Coffin, who had been sent with a guard to conduct Scott to the General's quarters to dinner, sprang into the passage, and cried "Hold!" Comprehending at a glance the dangerous position of Scott, he interfered at once, by sharp remonstrance, and also by weapon, in his defence. Jacobs, exasperated, turned Upon Colonel Coffin, and, uttering a menace, his companion also unguardedly turned to observe the issue of the new combat. The scene was of the most exciting and earnest character. The Indians having thus turned upon Coffin, one of them exclaimed--"I kill you!" Scott instantly raised his sabre, which was heavy and substantial, so that a descending blow would have fallen upon both the savages at once, and called out, "If you strike, I will kill you both!" For a moment they stood frowning; the piercing eyes of the Indians gleaming with wild and savage fury, while Scott and Coffin alike looked upon both with angry defiance, all with upraised arms and glittering steel. Recovering somewhat from the gust of passion into which they had been thrown, the Indians then slowly dropped their arms and retired. The officer who thus came to the rescue, was the aid of General Sheaffe, whose errand was to conduct the Colonel to dinner, and who, by this timely arrival, probably saved his life. It can hardly be necessary to mention who was the young chief that had sustained himself so actively and bravely through the day, as the reader will already have anticipated the name--John Brant--the successor of the great Captain, his father, who, as has already been stated, though not eighteen years of age, had that day, for the first time, led his tribe upon the war-path. Beyond doubt it was no part of the young Chief's design to inflict injury upon the captive American commander. His whole character forbids the idea, for he was as generous and benevolent in his feelings as he was brave. Having been exhausting much ammunition upon the Colonel during the day, this visit was one of curiosity, to ascertain how near they had come to the accomplishment of their object. Like Cassius, the Indian bears anger as the flint does fire, though not always cold again so soon. It was the same with Scott. Neither would allow of personal freedom--the Colonel did not fully comprehend the object of their visit, and a sudden rencontre; that had well nigh proved fatal, was the consequence. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] General Sheaffe is an American by birth, and he took an early opportunity of explaining to Colonel Scott how it happened that, most reluctantly, he was in arms against the land of his birth. He stated that he was a lad at the commencement of the war of the American Revolution, living with his widowed mother at Boston. While the British army was in the occupancy of that town, Earl Percy's quarters were in the house of his mother. His Lordship manifested a strong degree of partiality for him, and took him away with a view of providing for him. He gave him a military education, and placed him in the army, purchasing commissions and promotion for him as far as promotion can be acquired by purchase in the British service. His subsequent promotion to the rank of Major-general had been acquired by service. The breaking out of the war had found him stationed in Canada. He lost no time in stating his reluctance to serve against his own countrymen, and solicited a transfer to some other country. But his request had not been complied with at the time of the events now under review. For his exploit in capturing Scott and his little band at Queenston Heights, he was created a Baronet.

In the successive battles fought on that hardly-contested frontier during the years 1813 and 1814, young Brant, as the Indian leader, sustained himself with great credit, as well for his bravery as for his intelligence and activity. In the course of the extraordinary campaign of 1813, commenced so brilliantly for the American arms at York, and followed up in the same spirit and with the same success at Fort George, (Niagara,) and yet attended with such surprising disasters as the capture by the enemy of Generals Chandler and Winder, and the surrender of Colonel Boerstler at the Beaver Dams, young Brant had several opportunities of distinguishing himself. He was in the affair of Fort George, under General Vincent, when that fortress was so gallantly carried by the American troops under the immediate command of Major-general Lewis.

After Vincent retired into the interior, with a view of taking up a position at Burlington Heights, and after the disaster of Winder and Chandler at Forty Mile Creek, Colonel Boerstler was pushed forward with six hundred men of all arms--dragoons, artillery and infantry--to dislodge a strong picquet of the enemy posted in a stone house about two miles beyond a hilly pass called the Beaver Dams, seventeen miles from Fort George. [FN-1] Arriving at the Beaver Dams, Colonel Boerstler was surprised by a large body of Indians under the conduct of young Brant and Captain William J. Kerr, numbering about four hundred and fifty warriors. The battle was maintained for about three hours--the Indians, of course, fighting after their own fashion, in concealment--having apparently surrounded Colonel Boerstler in the woods. Indeed, the enemy must have conducted the battle with remarkable adroitness; for Colonel Boerstler, galled upon all sides, dared neither to advance nor retreat, while the result of every observation was a conviction that he was surrounded by far superior numbers. At length Lieutenant Fitzgibbons, of the 49th enemy's regiment, arriving on the ground with forty-six rank and file, sent a flag to Colonel Boerstler, demanding a surrender. After some parleying--the British lieutenant magnifying the number of their troops, and pretending to conduct the negotiation in the name of Major De Haren, [FN-2] not forgetting a few occasional suggestions touching the horrors of an Indian massacre--Colonel Boerstler, having neither reserve to sustain, nor demonstration to favor him, [FN-3] surrendered his detachment as prisoners of war. This battle occurred on the 24th of June, and was a brilliant affair for young Brant, since it was fought by the Indians alone, not a single cartridge being expended by the regular troops of the enemy. [FN-4]

* * * * *

[FN-1] General Armstrong.

[FN-2] Chrystie's History of the War in Canada.

[FN-3] General Armstrong's "Notices."

[FN-4] Letter to the author from Colonel William J. Kerr. This singular battle was the subject of much controversy at the time, and of not a little ridicule. The American accounts first published, stated that Boerstler was attacked by five hundred regular troops and one hundred Indians Colonel Bosrstler's own account of the affair dwells largely upon the great odds in numbers against him; but although the reader is left to infer that he fought long against regular troops as well as Indians, yet the fact is nowhere expressly stated. The Colonel maintained that it was an ill-advised expedition, detached in consequence of false information communicated by Major Cyrenius Chapin, commanding a detachment of volunteers. The Major, he averred, behaved like a consummate coward during the engagement. In regard to the battle itself, there is no doubt that the Colonel was out-generaled by Captain Kerr and young Brant, and having been kept at bay for several hours, was at length induced to surrender by stratagem.

After this achievement, young Brant participated in almost all the skirmishes that took place on the Niagara frontier while the American army occupied Fort George and the village of Niagara; and in the summer of 1814 he was engaged in the memorable battles of Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, and Fort Erie, while that post was invested by the British forces. In all these engagements his conduct was such as to command the admiration not only of his own people, but of the British officers--affording promise to all who marked his prowess, of becoming a very distinguished warrior.

At the close of the war, having attained the age of manhood, John Brant, and his youthful sister Elizabeth, the youngest of his father's family, returned to the head of Lake Ontario, and took up their residence in the "Brant House"--living in the English style, and dispensing the ancient hospitalities of their father. Lieutenant Francis Hall, of the British service, who traveled in the United States and Canada in 1816, visited the Brant House, and saw the old lady Chieftainess at that place. He also speaks highly of the youthful Chief, John, as "a fine young man, of gentleman-like appearance, who used the English language agreeably and correctly, dressing in the English fashion, excepting only the moccasins of his Indian habit."--Lieutenant Hall also visited the Mohawk village on the Grand River, where Elizabeth happened at that time to be, and of whom he gives an interesting account in his notice of the Brant family, their situation, and the people as he found them. Speaking of Thayendanegea, this intelligent traveler remarks:--"Brant, like Clovis, and many of the early Anglo-Saxon and Danish Christians, contrived to unite much religious zeal with the practices of natural ferocity. His grave is to be seen under the walls of his church. I have mentioned one of his sons; he has also a daughter living, who would not disgrace the circles of European fashion; her face and person are fine and graceful; she speaks English not only correctly, but elegantly; and has, both in her speech and manners, a softness approaching to oriental languor. She retains so much of her native dress as to identify her with her people, over whom she affects no superiority, but seems pleased to preserve all the ties and duties of relationship. She held the infant of one of her relations at the font, on the Sunday of my visit to the church. The usual church and baptismal service was performed by a Doctor Aaron, an Indian, and an assistant priest; the congregation consisted of sixty or seventy persons, male and female. Many of the young men were dressed in the English fashion, but several of the old warriors came with their blankets folded over them like the drapery of a statue; and in this dress, with a step and mien of quiet energy, more forcibly reminded me of the ancient Romans than some other inhabitants of this continent who have laid claim to the resemblance. Some of them wore large silver crosses, medals, and trinkets on their arms and breasts; and a few had bandeaus, ornamented with feathers. Dr. Aaron, a grey-headed Mohawk, had touched his cheeks and forehead with a few spots of vermilion, in honor of Sunday. He wore a surplice, and preached; but his delivery was monotonous and unimpassioned. Indian eloquence decays with the peculiar state of society to which it owed its energy." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Hall's Travels, pp. 135, 136.

Three years afterward, in 1819, James Buchanan, Esq., H. B. M. consul for the port of New-York, made the tour of Upper Canada, accompanied by two of his daughters. In the course of his journey Mr. Buchanan visited the Brant House, of which circumstance he subsequently published the following agreeable account in his little volume of Indian sketches:--

"After stopping more than a week under the truly hospitable roof of the Honorable Colonel Clarke, at the Falls of Niagara, I determined to proceed by land round Lake Ontario, to York; [FN-1] and Mrs. Clarke [FN-2] offered to give my daughters a letter of introduction to a Miss Brant, advising us to arrange our time so as to sleep and stop a day or two in the house of that lady, as she was certain we should be much pleased with her and her brother. Our friend did not intimate, still less did we suspect, that the introduction was to an Indian prince and princess. Had we been in the least aware of this, our previous arrangements would all have given way, as there was nothing I was more anxious to obtain than an opportunity such as this was so well calculated to afford, of seeing in what degree the Indian character would be modified by a conformity to the habits and comforts of civilized life."

* * * * *

[FN-1] Now Toronto, or, more properly, Taranto, which is the Indian name.

[FN-2] Mrs. Clarke was the daughter of the late Dr. Robert Kerr, of Niagara, and grand-daughter of Sir William Johnson, by Molly Brant. She was of course by blood one quarter Mohawk. Colonel Clarke's residence was upon the banks of the Niagara, a short distance above the great cataract. His gardens and grounds were extensive, highly cultivated, and laid out with the taste of a landscape gardener--washed by the mighty stream thundering over the rapids past it on one side, and bounded on the other of its sides by a deep, dark glen, of rocks, and trees, and wild turbulent waters. Mrs. Clarke was a lady of noble appearance, of highly cultivated mind and manners, and of sincere and unostentatious piety. Her husband died two or three years since; and a letter to the author, from her brother, Colonel Kerr, of Brant House, received while these pages were in preparation for the press, announced her decease, on the 2d of March, 1837. An agreeable visit at her seat, in September preceding her decease, enlightened by her eloquence and vivacity, will not soon be forgotten.--_Author._

"Proceeding on our journey, we stopped at an inn, romantically situated, where I determined to remain all night. Among other things I inquired of the landlord if he knew the distance to Miss Brant's house, and from him I learned that it was about twenty miles farther. He added, that young Mr. Brant had passed that way in the forenoon, and would, no doubt, be returning in the evening, and that if I wished it, he would be on the look-out for him. This I desired the landlord to do, as it would enable me to intimate our introduction to his sister, and intention of waiting on her the next morning.

"At dusk Mr. Brant returned, and being introduced into our room, we were unable to distinguish his complexion, and conversed with him, believing him to be a young Canadian gentleman. We did not, however, fail to observe a certain degree of hesitation and reserve in the manner of his speech. He certainly expressed a wish that we would do his sister and himself the favor of spending a few days with them, in order to refresh ourselves and our horses; but we thought his style more laconic than hospitable. Before candles were brought in, our new friend departed, leaving us still in error as to his nation.

"By four o'clock in the morning we resumed our journey. On arriving at the magnificent shores of Lake Ontario, the driver of our carriage pointed out, at the distance of five miles, the house of Miss Brant, which had a very noble and commanding aspect; and we anticipated much pleasure in our visit; as besides the enjoyment of so beautiful a spot, we should be enabled to form a competent idea of Canadian manners and style of living. Young Mr. Brant, it appeared, unaware that with our carriage we could have reached his house so soon, had not arrived before us; so that our approach was not announced, and we drove up to the door under the full persuasion that the family would be apprised of our coming. The outer door, leading to a spacious hall, was open. We entered, and remained a few minutes, when, seeing no person about, we proceeded into the parlor, which, like the hall, was for the moment unoccupied. We therefore had an opportunity of looking about us at our leisure. It was a room well furnished, with a carpet, pier and chimney glasses, mahogany tables, fashionable chairs, a guitar, a neat hanging book-case, in which, among other volumes, we perceived a Church of England Prayer Book, translated into the Mohawk tongue. Having sent our note of introduction in by the coachman, and still no person waiting on us, we began to suspect (more especially in the hungry state we were in,) that some delay or difficulty about breakfast stood in the way of the young lady's appearance. I can assure my readers that a keen morning's ride on the shores of an American lake, is an exercise of all others calculated to make the appetite clamorous, if not insolent. We had already penetrated into the parlor, and were beginning to meditate a farther exploration in search of the pantry, when, to our unspeakable astonishment, in walked a charming, noble-looking Indian girl, dressed partly in the native and partly in the English costume. Her hair was confined on the head in a silk net, but the lower tresses, escaping from thence, flowed down on her shoulders. Under a tunic or morning dress of black silk, was a petticoat of the same material and color, which reached very little below the knee. Her silk stockings and kid shoes were, like the rest of her dress, black. The grace and dignity of her movement, the style of her dress and manner, so new, so unexpected, filled us all with astonishment. With great ease, yet by no means in that common-place mode so generally prevalent on such occasions, she inquired how we found the roads, accommodations, &c. No flutter was at all apparent on account of the delay in getting breakfast; no fidgeting and fuss-making, no running in and out, no idle expressions of regret, such as 'O! dear me! had I known of your coming, you would not have been kept in this way;' but with perfect ease she maintained conversation, until a squaw, wearing a man's hat, brought in a tray with preparations for breakfast. A table cloth of fine white damask being laid, we were regaled with tea, coffee, hot rolls, butter in water and ice coolers, eggs, smoked beef, ham, and broiled chickens, &c.; all served in a truly neat and comfortable style. The delay, we afterward discovered, arose from the desire of our hostess to supply us with hot rolls, which were actually baked while we were waiting. I have been thus minute in my description of these comforts, as they were so little to be expected in the house of an Indian.

"After breakfast Miss Brant took my daughters out to walk, and look at the picturesque scenery of the country. She and her brother had previously expressed a hope that we would stay all day; but though I wished of all things to do so, and had determined, in the event of their pressing their invitation, to accept it, yet I declined the proposal at first, and thus forfeited a pleasure which we all of us longed in our hearts to enjoy; for, as I afterward learned, it is not the custom of any uncorrupted Indian to repeat a request if once rejected. They believe that those to whom they offer any mark of friendship, and who give a reason for refusing it, do so in perfect sincerity, and that it would be rudeness to require them to alter their determination or break their word. And as the Indian never makes a show of civility but when prompted by a genuine feeling, so he thinks others are actuated by similar candor. I really feel ashamed when I consider how severe a rebuke this carries with it to us who boast of civilization, but who are so much carried away by the general insincerity of expression pervading all ranks, that few indeed are to be found who speak just what they wish or know. This duplicity is the effect of what is termed a high state of refinement. We are taught so to conduct our language, that others cannot discover our real views or intentions. The Indians are not only free from this deceitfulness, but surpass us in another instance of good-breeding and decorum, namely, of never interrupting those who converse with them until they have done speaking; and then they reply in the hope of not being themselves interrupted. This was perfectly exemplified by Miss Brant and her brother; and I hope the lesson my daughters were so forcibly taught by the natural politeness of their hostess, will never be forgotten by them, and that I also may profit by the example.

"After stopping a few hours with these interesting young Indians, and giving them an invitation to pay us a visit at New-York, which they expressed great desire to fulfill and which I therefore confidently anticipated, we took our leave with real regret on all sides. As we passed through the hall, I expected to see some Indian instruments of war or the chase; but perceiving the walls were bare of these customary ornaments, I asked Mr. Brant where were the trophies that belonged to his family? He told me, and I record it with shame, that the numerous visitors that from time to time called on him, had expressed their desire so strongly for these trophies, that one by one he had given all away; and now he was exempt from these sacrifices by not having any thing of the kind left. He seemed, nevertheless, to cherish with fondness the memory of these relics of his forefathers. How ill did the _civilized_ visitors requite the hospitality they experienced under the roof whose doors stand open to shelter and feed all who enter!

"As all about our young hostess is interesting, I will add some farther particulars. Having inquired for her mother she told me she remained generally with her other sons and daughters, who were living in the Indian settlement on the Grand River, that falls into Lake Erie; that her mother preferred being in the wigwams, and disapproved, in a certain degree, of her and her brother John's conforming so much to the habits and costumes of the English."

In the opening chapter of the present work, the Rev. Dr. Stewart, formerly a missionary in the Mohawk Valley, and subsequently Archdeacon of the Episcopal church of Upper Canada, was several times referred to as authority for a variety of particulars in the early life of the elder Brant. The sketches of his life thus referred to, were in fact written by the present honorable and venerable Archdeacon Strachan, of Toronto, from conversations with Dr. Stewart, and published in the Christian Recorder, at Kingston, in 1819. There were portions of those sketches which gave offence to the family of Thayendanegea, and his son and successor entered upon the vindication of his father's character with great spirit. Dr. Strachan had used an unfortunate epithet in reference to the old Chief, and virtually charged him with having been engaged in the bloody affair of Wyoming; accused him of having entertained designs hostile to the interests of the crown; of wavering loyalty; and, before his death, of intemperance. These and other matters, contained in the before-mentioned sketches, tending seriously to detract from the respect previously entertained for the memory of the father, were repelled with vigorous and virtuous indignation by the son in the course of a correspondence with the Reverend Archdeacon; and were it not for the circumstance that the matter was in the end satisfactorily adjusted, some extracts from this correspondence might here be presented, by way of exhibiting the tact and talent with which a Mohawk Chief could manage a controversy in the field of letters. The offensive statements in the sketches of the Christian Recorder were clearly shown to have arisen from mistakes and misrepresentations; and in the course of the explanations that ensued, the conduct of the Archdeacon "was most honorable." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Letter of William Johnson Kerr to the author.

The difficulties between the Mohawks and the Provincial Government, respecting the title to the lands of the former, which the elder Brant had so long labored, but in vain, to adjust, yet continuing unsettled, in the year 1821 John Brant, alias Ahyouwaeghs, was commissioned to proceed to England, as his father had been before him, to make one more appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the parent government. He urged his claim with ability, and enlisted in the cause of his people men of high rank and influence. Among these was the Duke of Northumberland, the son of the old Duke--the Lord Percy of the American Revolution, and the friend of his father, who had deceased in 1817. The Duke, like his father, had been adopted as a warrior of the Mohawks under the aboriginal cognomen of _Teyonhighkon;_ and he now manifested as much zeal and friendship for the Mohawks, in the controversy which had carried John Brant to England, as the old Duke had done for Thayendanegea twenty years before. The young chief likewise found an active and efficient friend in Saxe Bannister, Esq., a gentleman bred both to the navy and the law, who had resided for a time in Upper Canada. Mr. Bannister espoused the cause of the Indians with laudable zeal, and wrote several papers for the consideration of the ministers in their behalf. [FN] The result was, that before leaving England in 1822, the agent received a promise from the Secretary of the Colonies, Lord Bathurst, that his complaints should be redressed to his entire satisfaction. Instructions to that effect were actually transmitted to the Colonial Government, then administered by Sir Peregrine Maitland, and Ahyouwaeghs returned to his country and constituents with the well-earned character of a successful diplomatist.

* * * * *

[FN] Mr. Bannister afterward held an appointment in New South Wales, and subsequently still was Chief Justice of the colony of Sierra Leone, where he died.

But the just expectations of the Chief and his people were again thwarted by the provincial authorities. The refusal of the local government to carry into effect the instructions from the ministers of the crown, the pretexts which they advanced, and the subterfuges to which they resorted as excuses for their conduct, were communicated by the chief to his friend the Duke of Northumberland, by letter, in June, 1823. He also wrote simultaneously to Mr. Bannister upon the subject. A correspondence of some length ensued between the Chief and those gentlemen, and repeated efforts were made to compass a satisfactory and final arrangement of the vexed and long-pending controversy. But these efforts were as unsuccessful in the end as they had been in the beginning.

While in England upon this mission, the young Chief determined to vindicate the memory of his father from the aspersions that had been cast upon it there, as he had already done in his own country. Campbell's "_Gertrude of Wyoming_" had then been published several years. The subject, and general character of that delightful work, are too well and universally known to require an analysis in this place. With a poet's license, Mr. Campbell had not only described the valley as a terrestrial paradise, but represented its inhabitants as being little if any inferior, in their character, situation, and enjoyments, to the spirits of the blessed. Into a community thus innocent, gay, and happy, he had introduced the authors of the massacre of 1778, led on by "the monster Brant." This phrase gave great offence to the family of the old chief, as also did the whole passage in which it occurred. The offensive stanzas purport to form a portion of the speech of an Indian hero of the tale, an Oneida Chief, who is made to interrupt a domestic banquet, under most interesting circumstances, in the following strains, prophetic of danger near at hand:--

"But this is not the time,"--he started up, And smote his heart with woe-denouncing hand-- "This is no time to fill the joyous cup, The mammoth comes,--the foe,--the monster Brant,-- With all his howling, desolating band;-- These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine Awake at once, and silence half your land. Red is the cup they drink--but not with wine: Awake, and watch to-night! or see no morning shine!

"Scorning to wield the hatchet for his tribe, 'Gainst Brant himself I went to battle forth: Accursed Brant! he left of all my tribe Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth: No! not the dog that watch'd my household hearth Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains! All perish'd--I alone am left on earth! To whom nor relative, nor blood remains, No!--not a kindred drop that runs in human veins!"

This paraphrase of the celebrated speech of Logan--less poetical, by the way, than the original--was illustrated by notes, asserting positively that Brant was the Indian leader at Wyoming, and proving his cool-blooded ferocity by citing the anecdote from Weld's Travels, quoted, for denial, as a note on a preceding page. John Brant had previously prepared himself with documents to sustain a demand upon the poet for justice to the memory of his father; and in December, 1821, his friend Bannister waited upon Mr. Campbell, with an amicable message, opening the door for explanations. A correspondence ensued, only a portion of which has been preserved among the papers of John Brant; but in a note of the latter to the poet, dated the 28th of December, the young chief thanked him for the candid manner in which he had received his request conveyed by Mr. Bannister. The documents with which the Chief had furnished himself for the occasion, were thereupon enclosed to Mr. Campbell, and the result was a long explanatory letter from the poet, which has been very generally re-published. Candor, however, must admit that that letter does but very partial and evidently reluctant justice to the calumniated warrior. It is, moreover, less magnanimous, and characterised by more of special pleading, than might have been expected. [FN-1] In addition to this, it appears, by a communication from the young chief to Sir John Johnson, dated January 22, 1822, that Mr. Campbell had not only expressed his regret at the injustice done the character of his father, but had promised a correction in the next edition--then soon to be published. This correction, however, was not made, as it should have been, in the text, but in a note to the subsequent edition; and although, at the close of that note, Mr. Campbell says, for reasons given, that "the name of Brant remains in his poem only as a pure and declared character of fiction," yet it is not a fictitious historical character, and cannot be made such by an effort of the imagination. The original wrong, therefore, though mitigated, has not been fully redressed, for the simple reason that it is the poem that lives in the memory, while the note, even if read, makes little impression, and is soon forgotten. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] See close of the Appendix.

[FN-2] The note referred to, is as follows:--"I took the character of Brant in the poem of Gertrude from the common histories of England, all of which represented him as a bloody and bad man, (even among savages,) and chief agent in the horrible desolation of Wyoming. Some years after this poem appeared, the son of Brant, a most interesting and intelligent youth, came over to England; and I formed an acquaintance with him, on which I still look back with pleasure. He appealed to my sense of honor and justice, on his own part and on that of his sister, to retract the unfair assertion which, unconscious of its unfairness, I had cast on his father's memory. He then referred to documents which completely satisfied me that the common accounts of Brant's cruelties at Wyoming, which I had found in books of travels, and in Adolphus's and similar histories of England, were gross errors; and that, in point of fact, Brant was not even present at that scene of desolation. . . . I ascertained, also, that, he often strove to mitigate the cruelty of Indian warfare. The name of Brant, therefore, remains in my poem, a pure and declared character of fiction." This is something like knocking a man down, and then desiring that he would regard the blow as purely a phantasy of the imagination.

During his sojourn in London, the young chief seems to have paid considerable attention to the public institutions, particularly those of a humane and benevolent character. He was introduced by Mr. Butterworth to the British and Foreign School Society; and in his diary mentions an interesting visit to the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons. Other objects of interest or curiosity, which attracted his attention, were noted in his diary, a small fragment of which only remains among his papers. The following entry is not very flattering to British beauty:--

"_Thursday Evening,_ 16th _May,_ 1822, I went to Mr. C. A. Tulk's, M. P. party, to hear a little music. There were twenty-two ladies--one only pretty--Casweighter, said to be the best violin player in Europe, and Solly, celebrated for the guitar and piano. I met a gentleman well acquainted with my father--formerly of the Queen's Rangers."

But his attention to other matters did not lead him to forgetfulness of the moral wants of his people. The war between the United States and Great Britain, the principal seat of which was in the vicinity of the Mohawks' territory, had had a most unhappy effect upon their social condition. Their farms had been neglected, their buildings had suffered from the same cause, as also had their church and schools. It is likewise probable, that after the decease of Thayendanegea, in the absence of a directing master mind, there had been but little advance in the work of public instruction before the war; and it was the design of young Brant, on his return to Canada, to resuscitate and extend the schools among his nation. For this purpose he procured an appropriation, in 1822, from the New-England Corporation for the civilization of Indians, which had been chartered as far back as 1662. After his return to Grand River, the young chief entered zealously upon the work, as appears from an active correspondence maintained for several years with the officers of that institution. The following extracts, from a mass of his letters, are given, not only as examples of his epistolary style, but for the purpose of showing the extent and nature of the exertions he was making, and the prospects of good which were opening upon him:--

"John Brant, (Ahyouwaeghs) to James Gibson.

"_Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C._ } 19th _June,_ 1824. }

". . . I have attended to the subject of your letters with the greatest satisfaction, and I hope that the report I am now about to make to you, will be equally satisfactory to the humane and benevolent members of the New England Corporation. I set out with observing that the appointed teacher conducts himself in every point of view corresponding to our expectations. The children are particularly taught religious and moral duties; the hours of prayer are rigidly attended to; and on the Sabbath the scholars attend divine service. Cleanliness is strictly enforced, and all laudable means are resorted to in order to excite a liberal spirit of emulation. Corporeal punishment is discountenanced, except in cases of flagrant indifference. Upon the whole, I have the pleasure of announcing, through the medium of you, Sir, to the Corporation, that the donation so liberally applied, will, in my opinion, be attended with the most salutary effects. It is an agreeable sight to observe the rising generation of the aborigines employed in acquiring knowledge, and in a spirit of true worship attending divine service on the Sabbath. . . .

"One of our tribes, the Oneidas, [FN] are very anxious to have a school established for them. The chiefs have assured me that not less than thirty children would attend the school if established. . . ."

* * * * *

[FN] A section of the Oneida nation. After the war of the Revolution, portions of all the Six Nations emigrated to the new Mohawk territory, although the majority of all the nations, except the Mohawks, remained within the United States--on their ancient territory.

"Seven of the oldest children in our school read in the Mohawk Prayer-book, repeat the catechism, and answer responses in church. The others use our primers, and spell very well in them to seven and eight syllables. The number of scholars is twenty-one. . . . I am sensible of the generous aid that the Corporation have already afforded, and I am requested by the Chiefs of my tribe to return their sincere thanks to the members of the New England Corporation.

"I am, Sir, Your very obedient servant, J. Brant, _Ahyouwaeghs_

"_James Gibson, Esq. Treasurer New England Corporation._"

"The Same to the Same.

"_Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C._ } 19_th July,_ 1826. }

"Dear Sir,

"After having visited the schools which are supported by the New England Corporation, where more than sixty children are taught to read and write in the Mohawk dialect and the English language, I beg to communicate to you the state of the church in our village. It being the first built in the province, is now in a very dilapidated state, and we have not the funds to rebuild. We have made an allotment of two hundred acres of land for the use of a resident clergyman, and fifty acres for the use of the school; and we have appropriated six hundred dollars, or 150 pounds province currency, toward defraying the expenses of building a parsonage; and although that sum is quite insufficient for the object, yet it is the utmost we can do, considering the circumstances and wants of our respective tribes. We would be very thankful if we could obtain pecuniary aid sufficient to finish the parsonage and rebuild our church; and would rejoice to have a resident clergyman amongst us, who would not consider it too laborious frequently to travel to our several hamlets, to preach the Gospel of the meek and lowly Jesus; to visit the sick; and always to evince, not only by preaching, but by example, his devotion to the church of Christ.

"I am, dear Sir, Your friend and servant, J. Brant."

"Letter from the Same to the Same.

"_Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C. } October_ 27, 1828. }

"Dear Sir,

"I have the pleasure to acknowledge your communication of the 17th August last, subjoining copies of the resolutions of the New England Corporation at a meeting held on the 8th of March, 1825. Permit me to repeat the grateful sentiments formerly expressed on the part of my tribe to the members of the Corporation for their liberal contributions, as also for the farther support they have now afforded to the most efficient and practical plans of promoting education and the diffusion of knowledge among the Mohawks.

"I have received a letter from the Rev. Mr. West, dated at New-York; but have not as yet arranged any plans with that gentleman relative to his mission; being satisfied, that after a personal conference and actual observation, we can in a much better way arrange such measures as may appear most beneficial.

"Mr. West mentions that he will visit me in the month of May next. I anticipate much satisfaction in meeting the reverend gentleman. It is undoubtedly the best mode of ascertaining our relative situations, circumstances, &c. &c. This I ardently desire for several reasons. It will enable the company to judge how far it may be useful to extend the means of education, and of the probable results; as also the difficulties in which, for very many years, a continuation of unfavorable circumstances has involved the Five Nations. To effect a complete change in manners and customs, that have been long established, will indeed be an arduous task. Let not the difficulties terrify us from the attempt. The more arduous, the more animating--inasmuch as if the attempt succeed, the reward will be great. Not that those who commence this work of humanity are to flatter themselves with the hope of seeing the complete effect of their labors; time will be required; and when the foundation is laid in the spirit of sincerity, no doubt can remain that, with the help of God, the edifice will be raised.

"With respect to that part of your letter which refers to the religious faith of a part of the Five Nations, I beg for a short time to defer a reply; as it embraces a variety of important considerations, in connexion with the attempt to introduce religious instruction among them. The first great restraint, as to civilization, is removed; I mean by their local situation, in possessing permanent, or rather fixed places of residence. The commencement must be among the youth, with mildness and assiduity. To render the task not only a good, but a lasting work, it will be necessary to obtain the consent of parents. Care should be taken to explain matters, that the object of instruction be understood as clearly as possible by the parents.

"In my next I shall draw on you for the amount appropriated for the building of the Mohawk and Oneida school-houses, as also for the schoolmaster at Davis's hamlet. This is a proper season for entering into contracts for building, as our sleighing season is nigh at hand, which affords great facility in the way of collecting materials. As you have not mentioned Lawrence Davids, I shall continue to draw for his salary as usual, out of the 200 pounds appropriated by the Corporation in 1822.

"In my next I will tell you how the scholars get on. All my letters have been on business. I will in a few days write in a more friendly way, for I remember your kindness to me at Epsom.

"I beg my best respects to the Governor, Mr. Solly, and the other members of the Corporation, with whom I have the pleasure to be acquainted.

"I am, very truly, Dear Sir, Your obedient servant, J. Brant. _Ahyouwaeghs._

"_James Gibson, Esq.,_ _Treasurer New England Corporation, London._"

These letters breathe the spirit of an enlarged and noble philanthropy, guided by true wisdom. The writer had formed a just estimate of the importance of the work in which he engaged, and the difficulties to be encountered; and he had the sagacity to perceive the only practicable method of accomplishing it--a knowledge of the only means that could be successfully adapted to the end. The society of which he was the judicious almoner appreciated his worth, and in the year 1829 presented him with a splendid silver cup, bearing the following inscription:--

"Presented by the New England Corporation, Established in London by charter, A. D. 1662, for the civilization of Indians, To JOHN BRANT, Esq., Ahyouwaeghs, One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation, In acknowledgment of his eminent services in promoting the objects of the Corporation. A. D. 1829."

In the year 1827, Ahyouwaeghs was appointed by the Earl of Dalhousie, then Commander-in-Chief of the British American provinces, to the rank of Captain, and also Superintendent of the Six Nations. It was early in the same year that the Chief heard that a liberty had been taken with his name in the American newspapers, which kindled in his bosom feelings of the liveliest indignation. Those familiar with that deep and fearful conspiracy in the western part of New-York, in the Autumn of 1826, which resulted in the murder of William Morgan by a small body of over-zealous Freemasons, will probably remember that the name of John Brant appeared in a portion of the correspondence connected with that melancholy Story. The circumstances were these: It was well ascertained, that in the origin and earlier stages of that conspiracy no personal injury was designed against the unhappy victim of Masonic fanaticism. The immediate object of the conspirators was to send Morgan out of the country, under such circumstances, and to so great a distance, as to ensure his continued absence. But they had adjusted no definite plans for the execution of that purpose, or distinct views upon the subject of his destiny. Having abducted and illegally carried him away, those entrusted with his safekeeping found him upon their hands, and knew not what to do with or whither to send him. In this dilemma, one of their projects was to convey him to Quebec, and procure his enlistment on board of a British man-of-war. Another suggestion, under the supposition that the Mohawk chief was a Freemason himself, and would of course embark in any practicable scheme to prevent the disclosures of the secrets of Freemasonry, which Morgan was in the act of publishing when seized, was, that Brant should take charge of the prisoner, and cause his transfer by the Indians to the North-western Fur Company. But every device for the banishment of the unhappy man failed, and he was buried at the solemn hour of midnight in the rocky caverns of the Niagara. The suggestion in regard to the transfer of the prisoner to Ahyouwaeghs, however, became public, and for a time it was supposed by those unacquainted with his character, that he might have been consulted in regard to that murderous transaction. The imputation was most unjust, and was repelled with a spirit becoming the man and his race, as will appear by the following letter:--

"To the Editor of the York Observer.

"_Wellington Square, Feb._ 29, 1827.

"Sir,

"I have read a paragraph in the New-York Spectator of the 16th instant, wherein it is stated that the fraternity at Niagara had sent for me to receive and sacrifice the unhappy Morgan, of whom so much has been lately spoken.

"You will oblige me by contradicting this report, which is wholly false. Neither in that instance, nor any other, has such a barbarous proposal been made to me; nor do I believe the man exists who would dare to wound my feelings in such a heinous manner.

"I know nothing of the man, nor of any transaction relating to him; and I am much surprised that my name has been called in question.

"I am, Sir, your's respectfully, J. Brant."

In the year 1832 John Brant was returned a member of the Provincial parliament for the county of Haldimand, comprehending a good portion of the territory originally granted to the Mohawks. The right of the Indians to this territory yet depended upon the original proclamation of Sir Frederick Haldimand, which, according to the decision of the courts of Upper Canada, conveyed no legal title to the fee of the land. The Indians had been in the practice of conveying away portions of their lands by long leases--for the term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years--and a large number of those persons by whose votes Brant was elected, had no other title to their real estate than leases of that description. As the election laws of Upper Canada very wisely require a freehold qualification for county electors, Mr. Brant's return was contested by the opposing candidate, Colonel Warren, and ultimately set aside, and the Colonel declared to be duly chosen. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell, who sat in Parliament with the Mohawk Chief.

It was of but small moment to either candidate, however, which of the two should be allowed to wear the parliamentary honors. The desolating scourge of India--the cholera--was introduced upon the American continent in the Summer of that year, commencing its ravages at Quebec; and among the thousands who fell before the plague, as it swept fearfully over the country of the great lakes, were John Brant--Ahyouwaeghs--and his competitor.

He was a man of fine figure and countenance, and great dignity of deportment, though by no means haughty--having the unassuming manners of a well-bred gentleman. "The first time I ever saw him, was at a court at Kingston, where he acted as an interpreter on the trial of an Indian charged with murder. Another Indian was a witness. One of the Indians was a Mohawk and the other a Chippewa, of the Mississagua tribe. It was necessary, therefore, that the questions should be interpreted to the witness in one language, and to the prisoner in the other, which afforded me an opportunity to compare the sounds of the one with the other; and the harsh and guttural language of the Mohawk [FN-1] was, indeed, singularly contrasted with the copiousness and smoothness of the Chippewa. But what impressed me most on the trial, was the noble appearance of Brant, and the dignity and composure with which he discharged his duty." [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Not "harsh and guttural," when spoken by the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant.

[FN-2] Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell.

Ahyouwaeghs was a member of the Church of England, though not a communicant. A number of his friends and relations were with him when he died, all of whom believed his death was that of a happy and sincere Christian. In closing the present imperfect sketch of this remarkable man, who had but just attained the prime of manhood, and was cut off as it were in the dawn of a career bright with hope and brilliant with promise, the Christian philanthropist may pause a moment in the contemplation of at least one proud example of what letters and civilization may accomplish with the sons of the American forest.

Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant, whose name has already been repeatedly mentioned in the foregoing pages, was married several years ago to William Johnson Kerr, Esq. son of the late Dr. Robert Kerr of Niagara, and a grandson of Sir William Johnson. Mrs. Kerr, as the reader must have inferred from what has been previously said respecting her, was educated with great care, as well in regard to her mental culture as her personal accomplishments. With her husband and little family she now occupies the old mansion of her father, at the head of Lake Ontario--a noble situation, as the author can certify from personal observation. Though fully conscious of the delicacy due to a lady living in unostentatious retirement, yet, as the daughter of Joseph Brant, the author trusts that, should this page meet her eye, the enthusiasm of her father's biographer may plead his apology for introducing her before the public--more especially as it shall be done in the language of one of the fair companions [FN] of his journey:--

* * * * *

[FN] Miss Ann Elizabeth Wayland.

". . . Let, then, my reader present to himself a lady of rather more than middling stature, of dignified, reserved, and gentle address, most pleasing in person, and attired in a costume sufficiently Indian to retain the flow and drapery, but donned with the ease, adaptation, and grace, so peculiarly the attributes of an elegant mind.

"Let my reader mark the keen, penetrating glance of that dark eye, as now it rests upon the stranger, whose too eager interest might be deemed obtrusiveness, or anon, its soft, tender, or melting expression, when it falls upon the portraits of her brother, is cast upon her father's miniature, or bides upon her children.

"Let him mark the haughty curl of that lip as she speaks of those who depreciate her people, its sarcastic curve when she alludes to the _so-called_ delineations of her father's character, or its fond smile as she looks upon her husband; let him have before him a being in whom mind rules every action, and predominates above all; and let him attach this idea to one who glories in the fact, that the blood of the Mohawk courses in her veins; and he will know the daughter of Joseph Brant. But no; he must yet learn that this mind and these energies are devoted not alone to her immediate circle; but have been exerted most faithfully for the improvement and well-being of her race. She has, within a few years, translated portions of the New Testament into her vernacular, and is devising various means for the elevation of the Indian character."

Colonel Kerr, her husband, is the eldest of three brothers, William Johnson, Walter, and Robert, all of whom bore commissions, and fought the Americans bravely on the Niagara frontier during the last war. They were likewise all wounded, and two of them taken prisoners, and brought to Greenbush and Pittsfield, whence they escaped, striking first upon Schoharie, and thence across the country from the Mohawk Valley, through the woods to the St. Lawrence--though, it is believed, not both at the same time. Walter was accompanied in his escape and flight by a fellow-prisoner named Gregg. In the course of their travels through the county of St. Lawrence, they fell in with a courier going from the American commander at Sackett's Harbor to General Wilkinson, then below, on his successful approach to Montreal. The fugitives had the address to pass themselves off for Yankees looking for lands, and obtained from the express such information as they desired. Gregg was disposed to rob him of his dispatches, but Walter Kerr would not consent. He subsequently died from the effects of his wound in London. Inheriting a share of Indian blood, from their grandmother, Molly Brant, the young Kerrs have been represented to the author by an American gentleman, who has known them well, "as being alike fearless in battle, and full of stratagem."

On the death of her favorite son, John, the venerable widow of Joseph Brant, [FN] pursuant to the Mohawk law of succession heretofore explained, being herself of the royal line, conferred the title of Tekarihogea upon the infant son of her daughter, Mrs. Kerr. During the minority, the government is exercised by a regency of some kind; but how it is appointed, what are its powers, and at what age the minority terminates, are points unknown to the author. The infant chief is a fine-looking lad, three quarters Mohawk, with an eye piercing as the eagle's. But the people over whom he is the legitimate chief--the once mighty Six Nations--the Romans of the new world--whose conquests extended from Lake Champlain west to the falls cf the Ohio, and south to the Santee--where are they? The proud race is doomed; and Echo will shortly answer, where?

* * * * *

[FN] This remarkable Indian princess died at Brantford, on the Grand River, on the 24th day of November, 1837--thirty years, to a day, from the death of her husband. Her age was 78 years.

NOTE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.

Since the 1st edition of this work was printed, the author has ascertained that his account of the battle of Queenston is not complete, nor entirely accurate although pains were taken to consult the best authorities, and all known to be extant. The reader, therefore, is requested to examine that account again, commencing at page 505, with the following amendments and additions.

The American force that first crossed the river, consisted of _three_ companies, viz., those of Captains Wool, Malcolm and Armstrong. They were not undiscovered by the British, but were seen and fired upon before they reached the bank. The enemy, however, fled as the Americans landed, and the three companies mounted the bank and formed in line fronting the heights, Captain Wool commanding, as the senior officer. A few moments afterward, Captain Wool was informed of Col. Van Rensselaer's landing, and ordered to prepare for storming the heights--and soon the command was brought him to march. The detachment did march to the base of the heights, where it was ordered by an aid from Col. Van Rensselaer to halt; and in a few minutes it was attacked by a party of British from Queenston, which, after a short but severe struggle, was repulsed. In this affair, Lieut. Wallace and Ensign Morris were killed, and Captains Wool, Malcolm and Armstrong, and Lieut. Lent, wounded.

Shortly after this success, word was brought to Captain Wool that Col. Van Rensselaer was mortally wounded, and the detachment was ordered to return to the bank of the river. Captain Wool repaired to the Colonel, and volunteered to storm the battery on the heights--and this service was gallantly performed by the three companies of the 13th Infantry under his command, and a small detachment of artillery commanded by Lieuts. Gansevoort and Randolph. Through some cause, (probably the severe wounds of Col. Van Rensselaer,) full credit was not given to Captain Wool, in the official accounts, for his successful gallantry. From this point the narrative is correct, as it proceeds on page 507.

APPENDIX.

* * * * *

No. I.

[Reference prom Page 95.]

DESCRIPTION OF FORT PLAIN.

The following is said to be a correct drawing of Fort Plain, sometimes erroneously called Fort Plank. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Fort Plank, as it is written in the books, was situated two and a half miles from Fort Plain. The true name was Fort Blank, from the name of the owner of the farm on which it stood--Frederick Blank.

The Fort was situated on the brow of the hill, about half a mile north-west of the village, so as to command a full view of the valley, and the rise of the ground, for several miles in any direction; and hence it doubtless derived its name, because its beautiful location commanded a "_plain_" view of the surrounding country. It was erected by the government, as a fortress, and place of retreat and safety for the inhabitants and families in case of incursions from the Indians, who were then, and, indeed, more or less during the whole Revolutionary war, infesting the settlements of this whole region. Its form was an octagon, having port-holes for heavy ordnance and muskets on every side. It contained three stories or apartments. The first story was thirty feet in diameter; the second, forty feet; the third, fifty feet; the last two stones projecting five feet, as represented by the drawing aforesaid. It was constructed throughout of hewn timber about fifteen inches square; and, beside the port-holes aforesaid, the second and third stories had perpendicular port-holes through those parts that projected, so as to afford the regulars and militia, or settlers garrisoned in the fort, annoying facilities of defence for themselves, wives, and children, in case of close assault from the relentless savage. Whenever scouts came in with tidings that a hostile party was approaching, a cannon was fired from the fort as a signal to flee to it for safety.

In the early part of the war there was built, by the inhabitants probably, at or near the site of the one above described, a fortification, of materials and construction that ill comported with the use and purposes for which it was intended. This induced government to erect another, (Fort Plain,) under the superintendence of an experienced French engineer. As a piece of architecture, it was well wrought and neatly finished, and surpassed all the forts in that region. After the termination of the Revolutionary war, Fort Plain was used for some years as a deposit of military stores, under the direction of Captain B. Hudson. These stores were finally ordered by the United States Government to be removed to Albany. The fort is demolished. Nothing remains of it except a circumvallation or trench, which, although nearly obliterated by the plough, still indicates to the curious traveler sufficient evidence of a fortification in days by-gone.--_Fort Plain Journal,_ Dec 26, 1837.

* * * * *

No. II.

[Reference from Page 153.]

_"Copy of another paper in the same hand-writing, taken with the letter to General Haldimand from Dr. Smith._

"April 20,1781.

"Fort Stanwix.

"This post is garrisoned by about two hundred and sixty men, under the command of Colonel Courtlandt. It was supplied with provision about the 14th of last month, and Brant was too early to hit their sleys; he was there on the 2d; took sixteen prisoners. A nine-inch mortar is ordered from Albany to this fort, to be supplied against the latter end of May. The nine months' men raised are to join Courtlandt's.

"25th May.--Fort Stanwix is entirely consumed by fire, except two small bastions; some say by accident, but it is generally thought the soldiers done it on purpose, as their allowance is short; provision stopped from going there, which was on its way.

"John's Town.

"At this place there is a captain's guard.

"Mohawk River.

"There are no troops, or warlike preparations (as yet) making in this quarter; but it is reported, that as soon as the three years and nine months' men are raised, they will erect fortifications. From this place and its vicinage many families have moved this winter, and it is thought more will follow the example this spring.

"Schenectady.

"This town is strongly picketed all round; has six pieces of ordnance, six pounders, block-houses preparing. It is to be defended by the inhabitants; (except about a dozen) are for Government. There are a few of Courtlandt's regiment here; a large quantity of grain stored here for the use of the troops; large boats building to convey heavy metal and shot to Fort Stanwix.

"Albany.

"No troops at this post, except the Commandant, General Clinton, and his Brigade Major. Work of all kinds stopped for want of provisions and money. The sick in the hospitals, and their doctors, starving. 8th May--No troops yet in this place; a fine time to bring it to submission, and carry off a tribe of incendiaries.

"Washington's Camp.

"The strength of this camp does not exceed twenty-five thousand. Provisions of all kinds very scarce. Washington and the French have agents through the country, buying wheat and flour. He has sent to Albany for all the cannon, quick-match, &c., that was deposited there. Desertions daily from the different posts. The flower of the army gone to the southward with the Marquis De La Fayette.

"May 8th. They say Washington is collecting troops fast.

"Southern News.

"On the 15th of March, Lord Cornwallis attacked General Green at Guilford Court House, in North Carolina, and defeated him with the loss on Green's side of thirteen hundred men killed, wounded, and missing; his artillery, and two ammunition wagons taken, and Generals Starns and Hegu wounded.

"May 25th. Something very particular happened lately between here and New-York, much in the King's favor, but the particulars kept a secret.

"Eastern News.

"The inhabitants between Albany and Boston, and several precincts, drink the King's health publicly, and seem enchanted with the late proclamation from New-York. By a person ten days ago from Rhode Island, we have an account that the number of land forces belonging to the French does not amount to more than three hundred; that when he left it, he saw two of the French vessels from Chesapeake much damaged and towed in; that several boats full of wounded were brought and put into their hospitals, and that only three vessels out of the eight which left the island escaped, the remainder brought into York. Out eastward of Boston is acting on the Vermont principle.

"State of Vermont.

"The opinion of the people in general of this State is, that its inhabitants are artful and cunning, full of thrift and design. About fifteen days ago Colonel Allen and a Mr. Fay was in Albany. I made it my particular business to be twice in their company; at which time I endeavored to find out their business, and on inquiry I understood from Colonel Allen that he came down to wait on Governor Clinton, to receive his answer to a petition which the people of Vermont had laid before the Assembly; that he had been twice at the Governor's lodging, and that the Governor had refused to see or speak to him. Allen then said he might be damned if ever he would court his favor again; since that time they have petitioned the Eastern States to be in their Confederacy, to no purpose. I heard Allen declare to one Harper that there was a North Pole and a South Pole; and should a thunder-gust come from the south, they would shut the door opposite to that point and open the door facing the north.

"8th May. By this time it is expected they will be friendly to their King; various opinions about their flag.

"Saratoga.

"At this post there is a company belonging to Van Schaick's regiment, lately come from Fort Edward; which garrison they left for want of provision; and here they are determined not to stay for the same reason. A fort erecting here by General Schuyler. Two hundred and fifty men at this place.

"Fort Edward.

"Evacuated. Now is the time to strike a blow in these ports. A party toward Johnstown, by way of Division, and a considerable body down here, will effect your wish.

"General Intelligence.

"Norman's Kill, Nisquitha, Hill Barrack, and New-Scotland, will immediately on the arrival of his Majesty's troops, join and give provision. Several townships east of Albany and south-east, are ready to do the like. Governor Trumbull's son was hanged in London for a spy; he had several letters from Dr. Franklin to some lords, which were found upon him. [FN] No mention in the last Fishkill papers that Greene obliged his Lordship to retreat, as has been reported. The Cork fleet, of upward of one hundred sail, are safely arrived in York. No hostile intentions on foot against the Province of Canada."

* * * * *

[FN] The reference here is to Colonel John Trumbull, the former Adjutant General of the northern department, who, so far from having been hanged at the time mentioned, is yet living, (Feb. 1839,) having served his country faithfully and successfully in a high civil capacity since the war of the Revolution, but, more to its glory still, by his contributions to the arts. It is true, that at the tame referred to by the writer of these memoranda, Colonel Trumbull was in London. He had repaired thither to study the divine art which he has so long and successfully cultivated, under the instruction of his countryman, West, and with the tacit permission of the British ministers. Owing, however, to the intrigues of some of the American loyalists in London, who hated him bitterly, he was arrested in London during the Autumn of 1780, on a charge of treason, and committed to the common prison. He had a narrow escape, especially as great exasperation was kindled by the execution of Andre, and it was hoped that an offset might be made in the person of the son of a rebel Governor. West interceded with the King, and Trumbull was liberated. Colonel Trumbull's Memoirs, which are in course of preparation, will contain an interesting account of this affair, which was most disgraceful to those who compassed his arrest--_Author._

"May 25. I just received advice from T. H. but before his arrival, I despatched a courier on the point of a sharp weapon, to which I refer you; and lest that should miscarry, I send you my journal, from which, and the extract sent forward, you may, if it arrives, form something interesting. For God's sake, send a flag for me. My life is miserable. I have fair promises, but delays are dangerous."

With the above was taken another paper in the same hand-writing, of which the following is a copy:

"Y. H. is disobedient, and neither regards or pays any respect to his parents; if he did, he would contribute to their disquiet, by coming down contrary to their approbation and repeated requests.

"The necessaries you require are gone forward last Tuesday by a person which the bearer will inform you of. I wish he was in your company, and you all safely returned, &c.

"My life is miserable. A flag--a flag, and that immediately, is the sincere wish of

"H. Senior."

No. III.

[Reference from Page 165.]

1.

A firm fortress is our God, a good defence and weapon; He helps us free from all our troubles which have now befallen us. The old evil enemy, he is now seriously going to work; Great power and much cunning are his cruel equipments, There is none like him on the earth.

2.

With our own strength nothing can be done, we are very soon lost; For us the right man is fighting, whom God himself has chosen. Do you ask, who he is? His name is Jesus Christ, The Lord Jehovah, and there is no other God; He must hold the field.

3.

And if the world were full of devils, ready to devour us, We are by no means much afraid, for finally we must overcome The prince of this world, however badly he may behave, He cannot injure us, and the reason is, because he is judge; A little word can lay him low.

4.

That word they shall suffer to remain, and not to be thanked for either; He is with us in the field, with his Spirit and his gifts. If they take from us body, property, honor, child and wife, Let them all be taken away, they have yet no gain from it, The kingdom of heaven must remain to us.

[The above if from a hymn book A. D. 1741. In one printed in 1826, and now in use in Pennsylvania, the following is added:]

5.

Praise, honor and glory to the Highest God, the Father of all Mercy. Who has given us out of love His Son, for the sake of our defects, Together with the Holy Spirit. He calls us to the Kingdom; He takes away from us our sins, and shows us the way to heaven; May He joyfully aid us. Amen.

No. IV.

[Reference from Page 167.]

_Colonel Gansevoort's Address to the late_ 3_d New-York Regiment._ [Regimental Orders.]

"_Saratoga, Dec._ 30th, 1780.

"The Colonel being by the new arrangement necessitated to quit the command of his regiment, and intending to leave this post on the morrow, returns his sincerest thanks to the officers and soldiers whom he has had the honor to command, for the alacrity, cheerfulness, and zeal, which it affords him peculiar satisfaction to declare they have so frequently evinced in the execution of those duties which their stations required them to discharge, and for their attention to his orders, which, as it ever merited, always had his warmest approbation.

"Though he confesses that it is with some degree of pain he reflects that the relation in which they stood is dissolved, he will endeavor to submit without repining to a circumstance which, though it may have a tendency to wound his feelings, his fellow-citizens who form the councils of the states have declared would be promotive of the public weal.

"In whatever situation of life he may be placed, he will always with pleasure cherish the remembrance of those deserving men who have with him been sharers of almost every hardship incident to a military life. As he will now probably return to that class of citizens whence his country's service at an early period of the war drew him, he cordially wishes the day may not be very remote when a happy peace will put them in the full enjoyment of those blessings for the attainment of which they have nobly endured every inconvenience and braved many dangers.

"P. Gansevoort."

* * * * *

_An Address to Colonel Peter Gansevoort, by the Officers of his Regiment, on his retiring from service, in consequence of the new arrangement ordered by Congress._

"_Saratoga, Dec._ 31, 1780.

"Sir,

"Permit us, who are now with reluctance separated from your command, and deprived of the benefits which we frequently experienced therefrom, to declare our sentiments with a warmth of affection and gratitude, inspired by a consciousness of your unwearied attention to the welfare, honor, and prosperity of the Third New-York Regiment, while it was honored by your command.

"We should have been peculiarly happy in your continuance with us. From our long experience of your invariable attachment to the service of our country, your known and approved abilities, and that affable and gentleman-like deportment by which (permit us to say) you have so endeared yourself to officers and soldiers, that we cannot but consider the separation as a great misfortune.

"Although your return to the class of citizens from whence our country's cause, at an early period, called you, it is not a matter of choice in you, nor by any means agreeable to us; yet it cannot but be pleasing to know that you retire with the sincerest affection, and most cordial esteem and regards of the officers and men you have commanded.

"We are, with the utmost respect, Sir, Your most humble servants,

"Jas. Rosekrans, Major, B. Bogardus, Lieutenant, Corn's. T. Gansen, Captain, J. Bagley do. J. Gregg, do. Chrs. Hatton, do. Leonard Bleeker, do. W. Magee, do. Geo. Sytee, do. Prentice Bowen, do. Henry Tiebout, do. Saml. Lewis, do. Hunloke Woodruff, Surgeon, John Elliot, Surgeon's Mate, J. Van Rensselaer, Paymaster, Benj. Herring, Ensign, Douw T. Fonday, Ensign, Gerrit Lansing, do."

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No. V.

[Reference from Page 236.]

_At a meeting of the principal inhabitants of the Mohawk District, in Tryon County, Colonel Josiah Throop in the Chair,_

Taking into consideration the peculiar circumstances of this country, relating to its situation, and the numbers that joined the enemy from among us, whose brutal barbarities in their frequent visits to their old neighbours, are shocking to humanity to relate:

They have murdered the peaceful husbandman and his lovely boys about him, unarmed and defenceless in the field. They have, with a malicious pleasure, butchered the aged and infirm; they have wantonly sported with the lives of helpless women and children; numbers they have scalped alive, shut them up in their houses, and burnt them to death. Several children, by the vigilance of their friends, have been snatched from flaming buildings; and, though tomahawked and scalped, are still living among us; they have made more than three hundred widows, and above two thousand orphans in this county; they have killed thousands of cattle and horses that rotted in the field; they have burnt more than two millions of bushels of grain, many hundreds of buildings, and vast stores of forage; and now these merciless fiends are creeping in among us again, to claim the privilege of fellow citizens and demand a restitution of their forfeited estates; but can they leave their infernal tempers behind them, and be safe or peaceable neighbors? Or can the disconsolate widow and the bereaved mother reconcile her tender feelings to a free and cheerful neighborhood with those who so inhumanly made her such? _Impossible!_ It is contrary to nature, the first principle of which is self-preservation; it is contrary to the law of nations, especially that nation, which, for numberless reasons, we should be thought to pattern after. Since the accession of the House of Hanover to the British throne, five hundred and twenty peerages in Scotland have been sunk, the Peers executed or fled, and their estates confiscated to the crown, for adhering to their former administration after a new one was established by law. It is contrary to the eternal rule of reason and rectitude. If Britain employed them, let Britain pay them! We will not.

Therefore, _Resolved unanimously,_ that all those who have gone off to the enemy, or have been banished by any law of this state, or those who we shall find tarried as spies or tools of the enemy, and encouraged and harbored those who went away, shall not live in this district on any pretence whatever; and as for those who have washed their faces from Indian paint, and their hands from the innocent blood of our dear ones, and have returned either openly or covertly, we hereby warn them to leave this district before the twentieth of June next, or they may expect to feel the just resentment of an injured and determined people.

We likewise unanimously desire our brethren in the other districts in this county to join with us, to instruct our representatives not to consent to the repealing any laws made for the safety of the state, against treason or confiscation of traitors' estates; or to passing any new acts for the return or restitution of Tories.

By order of the Meeting, Josiah Throop, Chairman.

_May_ 9, 1789

At a meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of Canajoharie District, in the County of Tryon, held at Fort Plain in the same district, on Saturday the 7th day of June, 1783, the following resolves were unanimously entered into. Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Clyde in the Chair:

_Whereas,_ In the course of the late war, large numbers of the inhabitants of this county, lost to every sense of the duty they owed their country, have joined the enemies of this state, and have, in conjunction with the British troops, waged war on the people of this state; while others, more abandoned, have remained among us, and have harbored, aided, assisted, and victualed the said British troops and their adherents; and by their example and influence have encouraged many to desert the service of their country, and by insults and threats have discouraged the virtuous citizens, thereby inducing a number to abandon their estates and the defence of their country; _and whereas,_ the County of Tryon hath, in an especial manner, been exposed to the continued inroads and incursions of the enemy, in which inroads and incursions the most cruel murders, robberies, and depredations have been committed that ever yet happened in this or any other country; neither sex nor age being spared, insomuch that the most aged people of each sex, and infants at their mothers' breasts, have inhumanly been butchered; our buildings (the edifices dedicated to the service of Almighty God not excepted) have been reduced to ashes; our property destroyed and carried away; our people carried through a far and distant wilderness, into captivity among savages (the dear and faithful allies of the merciful and humane British!) where very many still remain, and have by ill usage been forced to enter into their service.

_And whereas,_ Through the blessings of God and the smiles of indulgent Providence, the war has happily terminated, and the freedom and independence of the United States firmly established.

_And whereas,_ It is contrary to the interests of this county, as well as contrary to the dictates of reason, that those persons who have, through the course of an eight years' cruel war, been continually aiding and assisting the British to destroy the liberties and freedom of America, should now be permitted to return to, or remain in this county, and enjoy the blessings of those free governments established at the expense of our blood and treasure, and which they, by every unwarrantable means, have been constantly laboring to destroy.

_Resolved,_ That we will not suffer or permit any person or persons whatever, who have during the course of the late war joined the enemy of this state, or such person or persons remaining with us, and who have any ways aided, assisted, victualed, or harbored the enemy, or such as have corresponded with them, to return to, or remain in this district.

_Resolved,_ That all other persons of disaffected or equivocal character, who have by their examples, insults, and threatenings, occasioned any desertions to the enemy, or have induced any of the virtuous citizens of this county to abandon their habitations, whereby they were brought to poverty and distress. And all such as during the late war have been deemed dangerous, shall not be permitted to continue in this district, or to return to it.

_Resolved,_ That all such persons now remaining in this district, and comprehended in either of the above resolutions, shall depart the same within one month after the publication of this.

_Resolved,_ That no person or persons, of any denominations whatever, shall be suffered to come and reside in this district, unless such person or persons shall bring with them sufficient vouchers of their moral characters, and of their full, entire, and unequivocal attachment to the freedom and independence of the United States.

_Resolved,_ That we will, and hereby do associate, under all the ties held sacred among men and Christians, to stand to, abide by, and carry into full effect and execution, all and every the foregoing resolutions.

_Resolved,_ That this district does hereby instruct the members in Senate and Assembly of this state from this county, to the utmost of their power to oppose the return of all such person or persons who are comprehended within the sense and meaning of the above resolutions.

_Ordered,_ That the preceding votes and proceedings of this district be signed by the Chairman, and published in the New York Gazetteer.

Samuel Clyde, _Chairman._

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No. VI.

[Reference from Page 288.]

"At a meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard College, June 5th, 1789--

"_Voted,_ That the thanks of this Corporation be presented to Colonel Joseph Brant, Chief of the Mohawk Nation, for his polite attention to this University, in his kind donation to its library of the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England, with the Gospel of Mark, translated into the Mohawk language, and a Primer in the same language.

"Attest,

"Joseph Willard, _President._"

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No. VII.

[Reference from Page 312.]

SAINCLAIRE'S DEFEAT.

'Twas November the fourth, in year of ninety-one, We had a sore engagement near to Fort Jefferson; _Sainclaire_ was our commander, which may remembered be, For there we left nine hundred men in t' West'n Ter'tory.

At Bunker's Hill and Quebec, where many a hero fell, Likewise at Long Island, (it is I the truth can tell,) But such a dreadful carnage may I never see again As hap'ned near St. Mary's upon the river plain.

Our army was attacked just as the day did dawn, And soon were overpowered and driven from the lawn; They killed Major _Ouldham, Levin,_ and _Briggs_ likewise, And horrid yell of savages resounded thro' the skies.

Major _Butler_ was wounded the very second fire; His manly bosom swell'd with rage when forc'd to retire; And as he lay in anguish, nor scarcely could he see, Exclaimed, "Ye hounds of hell, O! revenged I will be."

We had not been long broken when General _Butler_ found Himself so badly wounded, was forced to quit the ground; "My God!" says he, "what shall we do; we're wounded every man Go, charge them, valiant heroes, and beat them if you can."

He leaned his back against a tree, and there resigned his breath, And like a valiant soldier sunk in the arms of death; When blessed angels did await, his spirit to convey; And unto the celestial fields he quickly bent his way.

We charg'd again with courage firm, but soon again gave ground. The war-whoop then redoubled, as did the foes around; They killed Major _Ferguson,_ which caused his men to cry, "Our only safety is in flight, or fighting here to die."

"Stand to your guns," says valiant _Ford,_ "let's die upon them there, Before we let the sav'ges know we ever harbored fear." Our cannon balls exhausted, and artillery-men all slain, Obliged were our musket-men the en'my to sustain.

Yet three hours more we fought them, and then were forc'd to yield, When three hundred bloody warriors lay stretched upon the field. Says Colonel _Gibson_ to his men, "My boys, be not dismayed, I'm sure that true Virginians were never yet afraid.

"Ten thousand deaths I'd rather die, than they should gain the field;" With that he got a fatal shot, which caused him to yield. Says Major _Clark,_ "My heroes, I can here no longer stand, We'll strive to form in order, and retreat the best we can."

The word "Retreat" being past around, there was a dismal cry Then helter-skelter through the woods, like wolves and sheep they fly; This well-appointed army, who, but a day before, Defied and braved all danger, had like a cloud pass'd o'er.

Alas! the dying and wounded, how dreadful was the thought, To the tomahawk and scalping-knife, in mis'ry are brought; Some had a thigh and some an arm broke on the field that day, Who writhed in torments at the stake, to close the dire affray.

To mention our brave officers is what I wish to do; No sons of Mars e'er fought more brave, or with more courage true. To Captain _Bradford_ I belonged, in his artillery; He fell that day amongst the slain, a valiant man was he.

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No. VIII.

[Reference from Page 314.]

_Narrative of the Captivity and Sufferings of Massy Harbison, in the Spring of 1792, who resided in the neighborhood of Pittsburgh, together with the Murder of her children, her own Escape, &c._

On the return of my husband from General St. Clair's defeat, mentioned in a preceding chapter, and on his recovery from the wound he received in the battle, he was made a spy, and ordered to the woods on duty, about the 22d of March, 1792. The appointment of spies to watch the movements of the savages was so consonant with the desires and interests of the inhabitants, that the frontier now resumed the appearance of quiet and confidence. Those who had for nearly a year been huddled together in the block-house were scattered to their own habitations, and began the cultivation of their farms. The spies saw nothing to alarm them, or to induce them to apprehend danger, till the fatal morning of my captivity. They repeatedly came to our house, to receive refreshments and to lodge. On the 15th of May, my husband, with Captain Guthrie and other spies, came home about dark, and wanted supper; to procure which I requested one of the spies to accompany me to the spring and spring-house, and Mr. William Maxwell complied with my request. While he was at the spring and spring-house, we both distinctly heard a sound like the bleating of a lamb or fawn. This greatly alarmed us, and induced us to make a hasty retreat into the house. Whether this was an Indian decoy, or a warning of what I was to pass through, I am unable to determine. But from this time and circumstance, I became considerably, alarmed, and entreated my husband to remove me to some more secure place from Indian cruelties. But Providence had designed that I should become a victim to their rage, and that mercy should be made manifest in my deliverance.

On the night of the 21st of May, two of the spies, Mr. John Davis and Mr. Sutton, came to lodge at our house, and on the morning of the 22d, at day-break, when the horn blew at the block-house, which was within sight of our house, and distant about two hundred yards, the two men got up and went out. I was also awake, and saw the door open, and thought, when I was taken prisoner, that the scouts had left it open. I intended to rise immediately; but having a child at the breast, and it being awakened, I lay with it at the breast to get it to sleep again, and accidentally fell asleep myself.

The spies have since informed me that they returned to the house again, and found that I was sleeping; that they softly fastened the door, and went immediately to the block-house; and those who examined the house after the scene was over, say both doors had the appearance of being broken open.

The first thing I knew from falling asleep, was the Indians pulling me out of the bed by my feet. I then looked up, and saw the house full of Indians, every one having his gun in his left hand and tomahawk in his right. Beholding the dangerous situation in which I was, I immediately jumped to the floor on my feet, with the young child in my arms. I then took a petticoat to put on, having only the one in which I slept; but the Indians took it from me, and as many as I attempted to put on they succeeded in taking from me, that I had to go just as I had been in bed. While I was struggling with some of the savages for clothing, others of them went and took the two children out of another bed, and immediately took the two feather beds to the door and emptied them. The savages immediately began their work of plunder and devastation. What they were unable to carry with them, they destroyed. While they were at their work I made to the door, and succeeded in getting out, with one child in my arms and another by my side; but the other little boy was so much displeased by being so early disturbed in the morning, that he would not come to the door.

When I got out, I saw Mr. Wolf, one of the soldiers, going to the spring for water, and beheld two or three of the savages attempting to get between him and the block-house; but Mr. Wolf was unconscious of his danger, for the savages had not yet been discovered. I then gave a terrific scream, by which means Mr. Wolf discovered his danger, and started to run for the block-house; seven or eight Indians fired at him, but the only injury he received was a bullet in his arm, which broke it. He succeeded in making his escape to the block-house. When I raised the alarm, one of the Indians came up to me with his tomahawk, as though about to take my life; a second came and placed his hand before my mouth, and told me to hush, when a third came with a lifted tomahawk, and attempted to give me a blow; but the first that came raised his tomahawk and averted the blow, and claimed me as his squaw.

The Commissary, with his waiter, slept in the store-house near the block-house; and upon hearing the report of the guns, came to the door to see what was the matter, and beholding the danger he was in made his escape to the block-house, but not without being discovered by the Indians, several of whom fired at him, and one of the bullets went through his handkerchief, which was tied about his head, and took off some of his hair. The handkerchief, with several bullet holes in it, he afterward gave to me.

The waiter, on coming to the door, was met by the Indians, who fired upon him, and he received two bullets through the body and fell dead by the door. The savages then setup one of their tremendous and terrifying yells, and pushed forward, and attempted to scalp the man they had killed; but they were prevented from executing their diabolical purpose by the heavy fire which was kept up through the port-holes from the block-house.

In this scene of horror and alarm I began to meditate an escape, and for that purpose I attempted to direct the attention of the Indians from me, and to fix it on the block-house; and thought if I could succeed in this, I would retreat to a subterranean rock with which I was acquainted, which was in the run near where we were. For this purpose I began to converse with some of those who were near me respecting the strength of the block-house, the number of men in it, &c, and being informed that there were forty men there, and that they were excellent marksmen, they immediately came to the determination to retreat, and for this purpose they ran to those who were besieging the block-house, and brought them away. They then began to flog me with their wiping sticks, and to order me along. Thus what I intended as the means of my escape, was the means of accelerating my departure in the hands of the savages. But it was no doubt ordered by a kind Providence, for the preservation of the fort and the inhabitants in it; for when the savages gave up the attack and retreated, some of the men in the house had the last load of ammunition in their guns, and there was no possibility of procuring any more, for it was all fastened up in the store-house, which was inaccessible.

The Indians, when they had flogged me away along with them, took my oldest boy, a lad about five years of age, along with them, for he was still at the door by my side. My middle little boy, who was about three years of age, had by this time obtained a situation by the fire in the house, and was crying bitterly to me not to go, and making bitter complaints of the depredations of the savages.

But these monsters were not willing to let the child remain behind them; they took him by the hand to drag him along with them, but he was so very unwilling to go, and made such a noise by crying, that they took him up by the feet and dashed his brains out against the threshold of the door. They then scalped and stabbed him, and left him for dead. When I witnessed this inhuman butchery of my own child, I gave a most indescribable and terrific scream, and felt a dimness come over my eyes next to blindness, and my senses were nearly gone. The savages then gave me a blow across my head and face, and brought me to my sight and recollection again. During the whole of this agonizing scene I kept my infant in my arms.

As soon as their murder was effected, they marched me along to the top of the bank, about forty or sixty rods, and there they stopped and divided the plunder which they had taken from our house; and here I counted their number, and found them to be thirty-two, two of whom were white men painted as Indians.

Several of the Indians could speak English well. I knew several of them well, having seen them go up and down the Allegheny river. I knew two of them to be from the Seneca tribe of Indians, and two of them Munsees; for they had called at the shop to get their guns repaired, and I saw them there.

We went from this place about forty rods, and they then caught my uncle, John Currie's horses, and two of them, into whose custody I was put, started with me on the horses, toward the mouth of the Kiskiminetas, and the rest of them went off toward Puckety. When they came to the bank that descended toward the Allegheny, the bank was so very steep, and there appeared so much danger in descending it on horseback, that I threw myself off the horse in opposition to the will and command of the savages.

My horse descended without falling, but the one on which the Indian rode who had my little boy, in descending, fell, and rolled over repeatedly; and my little boy fell back over the horse, but was not materially injured. He was taken up by one of the Indians, and we got to the bank of the river, where they had secreted some bark canoes under the rocks, opposite to the island that lies between the Kiskiminetas and Buffalo. They attempted in vain to make the horses take the river. After trying some time to effect this, they left the horses behind them, and took us in one of the canoes to the point of the island, and there they left the canoe.

Here I beheld another hard scene, for as soon as we landed, my little boy, who was still mourning and lamenting about his little brother, and who complained that he was injured by the fall in descending the bank, _was murdered._

One of the Indians ordered me along, probably that I should not see the horrid deed about to be perpetrated. The other then took his tomahawk from his side, and with this instrument of death _killed and scalped him._ When I beheld this second scene of inhuman butchery, I fell to the ground senseless, with my infant in my arms, it being under, and its little hands in the hair of my head. How long I remained in this state of insensibility, I know not.

The first thing I remember was my raising my head from the ground, and my feeling myself exceedingly overcome with sleep. I cast my eyes around, and saw the scalp of my dear little boy, fresh bleeding from his head, in the hand of one of the savages, and sunk down to the earth again upon my infant child. The first thing I remember after witnessing this spectacle of woe, was the severe blows I was receiving from the hands of the savages, though at that time I was unconscious of the injury I was sustaining. After a severe castigation, they assisted me in getting up, and supported me when up.

Here I cannot help contemplating the peculiar interposition of Divine Providence in my behalf. How easily might they have murdered me! What a wonder their cruelty did not lead them to effect it! But, instead of this, the scalp of my boy was hid from my view and, in order to bring me to my senses again, they took me back to the river and led me in knee deep; this had its intended effect. But "the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel."

We now proceeded on our journey by crossing the island, and coming to a shallow place where we could wade out, and so arrive to the Indian side of the country. Here they pushed me in the river before them, and had to conduct me through it. The water was up to my breast, but I suspended my child above the water, and, through the assistance of the savages, got safely out.

From thence we rapidly proceeded forward, and came to Big Buffalo; here the stream was very rapid, and the Indians had again to assist me. When we had crossed this creek, we made a straight course to the Connequenessing creek, the very place where Butler now stands; and from thence we traveled five or six miles to Little Buffalo, and crossed it at the very place where Mr. B. Server's mill now stands, and ascended the hill.

I now felt weary of my life, and had a full determination to make the savages kill me, thinking that death would be exceedingly welcome when compared with the fatigue, cruelties, and miseries I had the prospect of enduring. To have my purpose effected, I stood still, one of the savages being before me and the other walking on behind me, and I took from off my shoulder a large powder born they made me carry, in addition to my child, who was one year and four days old. I threw the horn on the ground, closed my eyes, _and expected every moment to feel the deadly tomahawk._ But to my surprise the Indians took it up, cursed me bitterly, and put it on my shoulder again. I took it off the second time, and threw it on the ground, and again closed my eyes with the assurance that I should meet death; but, instead of this, the savages again took up the horn, and with an indignant, frightful countenance, came and placed it on again. I took it off the third time, and was determined to effect it; and therefore threw it as far as I was able from me, over the rocks. The savage immediately went after it, while the one who had claimed me as his squaw, and who had stood and witnessed the transaction, came up to me, and said, "well done, I did right, and was a good squaw, and that the other was a lazy son of a b--h; he might carry it himself." I cannot now sufficiently admire the indulgent care of a gracious God, that at this moment preserved me amidst so many temptations from the tomahawk and scalping knife.

The savages now changed their position, and the one who claimed me as his squaw went behind. This movement, I believe, was to prevent the other from doing me any injury; and we went on till we struck the Connequenessing at the Salt Lick, about two miles above Butler, where was an Indian camp, where we arrived a little before dark, having no refreshment during the day.

The camp was made of stakes driven in the ground sloping, and covered with chestnut bark, and appeared sufficiently long for fifty men. The camp appeared to have been occupied for some time; it was very much beaten, and large beaten paths went out from it in different directions.

That night they took me about three hundred yards from the camp, up a run, into a large dark bottom, where they cut the brush in a thicket, and placed a blanket on the ground, and permitted me to sit down with my child. They then pinioned my arms back, only with a little liberty, so that it was with difficulty that I managed my child. Here, in this dreary situation, without fire or refreshment, having an infant to take care of and my arms bound behind me, and having a savage on each side of me who had killed two of my dear children that day, I had to pass the first night of my captivity.

Ye mothers, who have never lost a child by an inhuman savage, or endured the almost indescribable misery here related, may nevertheless think a little (though it be but little) what I endured; and hence, now you are enjoying sweet repose and the comforts of a peaceful and well-replenished habitation, sympathize with me a little, as one who was a pioneer in the work of cultivation and civilization.

But the trials and dangers of the day I had passed had so completely exhausted nature, that, notwithstanding my unpleasant situation, and _my determination to escape if possible,_ I insensibly fell asleep, and repeatedly dreamed of my escape and safe arrival in Pittsburgh, and several things relating to the town, of which I knew nothing at the time, but found to be true when I arrived there. The first night passed away, and I found no means of escape, for the savages kept watch the whole of the night, without any sleep.

In the morning, one of them left us to watch the trail or path we had come, to see if any white people were pursuing us. During the absence of the Indian, who was the one that claimed me, the other, who remained with me, and who was the murderer of my last boy, took from his bosom his scalp, and prepared a hoop and stretched the scalp upon it. Those mothers who have not seen the like done by one of the scalps of their own children, (and few, if any, ever had so much misery to endure,) will be able to form but faint ideas of the feelings which then harrowed up my soul! I meditated revenge! While he was in the very act, I attempted to take his tomahawk, which hung by his side and rested on the ground, and had nearly succeeded, and was, as I thought, about to give the fatal blow; when, alas! I was detected.

The savage felt me at his tomahawk handle, turned round upon me, cursed me, and told me I was a Yankee; thus insinuating he understood my intention, and to prevent me from doing so again, faced me. My excuse to him for handling his tomahawk was, that my child wanted to play with the handle of it. Here again I wondered at my merciful preservation, for the looks of the savage were terrific in the extreme; and these, I apprehend, were only an index to his heart. But God was my preserver.

The savage who went upon the look-out in the morning came back about 12 o'clock, and had discovered no pursuers. Then the one who had been guarding me went out on the same errand. The savage who was now my guard began to examine me about the white people, the strength of the armies going against them, &c., and boasted largely of their achievements in the preceding fall, at the defeat of General St. Clair.

He then examined into the plunder which he had brought from our house the day before. He found my pocket-book and money in his plunder. There were ten dollars in silver, and a half a guinea in gold in the book. During this day they gave me a piece of dry venison, about the bulk of an egg, and a piece about the same size the day we were marching, for my support and that of my child; but owing to the blows I had received from them in my jaws, I was unable to eat a bit of it. I broke it up, and gave it to the child.

The savage on the look-out returned about dark. This evening, (Monday the 23d,) they moved me to another station in the same valley, and secured me as they did the preceding night. Thus I found myself the second night between two Indians, without fire or refreshment. During this night I was frequently asleep, notwithstanding my unpleasant situation, and as often dreamed of my arrival in Pittsburgh.

Early on the morning of the 24th, a flock of mocking birds and robins hovered over us, as we lay in our uncomfortable bed, and sung, and said, at least to my imagination, that I was to get up and go off. As soon as day broke, one of the Indians went off again to watch the trail, as on the preceding day, and he who was left to take care of me, appeared to be sleeping. When I perceived this, I lay still and began to snore as though asleep, and he fell asleep.

Then I concluded it was time to escape. I found it impossible to injure him for my child at the breast, as I could not effect any thing without putting the child down, and then it would cry and give the alarm; so I contented myself with taking from a pillow-case of plunder, taken from our house, a short gown, handkerchief, and child's frock, and so made my escape; the sun then being about half an hour high.

I took a direction from home, at first, being guided by the birds before mentioned, and in order to deceive the Indians, then took over the hill, and struck the Connequenessing creek about two miles from where I crossed it with the Indians, and went down the stream till about two o'clock in the afternoon, over rocks, precipices, thorns, briars, &c., with my bare feet and legs. I then discovered by the sun, and the running of the stream, that I was on the wrong course, and going from, instead of coming nearer home. I then changed my course, ascended a hill, and sat down till sunset, and the evening star made its appearance, when I discovered the way I should travel; and having marked out the direction I intended to take the next morning, I collected some leaves, made up a bed and laid myself down and slept, though my feet being full of thorns, began to be very painful, and I had nothing still to eat for myself or child.

The next morning, (Friday, 25th of May,) about the breaking of the day I was aroused from my slumbers by the flock of birds before mentioned, which still continued with me, and having them to guide me through the wilderness. As soon as it was sufficiently light for me to find my way, I started for the fourth day's trial of hunger and fatigue.

There was nothing very material occurred on this day while I was traveling, and I made the best of my way, according to my knowledge, towards the Allegheny river. In the evening, about the going down of the sun, a moderate rain came on, and I began to prepare for my bed by collecting some leaves together, as I had done the night before; but could not collect a sufficient quantity without setting my little boy on the ground; but as soon as I put him out of my arms he began to cry. Fearful of the consequence of his noise in this situation, I took him in my arms, and put him to the breast immediately, and he became quiet. I then stood and listened, and _distinctly heard the footsteps of a man coming after me_ in the same direction I had come! The ground over which I had been traveling was good, and the mould was light; I had therefore left my footmarks, and thus exposed myself to a _second captivity!_ Alarmed at my perilous situation, I looked around for a place of safety, and _providentially_ discovered a large tree which had fallen, into the tops of which I crept, with my child in my arms, and there hid myself securely under the limbs. The darkness of the night greatly assisted me, and prevented me from detection.

The footsteps I heard were those of a savage. He heard the cry of the child, and came to the very spot where the child cried, and there he halted, put down his gun, and was at this time so near that I heard the wiping stick strike against his gun distinctly.

My getting in under the tree, and sheltering myself from the rain, and pressing my boy to my bosom, got him warm, and most providentially he fell asleep, and lay very still during the time of my danger at that time. All was still and quiet, the savage was listening if by possibility he might again hear the cry he had heard before. My own heart was the only thing I feared, and that beat so loud that I was apprehensive it would betray me. It is almost impossible to conceive or to believe the wonderful effect my situation produced upon my whole system.

After the savage had stood and listened with nearly the stillness of death for two hours, the sound of a bell, and a cry like that of a night-owl, signals which were given to him from his savage companions, induced him to answer, and after he had given a most horrid yell, which was calculated to harrow up my soul, he started, and went off to join them.

After the retreat of the savage to his companions, I concluded it unsafe to remain in my concealed situation till morning, lest they should conclude upon a second search, and being favored with the light of day find me, and either tomahawk or scalp me, or otherwise bear me back to my captivity again, which was worse than death.

But by this time nature was nearly exhausted, and I found some difficulty in moving from my situation that night; yet, compelled by necessity and a love of self-preservation, I threw my coat about my child, and placed the end between my teeth, and with one arm and my teeth I carried the child, and with the other arm groped my way between the trees, and traveled on as I supposed a mile or two, and there sat down at the root of a tree till the morning. The night was cold and wet; and thus terminated the fourth day and night's difficulties, trials, hunger, and danger.

The fifth day, Saturday, 26th May, wet and exhausted, hungry and wretched, I started from my resting-place in the morning as soon as I could see my way, and on that morning struck the bead waters of Pine Creek, which falls into the Allegheny about four miles above Pittsburgh; though I knew not then what waters they were, but crossed them, and on the opposite bank I found a path, and discovered in it two moccasin tracks, fresh indented, and the men who had made them were before me, and traveling on the same direction that I was traveling. This alarmed me; but as they were before me, and traveling in the same direction as I was, I concluded I could see them as soon as they could see me; and therefore I pressed on in that path for about three miles, when I came to the forks where another branch empties into the creek, and where a hunter's camp, where the two men, whose tracks I had before discovered and followed, had been, and kindled a fire and breakfasted, and had left the fire burning.

I here became more alarmed, and came to a determination to leave the path. I then ascended a hill, and crossed a ridge toward Squaw run, and came upon a trail or path. Here I stopped and meditated what to do; and while I was thus musing, I saw three deers coming toward me in full speed; they turned to look at their pursuers; I looked too with all attention, and saw the flash of a gun, and then heard the report as soon as the gun was fired. I saw some dogs start after them, and began to look about for a shelter, and immediately made for a large log, and hid myself behind it; but most providentially I did not go clear to the log; had I done so, I might have lost my life by the bites of rattle-snakes; for as I put my hand to the ground to raise myself, that I might see what was become of the hunters and who they were, I saw a large heap of rattle-snakes, and the top one was very large, and coiled up very near my face, and quite ready to bite me. This compelled me to leave this situation, let the consequences be what they might.

In consequence of this occurrence, I again left my course, bearing to the left, and came upon the head waters of Squaw run, and kept down the run the remainder of that day.

During the day it rained, and I was in a very deplorable situation; so cold and shivering were my limbs, that frequently, in opposition to all my struggles, I gave an involuntary groan. I suffered intensely this day from hunger, though my jaws were so far recovered from the injury they sustained from the blows of the Indians, that wherever I could I procured grape vines, and chewed them for a little sustenance. In the evening I came within one mile of the Allegheny river, though I was ignorant of it at the time; and there, at the root of a tree, through a most tremendous night's rain, I took up my fifth night's lodgings; and in order to shelter my infant at much as possible, I placed him in my lap, and placed my head against the tree, and thus let the rain fall upon me.

On the sixth (that was Sabbath) morning from my captivity, I found myself unable, for a very considerable time, to raise myself from the ground; and when I had once more, by hard struggling, got myself upon my feet, and started upon the sixth day's encounter, nature _was so nearly exhausted, and my spirits were so completely depressed,_ that my progress was amazingly slow and discouraging.

In this almost helpless condition, I had not gone far before I came to a path where there had been cattle traveling; I took the path, under the impression that it would lead me to the abode of some white people, and by traveling it about one mile, I came to an uninhabited cabin; and though I was in a river bottom, yet I knew not where I was, nor yet on what river bank I had come. Here I was seized with the feelings of despair, and under those feelings I went to the threshold of the uninhabited cabin, and concluded that I would _enter and lie down and die;_ as death would have been to me an _angel of mercy_ in such a _situation,_ and would have removed me from all my misery.

Such were my feelings at this distressing moment, and had it not been for the recollection of those sufferings which my _infant_ would endure, who would survive for some time after I was dead, I should have carried my determination into execution. Here, too, I heard the sound of a cow bell, which imparted a _gleam of hope to my desponding mind._ I followed the sound of the bell till I came opposite to the fort at the Six Mile Island.

When I came there, I saw three men on the opposite bank of the river. My feelings at the sight of these were better felt than described. I called to the men, but they seemed unwilling to risk the danger of coming after me, and requested to know who I was. I replied that I was one who had been taken prisoner by the Indians on the Allegheny river on last Tuesday morning, and had made my escape from them. They requested me to walk up the bank of the river for a while, that they might see if the Indians were making a decoy of me or not; but I replied to them that my feet were so sore that I could not walk.

Then one of them, James Closier, got into a canoe to fetch me over, and the other two stood on the bank, with their rifles cocked, ready to fire on the Indians, provided they were using me as a decoy. When Mr. Closier came near to the shore, and saw my haggard and dejected situation, he exclaimed, "who, in the name of God, are you?" This man was one of my nearest neighbors before I was taken; yet in six days I was so much altered that he did not know me, either by my voice or my countenance.

When I landed on the inhabited side of the river, the people from the fort came running out to the boat to see me; they took the child from me, and now I felt safe from all danger, I found myself unable to move or to assist myself in any degree; whereupon the people took me and carried me out of the boat to the house of Mr. Cortus.

Here, when I felt I was secure from the ravages and cruelties of the barbarians, for the first time since my captivity my feelings returned with all their poignancy. When I was dragged from my bed and from my home, a prisoner with the savages; when the in-human butchers dashed the brains of one of my dear children out on the door-sill, and afterward scalped him before my eyes; when they took and tomahawked, scalped, and stabbed another of them before me on the island; and when, with still more barbarous feelings, they afterward made a hoop, and stretched his scalp on it; nor yet, when I endured hunger, cold, and nearly nakedness, and at the same time my infant sucking my very blood to support it, I never wept. No! it was too, too much for nature. A tear then would have been too great a luxury. And it is more than probable, that tears at these seasons of distress would have been fatal in their consequences; for savages despise a tear. But now that my danger was removed, and I was delivered from the pangs of the barbarians, the tears flowed freely, and imparted a happiness beyond what I ever experienced before, or ever expect to experience in this world.

When I was taken into the house, having been so long from fire, and having endured so much from hunger for a long period, the heat of the fire, and the smell of the victuals, which the kindness of the people immediately induced them to provide for me, caused me to faint. Some of the people attempted to restore me and some of them put some clothes upon me. But the kindness of these friends would, in all probability, have killed me, had it not been for the providential arrival from down the river, of Major McCulley, who then commanded the line along the river. When he came in and saw my situation, and the provisions they were making for me, he became greatly alarmed, and immediately ordered me out of the house, from the heat and smell; prohibited my taking any thing but the whey of buttermilk, and that in very small quantities, which he administered with his own hands. Through this judicious management of my almost lost situation, I was mercifully restored again to my senses, and very gradually to my health and strength.

Two of the females, Sarah Carter and Mary Ann Crozier, then began to take out the thorns from my feet and legs; and Mr. Felix Negley, who now lives at the mouth of Bull Creek, twenty miles above Pittsburgh, stood by and counted the thorns as the women took them out, and there were one hundred and fifty drawn out, though they were not all extracted at that time, for the next evening, at Pittsburgh, there were many more taken out. The flesh was mangled dreadfully, and the skin and flesh were hanging in pieces on my feet and legs. The wounds were not healed for a considerable time. Some of the thorns went through my feet and came out on the top. For two weeks I was unable to put my feet to the ground to walk.

Besides which, the rain to which I was exposed by night, and the heat of the sun, to which my almost naked body was exposed by day, together with my carrying my child so long in my arms without any relief, and any shelter from the heat of the day or the storms of the night, caused nearly all the skin of my body to come off, so that my body was raw nearly all over.

The news of my arrival at the station spread with great rapidity. The two spies took the intelligence that evening as far as Coe's station, and the next morning to Reed's station, to my husband.

As the intelligence spread, the town of Pittsburgh, and the country for twenty miles round, was all in a state of commotion. About sunset the same evening, my husband came to see me in Pittsburgh, and I was taken back to Coe's station on Tuesday morning. In the evening I gave the account of the murder of my boy on the island. The next morning (Wednesday) there was a scout went out, and found it by my direction, and buried it, after being murdered nine days.

_Copy of a Letter from Mr. John Corbly, a Baptist Minister, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated_

Muddy Creek, Penn, Sept. 1, 1793.

"Dear Sir,

"The following are the particulars of the destruction of my unfortunate family by the savages:--On the 10th May last, being my appointment to preach at one of my meeting houses, about a mile from my dwelling-house, I set out with my loving wife and five children for public worship. Not suspecting any danger, I walked behind a few rods, with my Bible in my hand, meditating. As I was thus employed, on a sudden I was greatly alarmed by the shrieks of my dear family before me. I immediately ran to their relief with all possible speed, vainly hunting a club as I ran. When within a few yards of them, my poor wife observing me, cried out to me to make my escape. At this instant an Indian ran up to shoot me. I had to strip, and by so doing outran him. My wife had an infant in her arms, which the Indians killed and scalped. After which they struck my wife several times, but not bringing her to the ground, the Indian who attempted to shoot me approached her, and shot her through the body; after which they scalped her. My little son, about six years old, they dispatched by sinking their hatchets in his brains. My little daughter, four years old, they in like manner tomahawked and scalped. My eldest daughter attempted an escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree, about six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observing the Indians retiring, as she supposed, she deliberately crept from the place of her concealment, when one of the Indians, who yet remained on the ground, espying her, ran up to her, and with his tomahawk knocked down and scalped her. But, blessed be God, she yet survives, as does her little sister whom the savages in the like manner tomahawked and scalped. They are mangled to a shocking degree, but the doctors think there are some hopes of their recovery.

"When I supposed the Indians gone, I returned to see what had become of my unfortunate family, whom, alas! I found in the situation above described. No one, my dear friend, can form a true conception of my feelings at this moment. A view of a scene so shocking to humanity quite overcome me. I fainted, and was unconsciously borne off by a friend, who at that instant arrived to my relief.

"Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful, though a short narrative of the fatal catastrophe; amidst which my life is spared, but for what purpose the Great Jehovah best knows. Oh, may I spend it to the praise and glory of His grace, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will. The government of the world and the church is in his hands. I conclude with wishing you every blessing, and subscribe myself your affectionate though afflicted friend, and unworthy brother in the gospel ministry,

"John Corbly"

* * * * *

No. IX.

[Reference from Page 376.]

_Miamis Rapids, May_ 7th, 1794.

Two Deputies from the Three Nations of the Glaize arrived here yesterday, with a speech from the Spaniards, brought by the Delawares residing near their posts, which was repeated in a council held this day, to the following nations now at this place, viz:--

Wyandots, Mingoes, Ottawas, Munseys, Chippewas, Nanticokes.

Grand-children and Brethren,

We are just arrived from the Spanish settlements upon the Mississippi, and are come to inform you what they have said to us in a late council. These are their words:

Children Delawares, _Six Strings White Wampum,_

{TN: Icon of finger pointing to right} "Pointing to this country." When you first came from that country to ask my protection, and when you told me you had escaped from the heat of a great fire that was like to scorch you to death, I took yon by the hand and under my protection, and told you to look about for a piece of land to hunt on and plant for the support of yourselves and families in this country, which the Great Spirit had given for our mutual benefit and support. I told you at the same time that I would watch over it, and when anything threatened us with danger, that I would immediately speak to you; and that when I did speak to you, that it would behoove you to be strong and listen to my words.

_Delivered six Strings White Wampum._

The Spaniard then, addressing himself to all the nations who were present, said,--

Children, These were my words to all the nations here present, as well as to your grand-fathers, the Delawares. Now, Children, I have called you together to communicate to you certain intelligence of a large force assembling on the Shawanoe river to invade our country. It has given me very great satisfaction to observe the strong confederacy formed among you, and I have no doubt of your ready assistance to repel this force.

Children, You see me now on my feet, and grasping the tomahawk to strike them.

Children, We will strike them together. I do not desire yon to go before me, in the front, but to follow me. These people have too long disturbed our country, and have extinguished many of our council fires. They are but a trifling people compared to the white people now combined against them, and determined to crush them for their evil deeds. They must by this time be surrounded with enemies, as all the white nations are against them. Your French Father also speaks through me to you on this occasion, and tells you that those of his subjects who have joined the Big-knives, are only a few of his disobedient children who have joined the disobedient in this country; but as we are strong and unanimous, we hope, by the assistance of the Great Spirit, to put a stop to their mischievous designs.

_Delivered a bunch Black Wampum._

Children, Now I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live toward the setting of the sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk; and as soon as they smoked it they sent it back, with a promise to get immediately on their feet to join us and strike this enemy. Their particular answer to me was as follows:

"Father, We have long seen the designs of the Big-knives against our country, and also of some of our own color, particularly the Kaskaskies, who have always spoke with the same tongue as the Big-knives. They must not escape our revenge; nor must you, Father, endeavor to prevent our extirpating them. Two other tribes of our color, the Piankishaws and the Cayaughkians who have been strongly attached to our enemies the Big-knives, shall share the same fate with the Kaskaskies."

Children, You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that we have nothing farther to do but put our designs in immediate execution, and to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who have so long been struggling for their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them to smoke this pipe, and to forward it to all the Lake Indians and their northern brethren; then nothing will be wanting to complete our general union from the rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be ready to add strength to the blow we are going to make.

_Delivered a War-Pipe._

Children, I now deliver you a Message from the Creeks, Cherokees, and Choctaws and Chickasaws, who desire you to be strong in uniting yourselves; and tell you it has given them pleasure to hear you have been so unanimous in listening to your Spanish Father; and they acquaint you that their hearts are joined to ours, and that there are eleven nations of the southern Indians now on their feet with the hatchet in their hand, ready to strike our common enemy.

_Black Strings of Wampum._

The Deputies of the Three Nations of the Glaize, after speaking the above speeches from the Spaniards, addressed themselves to the several nations in council, in the following manner:

Brothers, You have now heard the speeches brought to our council at the Glaize a few days ago from the Spaniards, and as soon as they heard them and smoked the pipe, their hearts were glad, and they determined to step forward and put into execution the advice sent them. They desire you to forward the pipe, as has been recommended, to all our northern brethren, not doubting but as soon as you have smoked it, you will follow their example; and they will hourly expect you to join them, as it will not be many days before the nearness of our enemies will give us an opportunity of striking them.

_Delivered the Pipe._

Brothers, Our Grand-fathers, the Delawares, spoke first in our late council at the Glaize, on this piece of painted tobacco and this painted Black Wampum, and expressed their happiness at what they had heard from their Spanish Father and their brethren to the westward, and desired us to tell you to forward this tobacco and Wampum to the Wyandots, to be sent to all the Lake Indians, and inform them that in eight days they would be ready to go against the Virginians, who are now so near us, and that according to the number of Indians collected, they would either engage the army or attempt to cut off their supplies. The Delawares also desired us to say to the Wyandots, that, as they are our elder brethren, and took the lead in all our affairs last summer, it was thought strange that none of them were now there to put the resolution then formed into execution. It is true, some of them went last Fall when it was thought too late, and the assembling of the nations put off till spring; but the spring is now far advanced, and none of them have yet come.

_Delivered the Tobacco and Wampum._

Egouchouay answered for all the nations present:--Brothers, I am happy at the good news you have told us, and we will immediately go and collect all our people, and be with you as soon as possible.

(Signed) A. McKee, D. A. I. A.

A true copy, Thomas Talbot.

* * * * *

No. X.

[Reference from Page 406.]

The Chiefs to Sir John Johnson.

"_Grand River, Feb._ 6, 1802.

"Our Dear Friend,

"We take the opportunity of Moses Johnson's going to Canada, to trouble you with this the easiest method that the distance of our situation from each other allows of, to communicate our sentiments to you. We wish to acquaint you, that last Fall, at our usual meeting at the beach, we made a speech to Captain Claus, which he has not yet fully answered. It was principally respecting the letter you wrote to Captain Brant, when you was at Niagara last summer, which we were sorry to find so severe; and as we are sensible that he has never attempted any thing to the detriment of the British interest, we were much surprised to find that his conduct seemed to give umbrage there. As to the uneasiness you mentioned prevailed at Grand River, we are entirely ignorant of any such thing among us who manage the affairs of the tribes living here; and as he is our appointed agent, he yet never acts without our approbation in whatever regards the public; consequently, if any of his transactions have given offence, we are all equally culpable. Therefore, if customs are so much changed with you, that the following the tracks of our predecessor gives umbrage, we hope, from our ancient friendship, you will inform us wherein it injures the interests of our brethren, for then our regard for their welfare will cause us to desist; and if there is a change in politics, don't let us remain ignorant of it; for ignorance might cause us unwittingly to give offence. As you know that not long ago a friendly correspondence and union with the different nations seemed to give pleasure to our brothers, we yet remain of the same sentiments, for we could not lightly drop what we took so much pains to begin; and we can yet hardly persuade ourselves that you have changed your sentiments; but if it is the case, we hope you will do us the favor fully to acquaint us, that we may not be liable to give uneasiness where we really mean none.

"I have the honor to be Your humble and most obed't servt., (Signed) Aaron Hill.

"In behalf of the Chiefs of the Mohawk, Oghkwaga, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca Nations, living on the Grand River."

* * * * *

No. XI.

[Reference from Page 411.]

Governor Clinton to Captain Brant.

"_Greenwich,_ 1_st December,_ 1799.

"Dear Sir,

"On my return from the country about a month ago, I was favored with your letter of the 4th of September. I am much gratified by the determination you express of furnishing Doctor Miller with the information he requested of you, and I hope, as the work for which it is wanted is progressing, you will find leisure to do it soon. I am confident he will make a fair and honorable use of it; and, as far as he shall be enabled, correct the erroneous representations of former authors respecting your nations.

"I am surprised to find that you have not received my answer to your letter of the 11th January last. It was inclosed and forwarded as requested, to Mr. Peter W. Yates of Albany. Had it reached you, I presume you will find, from the copy I now inclose, it would have been satisfactory; but as a particular detail of what passed between the Coghnawagoes and me, respecting their lands, may be more agreeable, I will now repeat it to you as far as my recollection will enable me:--

"In the Winter of 1792-1793, our Legislature being in session in Albany, a committee from the seven nations or tribes of Lower Canada attended there, with whom I had several conferences. They complained that some of our people had settled on their lands near Lake Champlain and on the River St. Lawrence, and requested that Commissioners might be appointed to inquire into the matter, and treat with them on the subject. In my answer to their speeches I mentioned that it was difficult to define their rights and their boundaries; that it was to be presumed that the Indian rights to a considerable part of the lands on the borders of the lake had been extinguished by the French Government before the conquest of Canada, as those lands, or the greater part of them, had been granted to individuals by that government before that period. In their reply, they described their southern boundary as commencing at a creek or run of water between Forts Edward and George, which empties into South Bay, and from thence extending on a direct line to a large meadow or swamp, where the Canada Creek, which empties into the Mohawk opposite Fort Hendrick, the Black and Oswegatchie Rivers have their sources. Upon which I observed to them that this line would interfere with lands patented by the British Government previous to the Revolution, and particularly mentioned Totten and Crossfield's purchase and Jessup's patent; but I mentioned, at the same time, that I was neither authorised nor disposed to controvert their claims, which I would submit to the Legislature, who I could not doubt would pay due attention to them, and adopt proper measures to effect a settlement with them upon fair and liberal terms. This I accordingly did; and some time after Commissioners were appointed to treat with them in the presence of an agent of the United States, the result of which I find you are informed of.

"I believe you will readily agree that no inference could be drawn from anything that passed on the above occasion to countenance the charge made against your nations. The mentioning and interference of their boundaries, as above stated, with tracts patented under the British Colonial Government, could certainly have no allusion to the cessions made by the Six Nations, or either of them, to the state; especially as (if I recollect right) those cessions are of the territory of the respective nations by whom they were made without defining them by any particular boundaries, and subject only to the reservations described in the deed.

"I wish it was in my power to transmit you copies of their speeches and my answers at full length; but it is not, for the reasons mentioned in my former letter. Should they, however, be deemed necessary by you, I will endeavor to procure and forward them. In the meantime you may rest assured that what I have above related the substance of them.

"I am, with great regard and esteem, Your most obed't servant, Geo. Clinton.

"_Col. Joseph Brant._"

* * * * *

No. XII.

[Reference from Page 416.]

CERTIFICATE OF GENERAL CHAPIN.

I certify I have been personally acquainted with Captain Joseph Brant for fourteen years past; that during this time have frequently been with him in treaties and councils held between the people of the United States and the Five Nations of Indians. That during the time aforesaid, my father, Israel Chapin, Esq. held the office of Indian affairs for the Five Nations of Indians, under the President of the United States; and during his agency, Captain Brant was several times in the States in transacting business of importance. At one time, in particular, he was invited to the seat of Government of the United States for the purpose of consulting upon means for restoring the Indians then hostile to the United States to a general peace; which visit occasioned some suspicions and censures against Captain Brant by certain characters residing in the province where he belonged. That, through the instigation of certain persons, jealousies have arisen, not only among some white people, but among his own also. That the jealousies of his own people are easily awakened; and solely upon this ground they have proceeded in the Indian forms to disown him as a Chief. That the Seneca Indians, with some others residing within the territory of the United States, who have had the disposal of a considerable part of the Five Nations' lands, and have sold, and do actually receive annuities from the people of the United States annually for the same, have been the principal actors in deposing him. That after the death of my father I succeeded him in the office, as aforesaid, and during my own agency had frequent meetings with Captain Brant in Indian councils, &c. And I do further certify, that during the whole of my acquaintance with Captain Brant, he has conducted himself with honor and integrity. That, so far from conducting himself in secrecy, or in any way inclining to alienate himself from the British government, or in doing anything that might be prejudicial to the Indians; on the other hand, he has frankly avowed that he would strenuously adhere to the Government and interest of the people to which he belonged; that his honor and friendship for the Indian nations were so near his heart, that nothing should occasion him to do any thing incompatible with his duty; and that his own time and trouble have been expended and greatly prolonged in doing every thing in his power to promote the interest of his nation and those allied to them. And Captain Brant having called on me to certify my opinion as aforesaid, I am free to declare to any who may be concerned, that from a long and intimate acquaintance I have good reason to make the remarks as aforesaid.

Israel Chapin, _Agent of Indian Affairs for the Five Nations._

Canandaigua, in the western part of the } State of N. Y., Oct. 28th, 1805. }

* * * * *

No. XIII.

[Reference from Page 417.]

CERTIFICATE OF CAPTAIN LEONARD AND OTHERS.

We, the subscribers, certify, that in the month of April last there came to Fort Niagara about forty Seneca Indians, among whom were the Farmer's Brother, Red Jacket, Jack Berry, and other Chiefs. While at Niagara, detained by ice, we heard them say in public and private conversation, that they were going into Upper Canada for the express purpose of breaking Captain Brant, a Mohawk Chief. We also certify that the Seneca Chiefs above named reside within the United States.

Given under our hands at Fort Niagara, this 20th day of October 1805.

W. Leonard, Capt. U. S. Artillery, G. Armistead, Lieut. U. S. Artillery. H. M. Allen, Lieut. U. S. Artillery, Robert Lee, Col. of the Revenue.

* * * * *

No. XIV.

[Reference from Page 418.]

Proceedings of a Council held at the Grand River, the 29th day of June, 1804, with the Six Nations, viz: Mohawks, Oneydas, Onondagas, Cayougas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras; and the following Nations,--Tutulies, Delawares, and Nanticokes.

Present,

Lieut. Col. Brock, 49th _Reg't. Commanding,_ William Claus, Esq., _Dept'y Supt. Gen. of Indian Affairs._ James Gwins, Esq., _Agent of Indian Affairs._ Lieut. Cary, 49th _Regiment._ Lieut. Stratton, 49th _Regiment._ William Dickson, Esq. Richard Beasley, Esq. Alexander Stewart, Esq. Mr. W. I. Chew, _Store-keeper and Clerk Indian Dep._ Benj. Fairchild, } J. B. Rousseau, } _Interpreters Indian Dep._

The Deputy Superintendent General addressed the Chiefs as follows:--

Brethren, It gives me great satisfaction to meet you at this place, and in presence of so many of the King's officers and others this day, to renew our assurances of friendship, which I hope will continue uninterrupted as long as the waters run.

I dispel the darkness which hangs over you by reason of your many losses. I most heartily wish you may enjoy a serene and clear sky; so that you may be able to see your brethren from the sun-rising to the sun-setting.

Brethren, I must admonish and exhort you that you will at all times, but more especially at this juncture, pluck from your hearts and cast away all discords, jealousies, and misunderstandings which may subsist among you, or which any evil spirits may endeavor to raise in your breasts.

I therefore, with this Wampum, make this Council-room clean from every thing offensive, and hope that you will take care that no snake may creep in among us, or any thing that may obstruct our harmony.

_Bunch of Wampum._

Brethren, I have but a few words to speak, as the fewer that is said the easier you will understand and comprehend. Last year, about the time your corn was getting hard, I had the pleasure of seeing you at the King, your Great Father's council fire at Niagara. I then addressed you on the business of your land transactions. I informed you then that General Hunter had taken your affairs into his most deliberate consideration, and what the result of those considerations were.

Since that time some people have come forward to pay for the township which was sold to Mr. Beasley and his associates; and the only thing which now remains upon the minds of your trustees, and which they cannot answer for, (unless you, in the most public manner, express your satisfaction,) is the statement made by Mr. Beasley of monies said to have been paid on your account to your agent, Captain Brant.

I will here explain to you the sums said to have been paid; and if you are satisfied, the necessary discharges will then be given, and your business, I hope, carried on in future more to your satisfaction, and also of the others concerned.

Brethren, The following sums are stated by Mr. Beasley to have been paid by him, and boards delivered by his order.

[Here follows the statement of the pecuniary transactions of Captain Brant, as the agent of the Mohawk Nation, which there is no occasion to transcribe in this place.]

If you wish to consult among yourselves before you give your answer, as I wish you to do, I shall wait until you are ready, as it is necessary that this business should come to a close; but do not let us hurry, take time and weigh the matter well; if you are satisfied that the statement of the account is just, I will lay before you a paper to sign, which shall be explained to you, that you may perfectly comprehend and understand it.

I must farther inform you, that I hope every man that attends for the purpose of executing the above papers may keep from liquor, as I am determined no name shall appear there, unless the whole council are perfectly sober.

Before we cover the fire to-day, I must inform you that the King's Council, with the approbation of General Hunter, have given themselves a great deal of pains in inquiring and seeing that justice should be done to the Six Nations in this business, for which I am confident you will acknowledge yourselves sensible.

I have further to mention to you, that the Governor in Council have thought it for the advantage, benefit, and interest of the Six Nations, that Sir John Johnson should be added as a Trustee for the Six Nations, but it is left for you to consider and say whether he is, or is not, to be added to those who are now acting for you.

I shall now retire, and when you have finished consulting, I shall be ready to attend you.

[_Large Bunch of Wampum._]

30_th June._ Present the same as yesterday.

I am much pleased that you have so clearly comprehended what I said to you yesterday, and as you are unanimously agreed to admit of the account as just, the following is the paper which it will be necessary for your principal people to sign; but before I go further, I must tell you that your expressions of friendship for me draws from me the warmest sense of feeling. I shall ever endeavor to preserve your esteem and regard, and you may rest assured that my constant exertions shall be for your interest and happiness.

We, the Sachems and principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal women of the Six Nations, having taken into mature consideration the said account, and having examined the several items and entries therein, and the whole having been explained to us in the fullest manner, declare that we perfectly understand and comprehend the same; do hereby unanimously approve thereof as just and true; and do fully admit and acknowledge that the several sums of money set down and charged in the said account as payments made by Mr. Beasley, to and for the use of the Six Nations, were really and truly made; and that the boards and materials charged in the same accounts were actually furnished by Mr. Beasley, also to and for the use of the Six Nations.

In testimony whereof, the aforesaid Sachems, principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal Women of the Six Nations, in behalf of the Body of the said Six Nations, have to these presents (done in triplicate) set our hands and affixed our seals at the Council House at the Mohawk Village on the Grand River, this 30th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1804, and forty fourth year of his Majesty's reign.

his his Tekarihoken X Gonesseronton X mark mark his his Thaweyogearat X Shagogeaseronni X mark mark his his Oghnaongoghton X Ojageghte X mark mark his his Otoghaeronge X Waorighonti X mark mark his his Aonghwicjaga X Tekaenyough X mark mark his his Otyoghwawagon X Ogpaghsaneyout X mark mark his his Aghetugwaresera X Thaoeonnenghton X mark mark his his Tekahentakwa X Teghsitaasgowa X mark mark his his Oghsonwalagette X Arenghoot X mark mark his his Yoghstatheaugh X Nihaweanaagh X mark mark his his Araghkwente X Karrhageayate X mark mark his his Oghgwarioghseta X Kaweanontye X mark mark

We do certify that the within proceedings were held in our presence, and that the accounts and different items were explained to the Sachems. War Chiefs, and principal Women under the direction of the Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs; that they seemed perfectly to understand and comprehend the same, and acknowledged that they did so, and were perfectly satisfied therewith. We do also certify that those whose names, marks and seals are hereunto affixed, as well as the whole Council, were perfectly sober when they executed the within.

_Council Room, Grand River,_ 30_th June,_ 1804. ISAAC BROCK, _Col._ 49_th Regt._ _Commissioners._ William Carey, _Lieut._ 49_th Regt._ William Stratton, _Lieut._ 49_th Regt._

After finishing, the usual ceremony of taking leave was gone through and,

[_A large bunch of Wampum delivered._]

* * * * *

No. XV.

[Reference from Page 423.]

COUNCIL HELD AT NIAGARA.

[This speech was made by Capt. Brant at Niagara to Col. William Claus, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian affairs--after John Norton, alias Teyoninhokarawen, had returned from England, who had been sent there by Capt. Brant.]

[W. J. Kerr.]

Brother,--We have now come to this place, the Council-fire of our Great Father the King, to explain, in a public manner, the foundation of our claim to the lands we now possess, the attempts made in this country to curtail and invalidate our title to them, and latterly the means taken to obstruct the just decision of his Majesty's Right Honorable Privy Council on the subject.

Brother,--In the year 1775, when hostilities had commenced, the Mohawks, always faithful to the royal interest, brought off the Indian Department, in company with the Oghkwagas, from the Mohawk River to Canada. Upon our arrival there, this conduct was approved of by Sir Guy Carleton, who, in a public Council, desired us to take up the hatchet and defend our country, and that any losses we might sustain by the war, he promised should be replaced.

When the support given the Americans by the various European powers gave us reason to apprehend, that the war might take such an unfavorable conclusion as to deprive us of the happiness of return to our homes, and to the re-enjoyment of our forsaken lands, we applied to Sir Frederick Haldimand, then Governor and Commander-in-Chief, for a confirmation of General Carleton's promise; this he readily granted us, and we have it now in our possession.

When the line drawn at the peace, and the manner in which that was concluded, left us no hopes of regaining our former possessions, we applied to His Excellency Sir Frederick Haldimand for a grant in the Bay of Quinte.

On this becoming known to the Senecas and others at Buffalo Creek, they upbraided us with having treated them unfairly, after having been the most forward to engage in the royal cause, and having drawn them into the contest, now to abandon them in the present critical situation, to be exposed alone to such retaliation as revenge might urge the Americans to attempt.

We were struck with the justness of their argument, and in consequence relinquished the place we had first chosen, and applied for the Grand River in lieu of it; as there being more conveniently situated either to give assistance to our brethren, if assistance was wanted, or to afford them a comfortable asylum should superior numbers oblige them to retreat. His Excellency expressed his satisfaction at our determination, and the terms of his grant will confirm the accuracy of this assertion.

In a little time the Senecas were relieved from their apprehensions, they remained on their lands, and sold them gradually to the Americans; for which they receive annually six thousand five hundred dollars, besides four thousand five hundred dollars which they get in common with others of the Six Nations inhabiting within the territories of the United States, from whom also several of their Chiefs receive pensions; with these arrangements they have appeared to remain contented on the reserves they have retained.

General Haldimand was on the eve of embarking for Europe when he executed the grant. This we may suppose to have been the reason why it was not registered at Quebec; and from this circumstance, shortly after the formation of the Canadian government, an attempt was made to curtail our land.

After we came to a proper understanding on this head, from the consideration that the animals were becoming scarce for the hunters, we proposed leasing a part of our lands, not in our power to occupy, to receive therefrom an annual income; the leasing was objected to by the Executive, but they were sold with the sanction of the Canadian Government, and mortgaged for the payment of the interest; the incumbrances, however, annexed to these arrangements, have prevented us as yet deriving the benefit therefrom we had reason to expect.

We have asked for a confirmation of the remaining lands, that our posterity might enjoy in security the benefits of our industry, and of their own; but this request has never yet met with an answer.

What we asked for, seemed to be of such a nature as not to render it necessary to apply to higher authority than there was in this country, (providing the inclination should be favorable to grant us our requests,) was the reason we persevered in entreating for a satisfactory decision of the Executive for many years; notwithstanding repeated retardments in our business, we were reluctant to trouble his Majesty's Government in Britain with so trifling an affair.

However, at the time my nephew Teyoninhokarawen desired to go to Europe to serve in the war, we hoped, should an opportunity occur for him to make representation of our situation, it might expedite the conclusion of the business to our satisfaction. This he was well enabled to do from his knowledge of the subject, and authorized as being an adopted Chief; as such, I gave him letters of introduction to my friends there; and from the generosity and love of justice, which ever distinguishes his Majesty's Government, and is peculiarly prevalent in the British nation, it appears he was attended to, and in consequence of his representation, letters in our favor were wrote to the Government here.

Brother,--You then, as Agent for Indian Affairs, sent notice to the Grand River, as we have evident proof, through the medium of a Cayuga Chief named Tsinonwanhonte, who acquainted the other Chief of that tribe, Okoghsaniyonte, that Teyoninhokarawen had been making use of their names to their detriment, and that I had got to my highest, and would soon fall; that the method they were to take to prevent evil arriving to them, was to come to Niagara, protest against and disavow all the proceedings of Teyoninhokarawen, depose me from being chief, and disannul all that we had done from the time we formed the settlement.

The Chiefs of the Grand River would not listen to this, but many of the common people were thereby prevailed on to go to Buffalo Creek on the American side. There they held a Council with the Senecas and others of the Five Nations living within that territory, made new chiefs contrary to our established customs, came to Niagara, complied in every respect with your desires; so as to contradict the application of Teyoninhokarawen on our behalf, and prevent him obtaining that confirmation to our grant which he hoped for from the justice of his Majesty's Government, and which apparently was on the point of being accomplished to our satisfaction.

Brother,--We protest against this your proceeding for these reasons, that you knew the Five Nations living within the American territories, and who composed the principal part of that council, were not the real proprietors of the Grand River, according to Sir. Frederick Haldimand's Grant; neither did they deserve to be so from their subsequent conduct since we settled there; that several of these Chiefs were pensioners to the United States; that the names of many who were not Chiefs were sent to England, and that none of the principal men from the Grand River were there. Those who were made chiefs at Buffalo, we cannot allow of, as being contrary to all authority and custom, as well as their ignorance of public affairs rendering them absolutely unfit for such a situation.

The Farmer's Brother and Red Jacket, two of these Chiefs, pensioners to the United States, a few years ago at Hartford, in the Assembly of the Connecticut State, declared "that they were subjects to the United States, and would never cross the river, kissing the medal of General Washington in token of their steady attachment to the United States, vowing that they would ever remain united."

Is it such men as these you should represent as being the proprietors of the Grand River? No; they were granted to us as loyalists, that had fought and lost our lands in support of his Majesty's interests; and the love we bear our Great Father the King, and the desire we have of living under his protection, is the reason we set so great a value on these lands, and persevere to obtain a confirmation of them. Neither is there any reason why you should prefer the title or claims of the opposite party of our own dialect, inhabiting at present the same village with us; but who have joined those people in opposition, to promote anarchy among us. Before the war, they lived at Fort Hunter, and had sold the most of their lands before hostilities commenced; what they lost, therefore, is more to be imputed to their imprudence than to their loyalty. This was not the case with us of Canajoharie or Oghkwaga. When we took up the hatchet, our lands remained almost entire and unbroken, like those of the tribes to the westward.

Brother,--We, the principal Chiefs of that part of the Five Nations inhabiting the Grand River, who obtained the grant from General Haldimand in consequence of our services and losses, now affirm that we approve in every respect of the representation of our affairs made by Teyoninhokarawen in England; and also of his request in our behalf; but so much having been said on the subject for these many years past renders so necessary a discussion, that we entreat the Government to direct an inquiry to be made into the conduct of those concerned.

Brother,--Since we appointed Trustees by the direction of the Executive in this province, we have found the appointment very insufficient, both as to the speedy execution of our business, as also to the giving us the proper security for the property which may pass through their hands. The confidence we ever entertained of being protected in all our rights by our Great Father, caused us to remove to the place we now occupy within his dominions. We therefore petition that his Majesty's Government appoint such other medium for the transaction of our business as to their wisdom may appear proper, and which to us may be more satisfactory and secure.

Brother,--You know, that some years ago our Council-fire was taken from Buffalo Creek and kindled at the Onondaga Village on the Grand River; it is there that in a general Council we determined on what we now communicate at the Council fire-place of our Great Father, in consequence of our being made acquainted with the effect the Council held here last spring twelvemonth had in England.

We have delayed some time, in hopes to have had previously a fair discussion of the affair at our General Council, and to have convinced the people of Buffalo Creek of the mistake they had fallen into, in thinking that they had any right to hold councils at their village to interfere in our land affairs; especially as our Council-fire, which had been extinguished by the Americans, was now rekindled under the protection of our Great Father, at the Grand River; from whose benevolence we now hold that land, of which the Onondagas, the keepers of our Council-fire, are joint proprietors; which is not the case at Buffalo Creek on the American side; for which reason it certainly deserves the preference, as most likely of duration through the blessing of God and the support of our Great Father the King. From the time that our forefathers formed the confederacy, it has been with these that the General Council Fire-place has been kept, and there that every thing relating to the welfare of the whole has been deliberated on; and, as such, it was regarded by all the neighboring nations.

Brother:--It is with pain and regret we have to observe that you received, as Trustee, thirty-eight thousand dollars of our money near two years ago, and that you have not since accounted to us for principal or interest, or given us any satisfactory account of the application of the same; and we therefore are so convinced that you have forfeited our esteem and confidence, that we desire our Great Father will appoint some other person to superintend our affairs, and render us that justice, which, as strict adherents in loyalty and attachment to our Great Father, we have so long and faithfully deserved.

[Additional Memoranda, by Captain Brant.]

The Agent had deferred meeting us the three preceding days, giving for the reason, that he waited for a Mr. Selby from Detroit; but the Chiefs gaining information that this gentleman's arrival was uncertain, insisted on meeting him that day between twelve and one o'clock, he came with the commanding officer. Col. Proctor said, as he had before said, he would not meet them in Council; so he remained in resolution, and would not hear them, giving the same excuse for it; but as this had never been the case before, nor the attendance of Mr. Selby required at any former council, the chiefs resolved to deliver their sentiments in the house built by his Majesty for that purpose, where they were assembled in the presence of several officers of the garrison, of Judge Thorpe, Mr. Weeks, Mr. Addison, Mr. Edwards, and several other gentlemen of the place.

Okoghsenniyonte, a Chief of the Cayugas, then rose, and expressed the general approbation of what was said, alleging it was the sentiment of the whole; that the satisfaction they had felt on having the lands granted them according to the promise of his Majesty's representatives, was greatly weakened and disappointed by the disputes raised against their title, and the right to make the use of it they desire.

* * * * *

No. XVI.

[Reference from Page 453.]

"_New-York,_ 1_st Dec._ 1837.

"Dear Sir,

"In the year 1797, I visited Col. Brant on his return from Philadelphia to his home on Grand River, seventy miles north of Niagara, in company with Doctor Dingly and Doctor Priestley, _at the Hotel kept by Mr. James Batten,_ corner of John and Nassau streets. He appeared to be in good health and spirits, rather inclined to corpulency, of the middling stature, his dress that of a private citizen; was very communicative. In the course of our interview he told us of his reception at the Court of St. James, spoke of our revolutionary war, and the active part he took, assisted by the English, which he now had reason to regret; would never again take up the tomahawk against these United States; gave us a pressing invitation to call and see him at his residence on Grand River; stated that he had large possessions, and could make his friends very comfortable; that he had many black slaves, which he had taken prisoners in the revolutionary war, who appeared to be happy, and entirely willing to live with him; pleased with the Indian habits and customs, and never expressed a wish to return into civil society, where they were sure to be slaves to the white people, as they had been before the war. He seemed to be pleased with the attention he had received from the citizens of New-York. We took leave of him, and promised if either of us ever visited that part of Canada, we would call and see him. I think Doctor Priestley, in his tour of the United States, did call and see him.

"Respectfully, your ob't serv't, Jeromus Johnson.

"_William L. Stone, Esq._"

* * * * *

No. XVII.

[Reference from Page 480.]

"_London, April_ 2_d,_ 1803.

"My dear Col. Joseph Brant,

"Years may have banished me out of the temple of your memory, but I have not yet forgot you, Sir William Johnson, his Lady and children. You will graciously receive this letter, which is to inform you that I esteem and reverence the virtues of Great Hendrick, yourself, and those of the Mohawk nation and their Allies; while I do not admire the policy, humanity, and justice of the English nation towards the Mohawks and their Allies, in aiding and assisting their enemies to rob them of their territory and country, and compelling them to seek shelter and lands amongst the Ottawawas and Mississagas, formerly their enemies, by the arts and intrigues of the French. The Christian rules are good and excellent; yet few Christians of the Roman and Protestant kind love or practise those rules. What is remarkable to me is, that Popes, Bishops. Nobles and Kings, who ought to be wise in doctrine and example, are the greatest strangers and enemies to Christianity.

"The reason of such conduct, no doubt, is pride; yet Solomon, in wisdom great, says, 'Pride was not made for man.' I conclude, therefore, that great men in state and church, having robbed Lucifer of his pride, they stole all his cruelty, and so became legislators; made laws to deprive the multitude of rational freedom, and plunder Gentiles without sin, because they are honest and good; and not Christians.

"The Pope, in 1492, gave, by his Bull to the King of Spain, all America, only because America was owned by the Gentiles, and because the Pope was, by his claim, successor of Christ, 'to whom God had given the heathen for his inheritance, and the western parts of the earth for his possession.' Had the Apostles and Christian Bishops, for the first six hundred years, understood Christ's words, 'I have other sheep which are not of this fold, them I will gather in,' the Pope would have not been content with his triple crown, which represents Asia, Africa, and Europe, but would have put on a quadruple crown to include America.

"It is evident that Christ commissioned his twelve Apostles to teach and baptize the people in Asia, Africa, and Europe, but not in America; for Christ said to them, 'I have other sheep which are not of this fold, them I will gather in,' and not depend on the twelve Apostles to do that benevolent work.

"What right then could the Pope, in 1492, have over America, when his predecessor, St. Peter, and the other eleven Apostles, held no commission in America or over America. Hence, as the King of Spain had no valid title to America from the Pope, what right has the King of England in and over America, who is an excommunicated heretic from the church of Rome. I conclude that the people of America belong to '_the fold of Christ,_' not to the fold of the twelve Apostles, because God gave America to Christ, Psalm 2, v. 8, the Pope, Kings, and Bishops in the old world, have not, and never had, any divine authority in America, over Christ's sheep, the Gentiles; of course they are usurpers, robbers and deceivers.

"I consider you, Sir, as the Chief of the Mohawks, and the other five nations of Indians, the legal and just owners of the country lying between the waters St. Lawrence, Ontario, Lake Erie, Lake Champlain, and Hudson's River to the forks of Susquehanna, which you have lost for fighting your Gentile brethren in behalf of English Christians; and the good and honest Mississagas have in part lost their country, for fighting you, their Gentile brethren, in behalf of French Christians. Thus, I see you and the Mississagas have been crucified like Christ between two thieves, (i. e.) Jews and Romans. I have seen so much of Christian knavery and policy, that I am sick of Europe, which loves war and hates peace; therefore I want and long to have a wigwam near Great Pontiack, King by divine right of the Mississaga Nation and Tribes near Detroit and Lake Michigan. Great Pontiack has adopted my grandson, Nikik, Samuel Peters Jarvis. Should you judge it proper to explain my obligations to Great Pontiack, [FN] and thereby induce the Great Chief to patronize me also, I will go with Nikik to Michigan, and teach Nikik the rules and laws, how he shall defend in all shapes his brothers and sisters of the Mississaga Nation."

* * * * *

[FN] It would seem from these references to Pontiac, that the eccentric writer of this letter was ignorant of his death years before.--_Author._

"I beg you to accept a portrait of Nikik my grandson, a captain and prince of the Mississagas, by creation of Great Pontiack; as I suppose he is successor of the wise and great Pontiack, King and Lord of that country, A. D. 1760.

"I know you and your generosity and benevolence, and therefore ask you to accept my gratitude, and to give me, (via.) Mr. Jarvis, such an answer as your goodness shall dictate to be due to, Sir,

"Your friend and servant, Samuel Peters."

* * * * *

No. XVIII.

[Reference from Page 487.]

The following brief but very interesting account of a French Colony, located in the town of Pompey, in the year 1666, is taken from "A Memoir on the Antiquities of the western parts of the State of New-York," by De Witt Clinton.

After informing us that the statement is collected partially from the Sachems of the Six Nations, and partly from a manuscript journal of one of the French Jesuits, he proceeds to remark:--

"From the Jesuits' journal it appears, that in the year 1666, at the request of Karakontie, an Onondaga chieftain, a French Colony was directed to repair to his village, for the purpose of teaching the Indians arts and sciences, and to endeavor, if practicable, to civilize and christianise them.

"We learn from the Sachems, that at this time the Indians had a fort, a short distance above the village of Jamesville, on the banks of a small stream near; a little above which, it seems, the chieftain, Karakontie, would have his new friends sit down. Accordingly they repaired thither and commenced their labors, which being greatly aided by the savages, a few months only were necessary to the building of a small village.

"This little colony remained for three years in a very peaceable and flourishing situation, during which time much addition was made to the establishment, and, among others, a small chapel, in which the Jesuit used to collect the barbarians, and perform the rites and ceremonies of his church.

"But the dire circumstance which was to bury this colony in oblivion, and keep their history in secret, was yet to come. About this time, (1669,) a party of Spaniards, consisting of twenty-three persons, arrived at the village, having for guides some of the Iroquois, who had been taken captive by the southern tribes. It appears evident that this party came up the Mississippi, as it has been ascertained that they passed Pittsburg, and on to Olean Point; where, leaving their canoes, they traveled by land. They had been informed by some of the southern tribes that there was a lake at the north of them, whose bottom was covered with a substance shining and white, [FN] and which they took, from the Indians' description, to be silver; and it is supposed that the idea of enriching themselves upon this treasure, induced them to take this long and desperate journey; for silver was the first thing inquired for on their arrival, and on being told that none was ever seen in or about the Onondaga lake, they became almost frantic, and seemed bent upon a quarrel with the French, and charged them with having bribed the Indians, and even those who had been their guides, that they would not tell where the mines might be found. Nor dare they, finding the French influence to prevail, venture out on a search, lest the Indians might destroy them. A compromise was however made, and both parties agreed that an equal number of each should be sent on an exploring expedition, which was accordingly done. But the effect of this upon the minds of the Indians was fatal. Upon seeing these strangers prowling the woods with various kinds of instruments, they immediately suspected some plan to be in operation to deprive them of their country."

* * * * *

[FN] The salt crystallizes at the present time on the grass and upon the naked earth in the immediate vicinity of the springs, though the water of the lake is fresh.

"Nor was this jealousy by any means hushed by the Europeans. The Spaniards averred to the Indians that the only object of the French was to tyrannize over them; and the French, on the other hand, that the Spaniards were plotting a scheme to rob them of their lands.

"The Indians by this time becoming equally jealous of both, determined, in private council, to rid themselves of so troublesome neighbors. For aid in this, they sent private instructions to the Oneidas and Cayugas, who only wanted a watchword to be found immediately on the ground. The matter was soon digested, and the time and manner of attack agreed upon A little before day-break, on _All-Saints_ day, 1669, the little colony, together with the Spaniards, were aroused from their slumbers by the roaring of fire-arms and the dismal war-whoop of the savages. Every house was immediately fired or broken open, and such as attempted to escape from the flames met a more untimely death in the _tomahawk._ Merciless multitudes overpowered the little band, and the Europeans were soon either lost in death or writhing in their blood; and such was the furious prejudice of the savages, that not one escaped, or was left alive _to relate the sad disaster._ Thus perished the little colony, whose labors have excited so much wonder and curiosity.

"The French in Canada, on making inquiries respecting the fate of their friends, were informed by the Indians that they had gone towards the south, with a company of people who came from thence, and at the same time showing a _Spanish coat of arms_ and other national trinkets, confirmed the Canadian French in the opinion that their unfortunate countrymen had indeed gone thither, and in all probability perished in the immense forests. This opinion was also measurably confirmed by a Frenchman who had long lived with the Senecas, and who visited the Onondagas at the time the Spaniards were at the village, but left before the disaster, and could only say that he had seen them there."

This history accounts, in the opinion of its learned author, for the appearance at this place of a small village, with evident remains of a blacksmith's shop, &c. to be seen at the first settlement of the country by the English. The account appears every way credible, and the explanation satisfactory. But in several other places in the country, the remains of blacksmiths' shops have been discovered, and in some instances the tools used by the trade. A blacksmith's vise was found, buried deep in the ground, on a farm in Onondaga Hollow, about three-fourths of a mile south of the turnpike. But the existence of a fort near this spot, every vestige of which is now nearly obliterated, readily accounts for the existence of these relics of civilization. In the cultivation of the lands lying upon the Onondaga Creek, innumerable implements of war and of husbandry have been found, scattered over a territory of four or five miles in length. Swords, gun-barrels, gun-locks, bayonets, balls, axes, hoes, and various other articles made of iron, have been found, and many of them are still preserved. I have now in my possession a sword that was dug up on the farm at present owned by Mr. Wyman, where have been found all the different kinds of articles mentioned above. On this farm, also, was found a stone of considerable dimensions, on which were rudely carved some European characters. But the stone has been lost, and the import of the characters is not remembered. It is proper also to remark here, that a stone, which has been preserved, and is now in the Albany museum, was found some years ago in the town of Pompey, containing inscriptions. The stone was of an oblong figure, being fourteen inches long by twelve broad, and is eight inches in thickness. It had in the centre of the surface the figure of a tree, with a serpent climbing it, and the following is a _fac simile_ of the characters that were inscribed upon each side of the tree.

Leo X De The tree, &c. Ls Vix 1520 {TN: Cross icon--inverted U}

"We have here the true chronology of the pontificate of Leo X., and, without doubt, the year in which the inscriptions were made. This pontiff came to the papal chair in the year 1518 or 1514, and consequently the sixth year of his pontificate would be as stated above. The inscription may be thus translated:--'Leo X. by the grace of God; sixth year of his pontificate--1520.' The stone was doubtless designed as a sepulchral monument, and the letters Ls were probably the initials of the name of the person whose grave it designated. The Cross informs us that the deceased was a Catholic, and the inverted U, was probably some other emblem, which the hand of time had in a great measure effaced. The supposition is not incredible that this stone was carved by a Spanish hand on or near the spot where it was found, and there deposited by him. Mexico was settled by the Spaniards in 1521. But previously to this period, Spanish adventurers frequently arrived upon the American coast. Florida was discovered by them in 1502. The French voyager Verrazano explored nearly the whole coast of the present United States in 1524, but a little subsequent to the date which forms the subject of our inquiry. And De Soto, who had been constituted Governor of Cuba and President of Florida, performed his celebrated expedition into the interior of America, having with him six hundred men, as early as 1538. He spent four years in the country, and as Florida then extended to an indefinite point in the north, embracing all that tract of country which has since been called Virginia, and as mention is made by his historian of 'extreme cold,' and of a place called _Saquechama,_ it is reasonable to conjecture that they penetrated to the north as far as the _Susquehanna._ [FN] But in the course of his travels, he fell in with a body of natives, who had with them a Spaniard by the name of John Ortez, of Seville. He had then been a captive for nearly ten years. It is not incredible, when all these facts are taken into consideration, that eight years anterior to the time of Ortez being taken prisoner, two or three, or half a dozen Spaniards, should have been taken by misfortune or the spirit of adventure to Pompey Hill, where one of them dying, the survivor or survivors prepared and placed this monument over his remains. It is also quite possible, that the visit of the Spanish adventurers, to which the narrative furnished by De Witt Clinton and recited above, relates, was at a period much earlier than that which he assigns for it. De Soto himself was amused by similar stories told him by the savages of the existence of gold and silver in regions that were always beyond him. In this way he was taken many hundred leagues into the bosom of a country filled only with savages, and never before trodden by the foot of an European. But he returned vexed to find that he had been amused only with golden dreams. The story of a lake at the north, whose bottom was lined with silver, was sufficient to fire the bosom of a Spaniard with an ungovernable spirit of daring in pursuit of that object; and as the date of this enterprise was left to be established by tradition, that erring chronicler of events, it is altogether probable that a mistake in time, sufficient to explain the subject of our inquiry, was committed. However this may be, there can be little doubt but Spaniards, carried there as captives or allured by the love of gold, were at Pompey Hill as early as 1520.--_Lectures of Rev. Mr. Adams, of Syracuse, (N. Y.)_"

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[FN] See Sandford's Aborigines, p. cxiv. note. Also, "Yates and Moulton's Hist."

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No. XIX.

[Reference from Page 487.]

Since the text of the present volume was written, the Antiquarian world has been gratified by a publication issued by the Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, which is creating a great sensation among men of letters. It is entitled

"Antiquitates Americanae sive Scriptores Septentrionales rerum Ante-Columbianarum in America. (Antiquities of America, or Northern writers of things in America before Columbus.) Hafniae, 1837, 4to. pp. 486."

The following summary notice of this most important work is copied from the New Haven Chronicle of the Church, of December 15, 1837:--

This interesting and erudite volume is composed of ancient Icelandic histories relative to America, being mostly accounts of voyages of discovery to this country, made by the Northmen in the 10th, 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries, that is, anterior to the time of Columbus. To these are added critical and explanatory notes, chronological and genealogical tables, archaeological and geographical disquisitions, concerning the migration of the Northmen to this country, their first landing-places, and earliest settlements, with the vestiges of the same now remaining. We give the following summary of the conclusions drawn by the author of this work in reference to the discovery and settlement of this country by the Norwegians.

In the spring of 986, Eric the Red emigrated from Iceland to Greenland, and formed a settlement there. In 994, Biarne, the son of Heriulf Bardson, one of the settlers who accompanied Eric, returned to Norway, and gave an account of discoveries he had made to the south of Greenland. On his return to Greenland, Leif, the son of Eric, bought Biarne's ship, and with a crew of thirty-five men, embarked on a voyage of discovery, A. D. 1000. After sailing some time to the south-west, they fell in with a country covered with a slatey rock, and destitute of good qualities; and which, therefore, they called _Helluland,_ (Slate-land.) They then continued southerly, until they found a low, flat coast, with white sand cliffs, and immediately back, covered with wood, whence they called the country _Markland,_ (Woodland.) From here they sailed south and west, until they arrived at a promontory which stretched to the east and north, and sailing round it, turned to the west; and sailing westward, passed between an island and the mainland, and entering a bay through which flowed a river, they concluded to winter there.

Having landed, they built houses to winter in, and called the place _Lefsbuthir,_ (Leifs-booths.) Soon after this they discovered an abundance of vines, whence they named the country _Vinland_ or Wineland. Antiquarians have been much puzzled to know where _Vinland_ was located; but the Antiquarian Society, to whose exertions we owe the above work, after the most careful examination of all the evidence on the subject, do not hesitate to place it at the head of Narragansett Bay, in Rhode Island. Every thing in the description of the voyage and country agrees most exactly with this. The promontory extending east and north, corresponds closely with that of Barnstable and Cape Cod, and the islands they would encounter immediately upon turning west, would be Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard.

Two years after, 1002, Thorwold, the brother of Leif, visited Vinland, where he spent two years, and was finally murdered by the natives. Before his death, he coasted around the promontory, and called the north end, now Cape Cod, _Kjalarnes,_ (Keel-Cape.) He was killed and buried on a small promontory, reaching south from the mainland, on the west side of the Bay, inclosed by the promontory of _Kjalarnes,_ and which answers most accurately to the strip of land on the east side of Plymouth Harbour, now called Gurnet's Point. The Norwegians called it _Krassanes,_ (Crossness or Crossland,) because the grave of Thorwold had a cross erected at both ends.

In 1007, three ships sailed from Greenland for Vinland, one under the command of Thorfinn Karlsefne, a Norwegian of royal descent, and Snorre Thorbrandson, of distinguished lineage; one other commanded by Biarne Grimalfson and Thorhall Gamlason; and the third by Thorward and Thorhall. The three ships had 100 men, and carried all sorts of domestic animals necessary for the comfort and convenience of a colony. An account of this voyage, and a history of the country, by Thorfinn Karlsefne, is still extant, and forms one of the documents in the _Antiquities Americana._ They sailed from Greenland to _Helluland,_ and passing _Markland,_ arrived at _Kjalarnes,_ whence sailing south by the shore of the promontory, which they found to consist of trackless beaches and long wastes of sand, they called it _Furthutrstrandir,_ (Wonder-Strand, or Beach;) whether on account of the extensive sandy shore, or from the mirage and optical illusion so common at Cape Cod, it is impossible to determine. Passing south, they sailed by the island discovered by Leif, which they called _Straumey,_ (Stream-Isle,) probably Martha's Vineyard, and the straits between _Straumfjothr,_ (Stream-Firth,) and arrived at Vinland, where they spent the winter. The Bay into which they sailed, they called _Hopsvatn,_ and their residence received the name of _Hop,_ (_English_ Hope, _Indian_ Haup,) the identical Mount Hope, so much celebrated as the residence of King Philip. After various successes, Thorfinn returned to Greenland, and finally went to Iceland and settled.

From a comparison of all the remaining accounts of these voyages, the geographical, nautical and astronomical facts contained in them, with the natural history and geography of this country when first settled by the whites, there can be little doubt that Vinland has been correctly located by the learned Society. By similar evidence it also appears, that _Markland_ was what is now called Nova Scotia; that _Litla Helluland_ (Little Helluland) was Newfoundland; and that _Helluland it Mikla,_ (Greater Helluland,) was the coast of Labrador. We ought also to have observed above, that _Straumfjothr_ (Stream-Firth) probably included the whole of Buzzard's Bay.

Of the _climate_ of Vinland, the Northmen say, it was, when they were there, so mild, that cattle would live out-doors during the year; that the snow fell but lightly, and that the grass continued to be green in some places nearly all winter. Among the _productions_ of Vinland, were abundance of vines, a kind of wild wheat, (_maize,_) a beautiful wood which they called _mazer_ (Birdseye-maple, _Acer Saccharinum,_) a great variety of forest animals, Eider Ducks in great plenty; and the rivers and bays they describe as filled with fish, among which they reckon salmon, halibut, whales, &c. It is also said by the same historians, that the sun rose at half past seven o'clock in the shortest days, which is the exact time it rises at Mount Hope.

Subsequent to this time, explorations were made to the south of Vinland along the eastern shore, and judging from the fragments of voyages, it would seem that some penetrated as far south as Florida. The whole country south of Chesapeake Bay is called by them _Hvitamannaland,_ (white-man's-land,) or _Ireland it Mikla,_ (Ireland the Great.) In 1121 Vinland was visited by Bishop Eric, and as there is no account of his return, it seems probable that he spent his days there. Other explorations were made by the Norwegians and Greenlanders to the north, who penetrated as far as Barrow's Straits, which they called _Kroksfjorthr,_ (Kroks-Firth or Strait,)and the land on the northern side, now known as the Cumberland Mountains, they denominated _Kroksfjarltharheithi,_ (Barren-highlands-of-Kroks-Strait.) There are several other particulars we should be glad to notice, but the length of this article will not allow.

Among other matters, curious and important, contained in this valuable publication from Copenhagen, not noted by the New-Haven Chronicle, are one or more readings of the celebrated hieroglyphic inscription upon "Dighton Rock," in Fall River, Massachusetts, and of which no satisfactory explanation has previously been given. These Northern Antiquaries profess at length to have mastered that inscription. They pronounce the characters to be Runic, and read therein a confirmation of their theory, that a settlement was formed by the Northmen at Fall River as early as the tenth century. But this is not all. Since the work of the Copenhagen Antiquaries has been published, another discovery has been made in the immediate neighborhood of Dighton Rock, which is equally curious and important as connected with this investigation. The discovery referred to may be considered the most interesting relic of antiquity ever discovered in North America, viz:--the remains of a human body, armed with a breast plate, a species of mail, and arrows of brass; which remains we suppose to have belonged either to one of the race who inhabited this country for a time anterior to the so-called Aborigines, and afterwards settled in Mexico or Guatemala, or to one of the crew of some Phoenician vessel, that, blown out of her course, thus discovered the western world long before the Christian era.

These remains were found in the town of Fall River, in Bristol county, Massachusetts, about eighteen months since.

In digging down a hill near the village, a large mass of earth slid off, leaving in the bank, and partially uncovered, a human skull, which on examination was found to belong to a body buried in a sitting posture; the head being about one foot below what had been for many years the surface of the ground. The surrounding earth was carefully removed, and the body found to be enveloped in a covering of coarse bark of a dark color. Within this envelope were found the remains of another of coarse cloth, made of fine bark, and about the texture of a Manila coffee bag. On the breast was a plate of brass, thirteen inches long, six broad at the upper end and five at the lower. This plate appears to have been cast, and is from one eighth to three thirty-seconds of an inch in thickness. It is so much corroded, that whether or not any thing was engraved upon it has not yet been ascertained. It is oval in form--the edges being irregular, apparently made so by corrosion.

Below the breast-plate, and entirely encircling the body, was a belt composed of brass tubes, each four and a half inches in length, and three sixteenths of an inch in diameter, arranged longitudinally and close together; the length of a tube being the width of the belt. The tubes are of thin brass, cast upon hollow reeds, and were fastened together by pieces of sinew. This belt was so placed as to protect the lower parts of the body below the breast-plate. The arrows are of brass, thin, flat, and triangular in shape, with a round hole cut through near the base. The shaft was fastened to the head by inserting the latter in an opening at the end of the wood, and then tying it with a sinew through the round hole--a mode of constructing the weapon never practised by the Indians, not even with their arrows of thin shell. Parts of the shaft still remain on some of them. When first discovered the arrows were in a sort of quiver of bark, which fell in pieces when exposed to the air.

The skull is much decayed, but the teeth are sound, and apparently those of a young man. The pelvis is much decayed, and the smaller bones of the lower extremities are gone.

The integuments of the right knee, for four or five inches above and below, are in good preservation, apparently the size and shape of life, although quite black.

Considerable flesh is still preserved on the hands and arms, but none on the shoulders and elbows. On the back, under the belt, and for two inches above and below, the skin and flesh are in good preservation, and have the appearance of being tanned. The chest is much compressed, but the upper viscera are probably entire. The arms are bent up, not crossed; so that the hands turned inwards touch the shoulders. The stature is about five and a half feet. Much of the exterior envelope was decayed, and the inner one appeared to be preserved only where it had been in contact with the brass.

The following sketch will give our readers an idea of the posture of the figure and the position of the armor. When the remains were discovered, the arms were brought rather closer to the body than in the engraving. The arrows were near the right knee.

The preservation of this body may be the result of some embalming process; and this hypothesis is strengthened by the fact, that the skin has the appearance of having been tanned; or it may be the accidental result of the action of the salts of the brass during oxydation; and this latter hypothesis is supported by the fact, that the skin and flesh have been preserved only where they have been in contact with, or quite near, the brass; or we may account for the preservation of the whole by supposing the presence of _saltpetre_ in the soil at the time of the deposit. In either way, the preservation of the remains is fully accounted for, and upon known chemical principles.

That the body was not one of the Indians, we think needs no argument. We have seen some of the drawings taken from the sculptures found at Palenque, and in those the figures are represented with breast-plates, although smaller than the plate found at Fall River. On the figures at Palenque the bracelets and anklets appear to be of a manufacture precisely similar to the belt of tubes just described. These figures also have helmets precisely answering the description of the helmet of Homer's {quote in Greek script.}

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No. XX.

[Reference from Page 499.]

We the subscribers, having been requested to give our opinion with regard to the religious and moral character of the late Capt. Joseph Brant, and the state of his mind as it appeared to us at its dissolution--hereby declare, that having lived a number of years a near neighbor of his, (our farms adjoining the place of his residence,) we were intimately acquainted with him; in conversation he would often begin the subject, and dwell upon the duties that we owed one to another. He was a believer in the Christian religion, and was brought up in the doctrine of the Episcopal Church of England, of which he was a member when he died. During his illness we were often with him, and were present at his dissolution. During his sickness, (which was painful,) he was patient and resigned, and appeared always thankful to his friends for the attention paid to him. It is our opinion that during his sickness, and at the close of it, he was possessed of his rational faculties, and that he lived and died in the faith of the Christian religion.

Augustus Bates, Asahel Davis.

Wellington Square, U. C. } _August_ 15_th_, 1837. }

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No. XXI.

[Reference from Page 526.]

_Letter to the Mohawk Chief Ahyonwaeghs, commonly called John Brandt Esq. of the Grand River, Upper Canada._

_London, January_ 20, 1822.

Sir,

Ten days ago I was not aware that such a person existed as the son of the Indian leader Brant, [FN] who is mentioned in my poem "Gertrude of Wyoming." Last week, however, Mr. S. Bannister of Lincoln's Inn, called to inform me of your being in London, and of your having documents in your possession which he believed would change my opinion of your father's memory, and induce me to do it justice. Mr. Bannister distinctly assured me that no declaration of my sentiments on the subject was desired but such as should spontaneously flow from my own judgment of the papers that were to be submitted to me.

* * * * *

[FN] The name has been almost always inaccurately spelt Brandt in English books.

I could not be deaf to such an appeal. It was my duty to inspect the justification of a man whose memory I had reprobated, and I felt a satisfaction at the prospect of his character being redressed, which was not likely to have been felt by one who had willfully wronged it. As for as any intention to wound the feelings of the living was concerned, I really knew not, when I wrote my poem, that the son and daughter of an Indian chief were ever likely to peruse it, or be affected by its contents. And I have observed most persons to whom I have mentioned the circumstance of your appeal to me, smile with the same surprise which I experienced on first receiving it. With regard to your father's character, I took it as I found it in popular history. Among the documents in his favor I own that you have shown me one which I regret that I never saw before, though I might have seen it, viz. the Duke of Rochefoucault's honorable mention of the chief in his travels. [FN] Without meaning, however, in the least to invalidate that nobleman's respectable authority, I must say, that even if I had met with it, it would have still offered only a general and presumptive vindication of your father, and not such a specific one as I now recognize. On the other hand, judge how naturally I adopted accusations against him which had stood in the Annual Register of 1779, as far as I knew, uncontradicted for thirty years. A number of authors had repeated them with a confidence which beguiled at last my suspicion, and I believe that of the public at large. Among those authors were Gordon, Ramsay, Marshall, Belsham, and Weld. The most of them, you may tell me, perhaps, wrote with zeal against the American war. Well, but Mr. John Adolphus was never suspected of any such zeal, and yet he has said in his History of England, &c. (vol. iii. p. 110) "that a force of sixteen hundred savages and Americans in disguise, headed by an Indian Col. Butler, and a half Indian of extraordinary ferocity named Brant, lulling the fears of the inhabitants (of Wyoming) by treachery, suddenly possessed themselves of two forts, and massacred the garrisons." He says farther, "that _all_ were involved in unsparing slaughter, and that even the devices of torment were exhausted." He possessed, if I possessed them, the means of consulting better authorities; yet he has never to my knowledge made any atonement to your father's memory. When your Canadian friends, therefore, call me to trial for having defamed the warrior Brant, I beg that Mr. John Adolphus may be also included in the summons. And after his own defence and acquittal, I think he is bound, having been one of my historical misleaders, to stand up as my gratuitous counsel, and say, "Gentlemen, _you must acquit my client, for he has only fallen into an error, which even my judgment could not escape._"

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[FN] The following testimony is borne to his fair name by Rochefoucault, whose ability and means of forming a correct judgment will not be denied. "Col. Brant is an Indian by birth. In the American war he fought under the English banner, and he has since been in England, where he was most graciously received by the King, and met with a kind reception from all classes of people. His manners are semi-European. He is attended by two Negroes; has established himself in the English way; has a garden and a farm; dresses after the European fashion; and nevertheless possesses much influence over the Indians. He assists at present (1795) at the Miami Treaty, which the United States are concluding with the western Indians. He is also much respected by the Americans; and in general bears so excellent a name, that I regret I could not see and become acquainted with him."--_Rochefoucault's Travels in North America._

In short, I imbibed my conception of your father from accounts of him that were, published when I was scarcely out of my cradle. And if there were any public, direct, and specific challenges to those accounts in England ten years ago, I am yet to learn where they existed.

I rose from perusing the papers you submitted to me certainly with an altered impression of his character. I find that the unfavorable accounts of him were erroneous, even on points not immediately connected with his reputation. It turns out, for instance, that he was a Mohawk Indian of unmixed parentage. This circumstance, however, ought not to be overlooked in estimating the merits of his attainments. He spoke and wrote our language with force and facility, and had enlarged views of the union and policy of the Indian tribes. A gentleman who had been in America, and from whom I sought information respecting him in consequence of your interesting message, told me that though he could not pretend to appreciate his character entirely, he had been struck by the _naivete_ and eloquence of his conversation. They had talked of music, and Brant said, "I like the harpsichord well, and the organ still better; but I like the drum and trumpet best of all, for they make my heart beat quick." This gentleman also described to me the enthusiasm with which he spoke of written records. Brant projected at that time to have written a History of the Six Nations. The genius of history should be rather partial to such a man.

I find that when he came to England, after the peace of 1763, the most distinguished individuals of all parties and professions treated him with the utmost kindness. Among these were the late Bishop of London, the late Duke of Northumberland, and Charles Fox. Lord Rawdon, now Marquis of Hastings, gave him his picture. This circumstance argues recommendations from America founded in personal friendship. In Canada the memorials of his moral character represent it as naturally ingenuous and generous. The evidence afforded, induces me to believe that he often strove to mitigate the cruelty of Indian warfare. Lastly, you affirm that he was not within many miles of the spot when the battle which decided the fate of Wyoming took place, and from your offer of reference to living witnesses, I cannot but admit the assertion. Had I learnt all this of your father when I was writing my poem, he should not have figured in it as the hero of mischief. I cannot, indeed, answer by anticipation what the writers who have either to retract or defend what they may have said about him, may have to allege; I can only say that my own opinion about him is changed. I am now inclined exceedingly to doubt Mr. Weld's anecdote, and for this reason: Brant was not only trusted, consulted, and distinguished by several eminent British officers in America, but personally beloved by them. Now I could conceive men in power, for defensible reasons of state politics, to have officially trusted, and even publicly distinguished at courts or levees, an active and sagacious Indian chief, of whose private character they might nevertheless still entertain a very indifferent opinion. But I cannot imagine high-minded and high-bred British officers forming individual and fond friendships for a man of ferocious character. It comes within my express knowledge that the late General Sir Charles Stuart, fourth son of the Earl of Bute, the father of our present Ambassador at Paris, the officer who took Minorca and Calvi, and who commanded our army in Portugal, knew your father in America, often slept under the same tent with him, and had the warmest regard for him. It seems but charity to suppose the man who attracted the esteem of Lord Rawdon and General Stuart to have possessed amiable qualities, so that I believe you when you affirm that he was merciful as brave. And now I leave the world to judge whether the change of opinion, with which I am touched, arises from false delicacy and flexibility of mind, or from a sense of honor and justice.

Here, properly speaking, ends my reckoning with you about your father's memory; but as the Canadian newspapers have made some remarks on the subject of Wyoming, with which I cannot fully coincide, and as this letter will probably be read in Canada, I cannot conclude it without a few more words, in case my silence should seem to admit of propositions which are rather beyond the stretch of my creed. I will not, however, give any plain truths which I have to offer to the Canadian writers the slightest seasoning of bitterness, for they have alluded to me, on the whole, in a friendly and liberal tone. But when they regret my departure from historical truth, I join in their regret only in as far as I have unconsciously misunderstood the character of Brant, and the share of the Indians in the transaction, which I have now reason to suspect was much less than that of the white men. In other circumstances I took the liberty of a versifier to run away from fact into fancy, like a school-boy who never dreams that he is a truant when he rambles on a holiday from school. It seems, however, that I falsely represented Wyoming to have been a terrestrial paradise. It was not so, say the Canadian papers, because it contained a great number of Tories; and undoubtedly that cause goes far to account for the fact. Earthly paradises, however, are not earthly things, and Tempe and Arcadia may have had their drawbacks on happiness as well as Wyoming. I must nevertheless still believe that it was a flourishing colony, and that its destruction furnished a just warning to human beings against war and revenge. But the whole catastrophe is affirmed in a Canadian newspaper to have been nothing more than a fair battle, if this be the fact, let accredited signatures come forward to attest it, and vindicate the innocence and honorableness of the whole transaction, as your father's character has been vindicated. An error about him by no means proves the whole account of the business to be a fiction. Who would not wish its atrocity to be disproved? But who can think it disproved by a single defender, who writes anonymously, and without definable weight or authority?

In another part of the Canadian newspapers, my theme has been regretted as dishonorable to England. Then it was, at all events, no fable. But how far was the truth dishonorable to England? American settlers, and not Englishmen, were chiefly the white men calling themselves Christians, who were engaged in this affair. I shall be reminded, perhaps, that they also called themselves Loyalists. But for Heaven's sake let not English loyalty be dragged down to palliate atrocities, or English delicacy be invoked to conceal them. I may be told that England permitted the war, and was therefore responsible for its occurrences. Not surely universally, nor directly. I should be unwilling to make even Lord North's administration answerable for all the actions of Butler's rangers; and I should be still more sorry to make all England amenable either for Lord North's administration, or for Butler's rangers. Was the American war an unanimous and heartfelt war of the people? Were the best patriots and the brightest luminaries of our Senate for, or against it? Chatham declared that if America fell she would fall like the strong man--that she would embrace the pillars of our constitution and perish beneath its ruins. Burke, Fox, and Barre kindled even the breasts of St. Stephen's chapel against it; and William Pitt pronounced it a war against the sacred cause of Liberty. If so, the loss of our colonies was a blessing, compared with the triumph of those principles that would have brought Washington home in chains. If Chatham and Pitt were our friends in denouncing the injustice of this war, then Washington was only nominally our foe in resisting it; and he was as much the enemy of the worst enemies of our constitution, as if he had fought against the return of the Stuarts on the banks of the Spey or the Thames. I say, therefore, with full and free charity to those who think differently, that the American war was disgraceful only to those who were its abettors, and that the honor of Englishmen is redeemed in proportion as they deprecate its principles and deplore its details. Had my theme even involved English character more than it does, I could still defend it. If my Canadian critic alleges that a poet may not blame the actions of his country, I meet his allegation, and deny it. No doubt a poet ought not forever to harp and carp upon the faults of his country; but _he may be her moral censor, and he must not be her parasite._ If an English poet under Edward III. had only dared to leave one generous line of commiseration to the memory of Sir William Wallace, how much he would have raised our estimation of the moral character of the age! There is a present and a future in national character, as well as a past, and the character of the present age is best provided for by impartial and generous sentiments respecting the past. The twentieth century will not think the worse of the nineteenth for regretting the American war. I know the slender importance of my own works. I am contending, however, against a false principle of delicacy that would degrade poetry itself if it were adopted;--but it never will be adopted.

I therefore regret nothing in the historical allusions of my poem, except the mistake about your father. Nor, though I have spoken freely of American affairs, do I mean to deny that your native tribes may have had a just cause of quarrel with the American colonists. And I regard it as a mark of their gratitude that they adhered to the royal cause, because the governors, acting in the king's name, had been their most constant friends; and the colonial subjects, possibly at times their treacherous invaders. I could say much of European injustice towards your tribes, but in spite of all that I could say, I must still deplore the event of Christians having adopted their mode of warfare, and, as circumstances then stood, of their having invoked their alliance. If the Indians thirsted for vengeance on the colonists, that should have been the very circumstance to deter us from blending their arms with ours. I trust you will understand this declaration to be made in the spirit of frankness, and not of mean and inhospitable arrogance. If I were to speak to you in that spirit, how easily and how truly could you tell me that the American Indians have departed faster from their old practices of warfare, than Christians have departed from their habits of religious persecution. If I were to preach to you about European humanity you might ask me how long the ashes of the Inquisition have been cold, and whether the slave-trade be yet abolished? You might demand, how many--no, how few generations have elapsed since our old women were burnt for imaginary commerce with the devil, and whether the houses be not yet standing from which our great grand-mothers may have looked on the hurdles passing to the place of execution, whilst they blessed themselves that they were not witches! A horrible occurrence of this nature took place in Scotland during my own grandfather's life-time. As to warlike customs, I should be exceedingly sorry if you were to press me even on those of my brave old ancestors, the Scottish Highlanders. I can, nevertheless, recollect the energy, faith, and hospitality of those ancestors, and at the same time I am not forgetful of the simple virtues of yours. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Considering the filial motives of the young chief's appeal to me, I am not afraid that any part of this letter, immediately relating to him, will be thought ostentatious or prolix. And if charitably judged, I hope that what I have said of myself and of my poem will not be felt as offensive egotism. The public has never been troubled with any defences of mine against any attacks on my poetry that were mere literary; although I may have been as far as authors generally are from bowing to the justice of hostile criticism. To show that I have not been over-anxious about publicity, I must mention a misrepresentation respecting my poem on Wyoming which I have suffered to remain uncontradicted for ten years. Mr. Washington Irving, in a biographical sketch prefixed to it in an American edition, described me as having injured the composition of the poem by shewing it to friends who struck out its best passages. Now I read it to very few friends, and to none at whose suggestion I ever struck out a single line. Nor did I ever lean on the taste of others with that miserable distrust of my own judgment which the anecdote conveys. I knew that Mr. Irving was the last man in the world to make such a misrepresentation intentionally, and that I could easily contradict it; but from aversion to bring a petty anecdote about myself before the world, I forbore to say any thing about it. The case was different when a Canadian writer hinted at the patriotism of my subject. There he touched on my principles, and I have defended them, contending that on the supposition of the story of Wyoming being true, it is a higher compliment to British feeling to reveal than to palliate or hide it.

I have been thus special in addressing you from a wish to vindicate my own consistency, as well as to do justice to you in your present circumstances, which are peculiarly and publicly interesting. The chief of an aboriginal tribe, now settled under the protection of our sovereign in Canada, you are anxious to lead on your people in a train of civilization that is already begun. It is impossible that the British community should not be touched with regard for an Indian stranger of respectable private character, possessing such useful and honorable views. Trusting that you will amply succeed in them, and long live to promote improvement and happiness amidst the residue of your ancient race,

I remain, your sincere well-wisher, Thomas Campbell.

THE END

INDEX.

* * * * *

Aaron, vol. II, 286, 518. Abel, David, II, 173, 197, 198, 204. Abercrombie, Gen., I, 7, 11. Acker, Benjamin, I, 357, 358. Ackland, Major, I, 271 272. Ackland, Lady, I, 272, 468, 469, 476, 481. Acknowledgments of Author, I, xxi to xxxi. Adair, Major, II, ii, 336. Adams, Col., I, 269. Adams, John, I, 266. Adams, John, II, 150, 214. Adams, Samuel, I, 266. Adams, Mr. I, 137. Addison, Rev. Mr. II, 426, 433, 584. Addresses, prepared by Congress, I, 91. Adolphus, John, II, 597. Affidavit of Dr. Younglove, I, 459. Aghstugwaresera, II, 576. Agonuschioni, I, 406. Alihannuaowaumut, Solomon, sent to Congress, I, 58; speech, 58; Reply to, 59. Ahyouwaeghs, II, 250, 500, 524, 528, 529, 530, 531, 532, 533, 534, 535, 595. Albany Council, I, 430, 94, 98, 103, 104, 430. Albany, Ancient seat of Mohegans, I, 57; Indian name of, 57; Replies to Guy Johnson, 67, 69; Council fire removed to, xxv. Albany, II, 411, 428, 456, 458. Alden, Col. Ichabod, I, 354, 372, 373. Alden's Corps, II, 5. Aldrich killed, II, 73. Algonquins hostile to Six Nations, I, 87. Algonquins, II, 240. Allegheny, II, 41, 45, 301. Allen's Biographical Dictionary, on Brant, I, 18. Allen, Capt. I, 234. Allen, Dr., II, 128, 125, 320, 322, 327, 467, 493. Allen, Ethan captured, I, 78, 116, 157, 165, 392. Allen, Ethan, II, 153, 180, 181, 182, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203. Allen, Ira, II, 154, 197, 202, 203. Allen, Lt. H. M., II, 572. Allen, President, Remarks on Brant, I, 19. Allentown, I, 343. Allies arrive from France, I, 346. Alston, Mrs., II, 455, 457. Ames, Ezra, paints portrait of Brant, I, xxviii. Amherst and Glen, I, 11, 18 Amusements, II, 445. Anaquaqua, I, 178. Ancaster, II, 501. Ancrom, Major, I, 250, 252. Andre, capture of, I, 258. Andre, Major, II, 101, 102, 103, 132, 213, 214. Andrustown, I, 362, 363. Anguaga, I, 378. Antiquities of North America, II, 483, 484. Aonghwuigaga, II, 576. Aqushua, II, 394. Araghkwente, II, 576. Aranda, Count, II, 241. Arbitrary arrests denounced, I, 66. Arbuckle, Capt. I, 191, 193. Arenghoot, II, 576. Arlington, II, 200. Armistead, Lt. G., II, 572. Armstrong, Capt., II, 505, 506. Armstrong, Gen., I, 286. Armstrong, Gen. John, II, 315. Arnent, Ensign, I, 234. Arnold, Gen., I, 117, 153, 156, 157, 362, 173, 174, 200, 246, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 267, 268, 273, 283, 301, 369, 464, 482. Arnold, Gen., I, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 116, 117, 118, 133, 140, 141, 193, 194, 210, 211. Arnold, Mrs., II, 101, 102. Aroghyadagha, Old Brant, I, 5.

Aroghyadecka, alias Old Brant, I, 12, 16. Arson, Capt., II, 148. Articles of Confederation, I, 297. Articles of Confed., II, 241. Asgill, Col., I, 170. Ash, Gen., II, 51. Ashton, Capt., II, 215. Ashton's Station, II, 215. Asia, man of war, I, 105. Assumpinck Creek, I, 175. Atayataroughta, Louis, I, 401. Atayataroughta, II, 119, 120, 122, 123, 151, 413. Aubrey, Lieut., I, 465. Au Glaize, II, 334, 335, 338, 340,355, 360, 375, 376, 383, 389, 565, 567. Aupament, Capt. Hendrick, II, 307. Badlum, Major, I, 239. Badlock, Capt, I, 338. Bagley, Lt. J., I, 546. Bailey, Ensign, I, 234. Bailey, Wm., II, 393. Ball, Capt., I, 287. Ball, Col., II, 110, 212, 214. Ball, Lieut., I, 234. Bald eagle, an old Delaware I, 40. killed, Ballad, Sinclair's Defeat, II, 551. Ballston, I, 212, 310. Ballston, II, 152, 154, 156, 210, 211, 212. Bannister, Saxe, II, 524, 526. Bantlin, Major, II, 97. Barclay, Rev. Dr., I, 26. Bard, Dr., II, 456. Barker, Dr., I, 164. Barker, Wm., I, 421. Baronial Hall, fortified, I, 54. Barrington, II, 147. Bathust, Lord, II, 524. Bates, Augustus, II, 595. Batten, James, II, 582. Battenkill, I, 271. Batton's Hotel, II, 453. Baum, Col., defeated, I, 232, 267, 277, 479. Bay of Quinte, II, 239, 275, 497, 572. Baylor, Col., I, 347. Beacraft, II, 57, 64. Beadle, Col., II, 436. Beard plucked by Indians, II, 479. Beard's Creek, II, 33. Beasley, Col., II, 365. Beasley, Richard, II, 573, 574, 575. Beaver Creek, II, 350. Beaver Dams, II, 178, 516. Beaverton, I, 350. Bedell, Colonel, I, 153. Behmus Heights, I, 270. Belknap, Dr., II, 466. Bell, Mr., murdered, I, 363. Bellinger, Lt. Col., Frederick, I, 242. Bellinger, John, II, 160. Bellinger, Col. Peter, I, 242, 249; forced letter of, 460. Bemis, James, D., I, 187. Benham, Capt. Robert, II, 50, 56. Bennington, I, 232, 265, 277, 302, 479. Bennington, II, 131, 181. Benson, Egbert, II, 368, 410, 413. Berne, I, 287, 288. Bernett, Captain, I, 310. Berry, Jack, II, 572. Bethlehem, II, 221. Bettys Joseph, II, 172, 210, 211, 212, 213. Bible of Sir John Johnson, I, 145. Bidwell, Hon. M. S., II, 534. Big Beaver, II, 217. Big Knives, II, 293, 375, 566. Big Tree, II, 245, 377. Billings, Capt., II, 138. Billington, Samuel, I, 242. Bird, Capt., I, 339. Bird, Col., I, 283. Bird, Col., II, 71. Bird, Lieut. Henry, I, 220, 221, 222, 227, 229. Bishop of London, II, 251. Bishop of Quebec, II, 432, 433, 434. Black River, II, 570. Black snake, II, 381, 387. Blackstocks, II, 100. Blauvelt, Major, I, 242. Bleecker, Mrs. Ann Eliza, I, 206, 207. Bleecker, Capt., I, 234, 357, 358. Bleecker, John J., I, 121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 206. Bleecker, John J., II, 173. Bleecker, Capt. Leonard, II, 546. Bleecker, Rutgers, I, 133. Bliven, John, on committee, I, 73. Bloodgood, S. De Witt, I, 408. Bloomfield, Major, I, 472. Blucher, anecdote of, I, 242. Blue Jacket, II, 387, 388. Blue Licks, II, 232. Boerstler, Col., II, 516, 517. Bogardus, Lieut., I, 234. Bogardus, Lt. B., II, 546. Bokum, Prof., II, 165. Bolland, Mr., in behalf of I, 49. Colonies. Bolton, Lt. Col., I, 384. Bone, Peter, I, 107. Bontas, II, 212. Boon, Col. Daniel, I, 349, 351,423. Boon, Daniel, II, 71, 171, 215, 218, 232.

Boone, Capt. Hawkins, I, 422. Boonesborough, I, 349, 351. Boston, I, 29, 79, 115, 160, 161, 162, 196. Boswell, James, describes Brant, I, 151. Boswell, James, II, 251. Bonemawcutus, II, 394. Boundary troubles, II, 237, 364, 373, 378. Bounties to Indians, I, 159. Bounties for scalps, I, 227. Bowen, Peter, I, 110, 114. Bowen, Lt. Prentice, II, 546. Bowman, Col., I, 422, 423. Bowman, Jacob, I, 242. Bowman, Capt. Joseph, I, 353. Bowman, Mr., I, 309. Bowman's Creek, I, 311. Boyd, James, I, 427. Boyd, Lieut., II, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 67, 491. Brainerd, Rev., II, 224. Bradley, Commodore, I, 221. Bradstreet, Gen., makes a peace, I, 25. Brandywine, I, 197, 284. Brant, Catharine, II, 500. Brant, Elizabeth, II, 517, 518, 519, 520, 521. Brant, Elizabeth, marries, II, 535; described, 535, 536; her children, 536; title, 537. Brant, Isaac, killed by his II, 465, 466; father, his family, 467. Brant, Jacob, II, 463, 469, 470, 477, 478. Brant, John, II, 500, 501; sides with British, 501; at Battle of Queenston, 509; rescues Col. Scott, 515, 516; exploit at Beaver Dams, 516; at Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, 517. Brant, John, manners of, II, 518, 523; goes to England, 524; vindicates his father's name, 525, 526. Brant, John, Correspondence of, II, 528. Brant, John, his connection with II, 533. Morgan affair, Brant, John, elected to Prov. II, 533. Parl., Brant, John, dies of cholera, II, 534; letter of Tho. Campbell, II, 595. Brant, Joseph, Orthography of I, xv; name, papers left by, xxli; portraits of, I, xxviii; birth and parentage of, I, 1, 2, 3; life published at Kingston, I, 2; Wampum delivered to, I, 7; goes with Sir Wm. Johnson I, 16; to Detroit, early on the war-path, I, 19; at Battle of Lake George, I, 19; goes to Niagara, I, 20; sent to school at Lebanon, I, 20; an interpreter, 1, 22; goes on an expedition I, 24; against Pontiac, marries and settles, I, 25, 27; assists in Missions, I, 26, 27; removes to Ft. Hunter, I, 27; becomes religions, I, 27; intimate with Lt. Provost, I, 28; with Guy Johnson, I, 34, 86, 149; distrusts Kirkland's I, 55; loyalty, letter to Oneidas, II, 63; destroys Oneida, II, 55; at Schoharie, II, 55, 56, 57, 106; returns to Niagara, II, 63, 64, 67; invades Mohawk country, II, 95, 97; destroys Fort at II, 97, 105; Canajoharie, releases prisoners, II, 102; speech to Indians, I, 90; not at Albany Treaty, I, 104; statement concerning rescue I, 144; of Johnson, promoted, I, 147; traits of, I, 149; visits England, I, 149, 150, 151, 249; portraits, I, 151; returns to New York, I, 151; takes up the hatchet, I, 151; his motives, I, 152, 153; retort upon Pres. Wheelock, I, 153; at Battle of Cedars, I, 151, 153, 155, 179; prevents a massacre, I, 155, 156; a Freemason, I, 155; joins British army, I, 170; at Oghquaga, I, 179, 181, 182, 189; his grievances, I, 180; meeting at Unadilla, I, 182, 183, 214, 297; proposition to assassinate, I, 185; at Oswego, I, 186; Chief of Six Nations, I, 188; at Cherry Valley, I, 189; with St. Leger's expedition, I, 209, 218, 222, 229, 230; at Battle of Oriskany, I, 235, 240, 243, 244; attempt to seize Mr. Taylor, I, 290; in league with Western I, 304; Indians, on Susquehanna, I, 310; his activity as a partisan, I, 310; attacks Springfield, I, 312; not at Wyoming, I, 338; attacks Cobbleskill, I, 364; attacks Andruston, I, 362; invades German Flats, I, 364, 365; not in a gathering at Tioga, I, 371; attacks Cherry Valley, I, 372, 379, 380; an enterprise checked, I, 400, 401, 403, 404; attacks Minisink, I, 415, 417; opposes Sullivan's II, 19; Expedition, in Battle of Newtown, II, 20, 26; captures Lt. Boyd, II, 30, 31;

hostile to Red Jacket, II, 35; in Battle of Klock's Fields, II, 124, 125; at Niagara, II, 136; expedition proposed by, II, 136; hovers in Mohawk II, 143, 144; settlements, plans an attack, II, 144; differs from Walter Butler, II, 193; neglected in Treaty, II, 238, 239; convenes a Council, II, 239; displeased with Treaty, II, 245; writes to Col. Monroe, II, 246; receives great attentions, II, 249, 250; writes to Lord Sidney, II, 252, 253; applies for half pay, II, 256; letter to Sir Evan Nepean, II, 257; withering retort of, II, 259; attends a masquerade, II, 259; translates prayer book and II, 260; psalms, returns to Canada, II, 261; boundary question, II, 363, 364; negotiations among Indians, II, 264, 358; letter from Gen. Knox, II, 266; letter from Sir John II, 267, 285, 287, 296, 389; Johnson, letter from Major Matthews, II, 270; prepares to attend a II, 274; Council, letter to Lieut. Langdon, II, 275, 277; letter to Sir John Johnson, II, 276, 407; attends at Fort Harmar, II, 281; introduces white settlers, II, 283; letter from Pres. Willard, II, 288; proposes to write a History II, 288, 441; of Six Nations, letter from Gov. Clinton, II, 289; corresponds with McKee, II, 291; letter from Detroit, II, 294; letter to Capt. McKee, II, 298; letter from Col Gordon, II, 300, 320; holds a private Council, II, 302; negotiations westward, II, 302, 303, 304; his influence sought, II, 305, 306, 319, 331; charged with vanity, II, 306; designs pacific, II, 307; in Battle of Miamis, II, 313; letter from Rev. S. II, 320; Kirkland, letter from Secretary of II, 321; War, letter to Sec. War, II, 324, 332, 333; letter from Sec. War, II, 325; visits Philadelphia, II, 327, 328, 329; threatened in Mohawk Valley, II, 327, 330; does not attend Treaty at II, 334, 335; Miami, complimentary letter of Duke II, 337; of Northumberland, attends Treaty at Miami II, 340; Rapids, returns to Buffalo, II, 342; speech at Council, II, 343, 344, 346, 352; goes to Miami, II, 347; effort to secure Indians' II, 351, 352; rights did not concur in a treaty, II, 356; at a Council at Buffalo II, 362; Creek, speech of, II, 362, 364; hostilities threatened by, II, 377; letter to Col. Smith, II, 379; preparing for hostilities, II, 379, 381; letter from Gov. Simcoe, II, 390, 392; hostile negotiations, II, 393, 394; end of military career, II, 395; land negotiations, II, 396, 397, 401, 403, 409; settles whites on Grand II, 397, 398; River, opposed to land-jobbers, II, 399, 400; his plan of tenure, II, 402; letter to Tho. Morris, II, 405; bitterness towards Deputy II, 409; Supt., engaged in sale to II, 410, 411; Livingston, blamed by Caughnawagas, II, 411; visits Albany, II, 411, 412; letter to Thomas Morris, II, 412; visits Caughnawaga, II, 413; amicable settlement, II, 414; hostile to Red Jacket, II, 416, 417; letter to Duke of II, 417, 424, 429; Northumberland, his acts investigated, II, 418; his appeal, II, 419, 420, 421; speech in his behalf, II, 422; exonerated, II, 422, 423; Council at Buffalo, II, 423; proposes to visit England, II, 424; letter from Duke of II, 426; Northumberland, starts for England, II, 428; visit deferred, II, 428; his care of the Mohawks, II, 430; as a farmer, II, 431; literary labors, II, 431; letter to Sir John Johnson, II, 432; attempts to procure a II, 433, 434, 435, 436; pastor, letter to Chief Justice, II, 434; letter to Aaron Burr, II, 436; procures a pastor from, II, 438; U S., letter from Rev. J M. Mason, II, 439; temperance measures, II, 441, 442; Council to settle a II, 446; difficulty, games, II, 447; condolence, II, 451; speech and reply, II, 401, 452, 453; letter describing a journey, II, 453; letter from Burr, II, 455, 456, 457; received at Burr's house, II, 456; opinion of Dr. Miller, II, 457; visits New England, II, 458; hostility in Mohawk, II, 458, 459; threatened by Wells, II, 459; entertained at Albany, II, 459, 460; anecdotes told by, II, 460, 461; his motives as a warrior, II, 461, 462; in domestic life, II, 463;

thrice married, II, 363; his children, II, 363; kills his son Isaac, II, 365, 366; tenders resignation, II, 366; opinion of Council, II, 366; appeal for education of his II, 468; children, letter to Col. Smith, II, 468; letter to James Wheelock, II, 469, 471; letter to John Wheelock, II, 470, 473, 475; letter of James Wheelock, II, 472, 474; letter from John Wheelock, II, 473; letter to James Wheelock, II, 476, 478; from James Wheelock, II, 478; correspondence of, II, 479, 481; letter to Mr. McCauseland, II, 479; antiquarian researches, II, 486; personal appearance, II, 488, 496; proposes to learn Greek, II, 489; letter from Mr. Kirkland, II, 493; builds First Episcopal II, 495; church in U. C, character, II, 496; retorts upon Jemima II, 497; Wilkinson, builds a house, II, 498; dies, II, 499; his family, II, 500; wife returns to Mohawks, II, 501; Wyoming, II, 525, 526; death of widow, II, 537; vote of thanks, II, 549; letter from Gov. Clinton, II, 569; Chapin's certificate, II, 571; certificate of Capt. II, 572; Leonard, speech at Niagara, II, 577; letter of Jeromus Johnson, II, 582, 583; letter from Saul Peters, II, 583; at his death, II, 595. Brant, Joseph, Jr., II, 463, 469, 470, 478. Brant, Mary, alias Molly, I, 18, 33, 34, 87, 183, 387. Brant, Molly, II, 519, 536. Brant, Nickus, I, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 16, 17, 18. Brantford, II, 467, 537. Brant House, II, 517, 513. Breadley, Capt. John, I, 242. Breyman, Col., I, 268, 273. Briant's station, II, 216. Briar Creek, II, 51. Briggs, Capt, I, 397. Brigham, Capt., II, 470, 472. Broad River, II, 100. Brock, Lt. Col., II, 573. Brock, Gen. Wool, II, 507, 508, 509, 576. Brodack's house occurrence at, I, 357. Brodhead, Col Daniel, II, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 207, 208, 209. Bronkahorse, I, 461. Brooklyn, British at, I, 170. Brooks, Col., I, 273. Brother, murder by, II, 28. Brown, Capt. Christian, I, 313, 353, 354. Brown, Col., II, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 124, 125. Brown, John M., I, 313. Brown, killed, II, 58. Brown's Schoharie quoted, I, 57. Brownson, Timothy, II, 199. Brudenell, I, 272, 469. Brunswick troops, from Duke of, I, 167. Bryant's Station, II, 171. Buchanan, James, II, 519. Buck Island, II, 136, 186, 189. Buckloons, II, 42. Buffalo, II, 244, 300, 326, 335, 377, 408, 421, 436, 555. Buffalo Creek, I, xxx. Buffalo Creek, II, 244, 266, 285, 301, 302, 303, 306, 324, 339, 359, 364, 378, 415, 417, 579. Buford, Col., II, 99. Bull, Capt., I, 33, 183. Bullet, dispatches in, II, 213. Bunker Hill, battle of, I, 79, 115. Burgoyne, Gen., I, 79, 195, 196, 197, 198, 20l, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 209, 229, 231, 232, 241, 249, 250, 261, 264, 265, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 286, 287, 299, 300, 462, 465, 467, 469, 470, 473, 474, 475, 476, 477, 478, 480, 481, 483. Burgoyne, II, 118, 173. Burke, Mr., I, 60, 115, Burke, II, 258. Burlington Bay, II, 498. Burlington Heights, II, 365. Burnet, Gov., I, 363. Burnet's Field, I, 7, 363. Burnet, Lt., II, 3. Burr, Aaron, II, 101, 102, 436, 439, 455, 456, 457, 458. Burr, Theodosia, II, 455, 456, 457. Bute, Lord of, II, 598. Butler, Col. John, I, 34, 52, 54, 86, 118, 186, 210, 230, 235, 238, 240, 241, 242, 250, 253, 255, 256, 260, 291, 293, 306, 329, 331, 332, 334, 336, 338, 340, 344, 366, 373, 378, 381, 384, 385, 386, 387, 391, 459, 462, 464. Butler, Col. J., II, 3, 9, 19, 22, 26, 31, 34, 54, 67, 126, 135, 186, 187, 189, 277, 286, 300, 302, 303, 306, 335, 341, 342, 359, 362, 368, 371, 410. Butler, Walter N., I, xxiii, 34, 86, 336, 355, 358, 365, 369, 370, 371, 372, 378, 381, 382, 383, 884, 386, 390.

Butler, Walter N., II, 3, 19, 54, 126, 186, 191, 192, 193, 196, 214, 491. Butler, Gen., II, 266, 308, 309, 310, 312. Butler, Col. Wm., I, 355, 356, 367, 368. Butler, Col. Zebulon, I, 326, 327, 328, 332, 333, 334, 335, 338, 340, 341. Butler, Col. Zebulon, II, 36. Butler, Mrs., I, 377, 384, 392. Butler's Rangers, I, 392, 414. Butler's Rangers, II, 5, 54, 105, 120, 122, 123, 164, 168. Butler, Pa., II, 556, 557. Butterfield, Major, I, 153, 154, 155. Butternuts, I, 366. Butterworth, Mr., II, 527. Buxton family massacred, I, 378. Cabot, Sebastian, II, 487. Cadaragara, II, 380. Caldwell, Lt. Col., II, 4. Camden, Lord, I, 323. Camden, Lord, II, 238, 404. Camden, Gen., II, 142. Campbell's Gertrude of Wyoming, II, 525, 526, 527. Campbell, John, I, 382. Campbell, Col. Samuel, I, 72, 168, 189, 281, 282, 307, 371, 376, 382, 395. Campbell, Major, II, 388, 389, 390. Campbell, Mrs., I, 377, 378, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392. Campbell, Mrs., II, 55, 130. Campbell, Capt., II, 386. Campbell, Thomas, II, 100, 250, 595. Campbell, Wm. W., facts from, I, xx, xxi, xxiv. Campendown, I, 218. Canada expedition, I, 5, 112, 116, 162, 163, 164, 165, 300, 393. Canada, invasion from, I, 198 to 264. Canada Creek, II, 570. Canadasago, II, 322, 362. Canaghsioraga, II, 124. Canadiorba, alias Nickus Brant, I, 6. Canajoharie, I, 3, 4, 7, 11, 15, 25, 27, 52, 112, 113, 114, 291. Canajoharie, II, 5, 37, 38, 39, 95, 96, 97, 105, 155, 156, 411, 548. Canandaigua Lake, I, 217. Canandaigua, II, 401, 416, 436, 453. Canaseraga, I, 367, 408. Cane, Barney, II, 64, 65. Canestoga, Indians at, I, 38. Cannassateego, I, 99, 320, 436, 437, 445, 449. Cannibalism charged, I, 241, 460. Cannon, Matthew, II, 130. Cannon, Mrs., I, 378, 391. Cantine, Col. John, II, 170. Cape Cod, II, 590, 591. Carlton, Sir Guy, I, 89, 109, 112, 117, 149, 151, 153, 157, 162, 163, 165, 173, 174, 195, 197, 199, 204, 243, 308. Carlton, Sir Guy, II, 8, 116, 128, 129, 132, 211, 214, 233, 238, 250, 261, 402, 577. Carleton, Major, II, 131, 132, 133, 135, 150. Carleton Island, II, 68, 145. Carlisle, Karl of, I, 394. Carlisle, Capt. John, II, 154. Carpenter, John, II, 220. Carr, Lt., II, 506. Carr, Purcifer, I, 313. Carroll, Mr., in Canada, I, 162. Carry-one-about, II, 348. Carey, Lt. Wm., II, 573, 576. Caroga Creek, II, 119. Carter, Sarah, II, 563. Cartwright's, I, 430. Carver, Capt., II, 480. Cass, Peter, II, 123. Cassassenny, Indian castle of, I, 209. Castleton, I, 392. Castleton, II, 197. Caswell, Col., I, 119. Casweighter, II, 527. Catamount sign, II, 181. Cataraghqui, French buy furs at, I, 6. Cataraqui, I, 438. Cataraqui, II, 245. Catawbas, I, 340. Catherinestown, I, 340. Catherinestown, II, 21, 22, 23. Catlin, Geo., portrait of Brant by, I, xxix. Cats eyes, II, 342, 345. Catskill, I, 356. Catskill, II, 156, 173, 198. Cauhow, I, 353. Caughnawaga, I, 52, 106, 136, 142, 410, 434, 447, 449, 456. Caughnawaga, II, 73, 74, 77, 78, 108, 114, 119, 125. Caughnawagas, I, 89, 90, 94, 96, 103, 117, 149, 158. Caughnawagas, II, 103, 104, 105, 368, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413, 414, 69. Cauldwell, Capt., II, 167, 168, 169, 170. Cayuga Lake, I, 217. Cayuga Lake, II, 36. Cayugas, I, 12, 13, 14, 42, 86, 182, 244, 304, 305, 307, 446. Cayugas, II, 3, 23, 24, 25, 36, 243, 244, 289, 302, 412, 422, 423, 569.

Cayadutta, II, 73, 75. Cayaughkiass, II, 566. Cazenovia Lake, I, 217. Cedars, Battle of, I, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159. Cedars, Battle of, II, 93, 130, 133, 490. Census Indian, mentioned, I, 86. Chamberlain, Rev. Theophilus, missionary, I, 25. Chamblee, I, 116. Chamblee, II, 64, 81, 90, 91. Champlain Lake, fortresses on, I, 163, 164. Chandler, Gen., II, 516. Chapin, Gen. Israel, II, 320, 325, 326, 327, 329, 359, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 369, 370, 371, 374, 377, 378, 416, 436, 494, 571. Chapin, Maj. Cyrenus, II, 517. Chapman, Capt., II, 135. Chard, Joseph, II, 212. Charleston expedition, I, 166, 170. Charleston, II, 51, 52, 53, 142, 201, 202. Charlotte River, I, 178, 312, 356. Charlotte River, II, 56. Chase, Ensign, I, 234. Chase, Mr., in Canada, I, 162. Chatham, Earl of, favors Colonies, I, 49. Chatham, II, 600. Chemung, I, 392. Chemung, II, 19, 36, 58, 59, 65, 128, 169, 460. Chennessio, fort building at, I, 6. Cherokees, I, 295. Cherokees, II, 209, 243, 265, 331, 339, 346, 355, 375, 377. Cherry Valley, I, 52, 53, 106, 167, 168, 181, 189, 190, 191, 307, 311, 312, 313, 336, 341, 371, 373, 374, 375, 376, 381, 382, 383, 385, 387, 391, 292. Cherry Valley, II, 6, 15, 55, 63, 157, 192, 193, 459, 491. Chesapeake, I, 195, 197, 284, 346. Chester, I, 285. Chew, Joseph, II, 326, 327. Chew, W. G., II, xxxv. Chickasaus, I, 295. Chickasaus, II 375, 383, 567. Chilicothe, I, 42, 48, 349, 422. Chilicothe, II, 216. Chippewas, I, 56, II, 3, 218, 243, 264, 265, 278, 285, 295, 348, 349, 355, 361, 376, 387, 510. Chippewa, II, 517, 534. Chittenden, Gov. Tho., II, 183, 184, 202, 204, 206, 207. Chittenden, Timothy, II, 199. Choctaws, I, 296. Choctaws, II, 375, 377, 567. Church, John B., II, 176. Church, Mrs Philip, II, 176. Churches built by Sir Wm. Johnson, I, 20. Chrystie, Lt. Col., II, 504, 506. Chrystie, Col., II, 512, 513. Christie, Robert, II, 510, 512. Clappum, II, 394. Clarke, Col., II, 45, 46, 49, 71, 519. Clark, Gen., II, 216, 299. Clarke, Col. Geo. Rogers, I, 352, 398, 400. Clarkson, Gen. Matthew, I, 267. Claverack, II, 115, 148. Claus, Col. Daniel, I, 27, 33, 34, 52, 154, 209, 210, 230, 253, 255, 256, 260, 304, 464. Claus, Col. Daniel, II, 144, 145, 417, 418, 419, 425, 426, 441, 451, 452, 497. Claus, Capt., II, 399, 402, 406, 407, 468. Claus, Wm., II, 461, 465. Claus, Mrs., II, 451. Clayes, Capt., II, 22. Clayton, Col. Asher I, 327. Clear sky, II, 359, 371. Clement, Jacobus, I, 6. Clement, Lewis, I, 110, 114. Clement, Ralph, II, 277. Cleveland, II, 100. Clinton, A., papers in possession of, I, xxii. Clinton, De Witt, II, 585. Clinton, Gov George, I, 278, 280, 281, 302, 303, 304, 306, 307, 382, 421. Clinton, Gov. George, II, 2, 17, 81, 95, 96, 115, 120, 123, 143, 146, 149, 150, 153, 154, 167, 168, 182, 184, 185, 197, 198, 204, 206, 281, 287, 304, 305, 306, 329, 368, 369, 411, 457, 569. Clinton, Sir Henry, I, 79, 169, 170, 171, 264, 280, 281, 282, 344, 345, 347, 358, 359, 360, 370, 373, 395, 478. Clinton, Sir Henry, II, 53, 54, 98, 99, 102, 132, 139, 140, 141, 195, 218. Clinton, Gen. James, I, xxii, 116, 248, 288, 307, 358, 359, 375, 382, 383, 384, 386, 394, 401, 403, 404, 410, 411, 421, 480. Clinton, Gen. James, II, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 23, 24 32, 135, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 160, 461. Clozier, James, II, 562. Clyde, Samuel, I, 72, 168, 182, 371.

Clyde, Col, II, 96, 122, 548, 549. Clyde, Mrs., I, 375. Cobleskill, I, 313, 353, 411, 412. Cobleskill, II, 15. Corbley, John, letter of, II, 564, 565. Cochran, Major James, I, 366, 367, 370, 405, 407. Cochran, Major James, II, 327, 330, 492. Cochran, Lt. Col., II, 148, 149. Cochran, Mrs. James, I, 207, 291. Cochran, Mrs., II, 177. Cochran, Maj Robert, I, 357, 358. Cockrel, Richard, II, 501. Coe's station, II, 564. Coffin, Col., II, 514, 515. Colborn, Col., I, 269. Colden, Dr.. on Mohawks, I, xviii. Collier, Sir George, II, 52. Collis, Lieut., II, 22. Collyer, Mr., I, 363. "Col. Louis," (see Atagataronghta). Colonies, driven to rebellion, I, 49, 50. Commissions issued to Indians, I, 401. Committees in Tryon co., I, 52. Companionships among Indians, I, 28; among the Greeks, I, 28. Concord, collision at, I, 37, 51. Condolence, speech of, II, 441. Congress, I, 35, 36, 51, 91, 92, 93, 111, 143, 145, 156, 158, 159, 246, 263, 292. Connecticut, I, 37, 115, 322. Connecticut Reserve, II, 396. Connell, declaration of, I, 120, 142. Connally, Lieut. Col., II, 292. Connally, Col., II, 151. Connequeuesling Creek, II, 556, 559. Connissius Lake, II, 28. Connoys, II, 3, 4, 348, 355. Cennowango, II, 24, 41. Continental Village, II, 196. Conway, Gen., I, 115, 301, 303. Conyat, II, 304. Conyne, Lieut., I, 234. Cooke, Mrs., II, 427. Cook, Col. Lewis, I, 401. Cook, Lewis, (see Atagataronghta), II. Cook, Sir Francis, I, 272. Cooper, Gen. John, I, 7, 290. Copp, Captain, I, 403. Cork, Jacob R., I, 410. Corlies, John, II, 177. Cornelius, I, 367. Cornplanter, II, 34, 105, 126, 127, 128, 243, 244, 245, 299, 303, 306, 307, 326, 334, 350, 355, 377, 411, 446. Cornstock, I, 12, 43, 44, 45, 191, 192, 193, 194. Cornwallis, Gen., I, 172, 173, 175, 287, II, 99, 142, 193, 194, 195, 202, 203, 209, 214, 541. Cortus, Mr., II, 562. Cory, II, 212, 213. Cosby's manor council appointed at, I, 72; not held, I, 76. Coshocton, II, 207, 208. Cough, Mr., I, 309. Council Fire, transferred to Albany, I, xxv. Council Fire, kept at Onondaga, I, xxv. Council Fire extinguished, I, 176. Cowboys, I, 258. Cowley, Mr., I, 410. Cowpens, II, 142. Cox, Col. Ebenezer, I, 72, 109, 181, 184, 233, 234, 236, 242, 461. Cox, Mr., II, 70. Coxsackie, II, 173. Craig, Sir James H., II, 269. Crawford, James, alleged letter of, I, 427. Crawford, Wm., II, 225, 226, 227, 228. Crawford, Col., II, 231, 232. Crawford, Lieut., I, 394. Creeks, I, 296. Creeks, II, 214, 339, 355, 362, 375, 377. Cresap's war, I, 38, 39, 40, 46, 191, 192, 446. Cresap's war, II, 217. Cricket games, II, 445, 446, 447. Crim, Mr., I, 363. Crouse, Robert, I, 242. Crown Point, I, 15, 78, 163, 164, 165, 173, 174, 195, 199, 201, 384, 392, 438. Crown Point, II, 73, 81, 90, 132, 150, 151, 152, 155, 178. Crozier, Mary Ann, II, 563. Cuchehwaskiseegua, II, 394. Currie, John, II, 555. Currietown, II, 157, 159. Cusick, David, quoted, I, 147. Cuyler, Col., II, 121. Dalhousie, Karl, II, 532. Danbury, attacked, I, 283. Danvers, Sir Robert, meets Johnson, I, 18. Darke, Col., II, 308, 309, 310, 311, 315. Dartmouth, Earl of, founds college, I, 22. Dartmouth college, II, 468, 470, 473. David, Captain, II, 276. Davis, Ashbel, II, 595. Davis, Hamlet, II, 531.

David Lawrence, II, 531. Davis, Capt. John, I, 236, 242, 342. Davis, John, II, 552. Davis, Mr., I, 459. Davis, Col. Valentine, II, 169. Dayton, Col., I, 143, 145, 168, 169, 217, 223. Dayton, Col., II, 23, 37. D'Aubrey, M., at siege of Niagara, I, 20. Dean, James, I, 131, 142, 370, 407. Deane, Mr., II, 7, 10, 104. Diane, Silas, I, 298. Dearborn, Lt. Col., II, 36. Dearborn, Col., I, 271, 272. Decker, Maj. Hans, I, 421. De Couagre, movement against, I, 6. D'Estaing, Count, I, 346. D'Estaing, Count, II, 53, 54. De Graffe, judge, II, 74. De Grasse, Count, II, 195. De Haven, Major, II, 517. Deitz, William, I, 287, 315, 316. Deitz, Peter, I, 287. Deitz, Capt., II, 178. De Kalb, Baron, I, 301. De Kalb, Baron, II, 100. Delagie, Natalie, I, 40, 42, 95, 118, 149, 403, 415, II, 456. Delawares, I, 319, 320, 321, 323, 324, 329, 347, 348, 349, II, 3, 43, 46, 47, 49, 65, 66, 69, 208, 217, 220, 221, 227, 243, 265, 266, 278, 291, 295, 346, 348, 349, 350, 355, 358, 359, 360, 361, 372, 373, 377, 386, 422, 565, 566, 567. Denniston, Col., I, 333, 334, 335, 341, 385. Denniston, Ensign, I, 234. Denniston, Nathan, I, 328. De Peister, Col., II, 249. De Puisy, Count, II, 328, 403. Derby, Karl of, I, 276. Desertions, I, 166, 171, 173, 360, 361. De Soto, II, 1. Detroit, I, 16, 24, 25, 102, 103, 304, 339, 348, 349, 350, 352, 392, 393, 399, 400, 434, 456, II, 41, 45, 46, 62, 71, 130, 208, 218, 219, 241, 232, 233, 243, 263, 265, 267, 268, 270, 274, 275, 278, 284, 285, 291, 292, 294, 302, 347, 352, 358, 361, 379, 381, 382, 391, 423, 474, 502, 503. Devil's Point, II, 92. De Witt, Capt., I, 357. De Witt, Charles H., II, 66, 68. De Witt, Levi, II, 94. Dezonhighkor, II, 428. Dick, Capt., I, 327. Dickson, Wm. II, xxxv. Diefendorf, Frederick, II, 159. Diefendorf, Capt. Henry, I, 242. Diefendorf, Lieut., I, 234. Diefendorf, Jacob, II, 159. Dieskan, Baron, defeated and wounded, I, 19. Dillenback, Capt. Andrew, I, 240, 242. Dingley, Dr., II, 453, 582. Dionondadles, I, 288. Disaffection prevails, I, 166, 173, 211, 213, II, 137, 138, 139. Dobbs Ferry, II, 205. Dodge, John, I, 400. Dodridge's history quoted, I, 40, 44. Dodridge, Rev. Mr., I, 397. Dog, fidelity of, I, 226. Dog sacrifice, I, 389, 390. Dorchester Heights, occupied, I, 161. Dorchester, Lord, of, I, 90, II, 180, 236, 250, 270, 272, 279, 282, 286, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300, 207, 366, 367, 368, 369, 399, 402, 403, 404. Doonyontal, II, 43. Douglass, Mr., II, 174. Dougherty, Capt., I, 422. Douw, Mr., in charge of Indian affairs, I, 101, 103. Douw, Volket P., I, 93, 94, 304, 430, 431, 435, 451. Doxstader, II, 79. Doxstader, John, II, 157, 159, 160, 163. Drakes History quoted, I, 43, 44, 339. Duane, James, I, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307. Duane, James, II, 242. Duanesburg, I, 314. Dubois, Col., II, 120, 121, 122, 123. Duel, II, 411. Duer, Wm., I, 137, 263. Duguoris, II, 421. Duintate, II, 334. Duncan, Capt., I, 418, 421. Duncan, Capt., II, 114, 119. Duncan, Major, I, 218. Duncan, Richard, II, 106. Dundas, Major, II, 199. Dunham, Capt. Josiah, II, 477, 478. Dunlap's Hist. American Stage quoted, I, 52. Dunlop, Samuel, I, 168, 374. Dunmore, Lord, I, 41, 45, 47, 116, 119, 191, 194, 349. Dunning, Lt. Benj., I, 421. Dunop, Count, I, 287. Duplessis, Mr., I, 287. Duquesne, Capt., I, 251. Durbin, Col., II, 25.

Durkee, Col., I, 335, 338. Durlogh, II, 157. Dutch treatment of Indians, II, 241. Dwight, Pres., statement by, I, 226. Dwight, Pres., II, 192, 491. Dyer, Eliphalet, I, 266. Dygert, John, I, 242. Dygert, William, I, 266. Dygert, II, 330. East Haven burnt, II, 52. Eastern news, II, 542. Easton, Pa., council held at, I, 10. Easton, II, 37. Easton, Col., II, 116. Ecker, Geo., Jr., on committee, I, 72. Eddy, Thomas, II, 480. Eden, Wm., I, 394. Edgar, John, II, 197, 198, 204. Edick, Christian, II, 70. Edineston settlement, I, 364, 366. Edwards, Dr., on Mohegans, I, 56. Edwards, Mr., II, 580. Edward, Prince, II, 299. Egouchouoy, II, 376. Eights, Jonathan, II, 411. Eisenlord, Col., I, 181. Eisenlord, Maj. John, I, 242. Elerson, David, I, 356. Elerson, David, II, 14, 15. Elholm, Capt., II, 52. Elizabethtown, II, 100. Elkhorn, II, 171. Ellinipsico, I, 42, 191, 192. Elliot, a loyalist, I, 348, 349. Elliott, Capt., II, 208, 218, 347, 357, 474. Elliot, John, II, 339, 546. Ellis, Alexander, II, 69. Ellis, II, 94. Elmira, II, 19. Elmore, Col., I, 175, 176, 222. Engravings, historical notice of, I, xxviii. Enlistments, term of, I, 161; of Indians, I, 159. Enos, Gen., II, 201, 202. Epidemic among Indians, I, 104. Erik, II, 487, 590. Esopus, I, 182, 282. Esopus, II, 68. Etherington, Capt., meets Johnson, I, 18. Eusenia, wife of Mikus Hance, I, 17. Exeter, I, 328, 332. Fairchild, Benj., II, 573. Fairfield, I, 283. Fall Hill, I, 292, 366. Falls of Ohio, II, 216. Falls of St. Anthony, II, 480. Falmouth burned, I, 116. Families of Indian warriors supplied, I, 16. Fantine Kill, I, 414. Farmers Brother, II, 359, 362, 415, 423, 572. Fassett, John, II, 199. Fay, Joseph, II, 197, 199, 201, 202. Fay, brothers, II, 197. Feeter, Col. Win., II, 161, 167. Female captives never dishonored, I, xiv. Fenn, Rev. Mr., I, 413. Fenwick, Lt. Col., II, 504, 506. Ferguson, II, 100. Festivals, their influence, II, 444. Field, Col., decides a battle and is killed, I, 43. Fink, Andrew, on committee, I, 72. Fish Carvier, II, 302. Fish Creek, I, 216, 291, 476, 477. Fish, Nicholas, II, 143. Fisher, Frederick, on committee, I, 73. Fisher, Col., I, 163. Fisheries interrupted, I, 49. Fishkill, I, 395. Fitzherbert, Mr., II, 214. Flatbush, I, 170. Fleming, Col., wounded, I, 42. Florida, I, 394. Folsom, Nathaniel, I, 266. Fonda, Adam, on committee, I, 73. Fonda, Douw, I, 26. Fonda, Douw, II, 77, 458, 546. Fonda, Capt., I, 6, 12. Fonda, Major Jelles, I, 177, 182, 230, 403. Fonda, Col. Jelles, II, 75, 114. Fonda, John, arrested, I, 106. Fonda's bush, I, 309. Fontaine, Major, II, 294. Force, Peter, papers in hands of, I, xxiii, 123. Ford, Lauren, II, 164. Forster, Capt., I, 153, 154, 155. Forks of Unadilla, I, 366. Fort Ann, I, 202. Fort Anne, II, 129, 131, 133, 151. Fort Brewerton, I, 405. Fort Bull, I, 169. Fort at Chennessio, (Genesee), I, 6. Fort at Cherry Valley, I, 189. Fort Clinton, I, 280, 281, 395. Fort Constitution, I, 282. Fort Dayton, I, 224, 233, 255, 256, 258, 262, 364, 365. Fort Dayton, II, 69, 143, 163, 164, 166, 192. Fort Deposite, II, 385. Fort Edward, I, 202, 203, 204, 205, 213, 267, 275, 478, 479.

Fort Edward, II, 144, 150, 409, 542, 570. Fort Erie, I, 333. Fort Erie, II, 303, 332, 342, 344, 347, 380, 452, 517. Fort Forty, I, 332, 333. Fort Freeland, I, 432. Fort George, I, 163, 164, 231, 266, 267, 270, 275. Fort George II, 129, 131, 132, 134, 451, 503, 509, 516, 517. Fort Greenville, II, 321, 383. Fort Griswold, II, 195. Fort Harmer, II, 279, 280, 281, 332, 338, 349, 353, 392. Fort Hardy, I, 447. Fort Hendrick, II, 570. Fort Henry, I, 257. Fort Herkimer, I, 364, 365. 366. Fort Herkimer, II, 69, 123, 149, 233. Fort Hunter, I, 26, 27, 52, 309, 450. Fort Hunter, II, 111, 114, 125, 186, 187, 491. Fort Jefferson, II, 308, 311, 339. Fort Keyser, II, 115. Fort Laurens, I, 351, 396, 397, 399. Fort Lee, I, 172. Fort McIntosh, II, 62, 232, 349, 353, 372. Fort Miami, II, 392, 395. Fort Montgomery, I, 280, 281, 282, 395. Fort Moultrie, II, 53. Fort Newport, I, 169. Fort Niagara, II, 64, 572. Fort Paris, II, 115. Fort Pitt, I, 25, 351, 413. Fort Pitt, II, 41, 43, 49, 221, 260, 292. Fort Plain, II, 35, 120, 143, 160, 539, 548. Fort Plank, I, 409. Fort Plank, II, 95, 127, 539. Fort Recovery, II, 381, 383. Fort Rensselaer, II, 155, 156, 157, 159, 186, 233. Ft. St. Clair, II, 336. Forts at Schoharie, I, 307. Fort Schuyler, I, 168, 169, 175, 176, 179, 210, 211, 213, 216, 217, 222, 228, 229, 232, 233, 253, 256, 259, 262, 263, 277, 291, 307, 330, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 366, 370, 371, 372, 373, 383, 392, 400, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 409, 410, 411. Fort Schuyler, II, 5, 6, 7, 12, 37, 38, 80, 95, 97, 135, 136, 143, 148, 149, 150, 162. Fort Stanwix, I, xxviii, 7, 12, 13, 14, 76, 83, 221, 222, 223, 228, 262, 263, 327, 433, 434, 455, 461, 463. Fort Stanwix, II, 150, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248, 254, 263, 265, 289, 290, 297, 298, 349, 350, 371, 411, 460, 540, 541. Fort Van Dyck, I, 403. Fort Washington captured, I, 172, 173. Fort Washington, II, 294, 303, 308, 311, 342. Fort Watkinson, II, 142. Fort Wm. Henry besieged, I, 5. Fort Wintermoot, I, 332, 333. Fort Wyoming, I, 326, 327, 335, 341. Forty Mile Creek, II, 516. Fowler, Theodosius, diary of, I, xxiii. Fowler, Capt. Theodosius, II, 21, 26, 29, 31. Fox, Capt. Christopher, I, 72, 242. Fox, Frederick, on committee, I, 73. Fox Creek, I, 355. Fox's Fort, II, 119, 122. Fox, Charles, II, 251, 258, 426, 598. France, alliance with, I, 298, 299, 343, 394. France at war with England, II, 366. Francis, Turbot, a commissioner, I, 93, 94, 97, 430, 431, 435. Frank, Judge, I, 367, 370. Frank, John, I, 363, 370. Frank, John, II, 70. Franklin, Benj., I, xvi, 39, 47, 49, 162, 298, 394, 427. Franklin, Benj., II, 214. Framingham, II, 492. Fratricide at Wyoming, I, 337. Fraser, Gen., I, 163, 268, 271, 272, 274, 472, 478, 480, 482. French colony, Onondaga co., II, 585. French Creek, II, 41. French give presents to Indians, II, 104. French, Capt., II, 62. French hostilities with, I, xix. French hatred to Six Nations, I, 5, 6. Freeman, II, 331. Frey, Barent, I, 354. Frey, Major John, I, 72, 110, 116, 240, 242, 249, 460. Frey, Maj. Hendrick, II, 411, 492. Frey, Philip R., I, 339. Frey, Capt. Philip, II, 492. Frey, Samuel C., I, 338. Friedenshutten, II, 217. Frink, John, on committee, I, 73. Frink, Adj. Nathaniel, I, 421. Frontenac, Count, I, 217, 340, 406. Frothingham, Lieut., II, 294. Fry, Col., II, 29.

Fulmer, John, II, 212. Funeral of Gen. Fraser, I, 274. Gage, Gen., I, 99, 117, 433, 435. Gage, Gov., belt from, I, 99. Gahonto, I, 319. Gameleis, Antoine, II, 292, 293. Gansevoort, Gen. Peter, I, 163, 164, 217, 223, 224, 226, 227, 229, 233, 234, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 255, 257, 258, 262, 263, 308, 345, 354, 355, 357, 358, 360, 361, 367, 377, 404, 410, 454, 460, 461, 463, II, 4, 5, 37, 38, 39, 40, 95, 129, 131, 133, 134, 167, 168, 173, 177, 178, 179, 183, 187, 197, 203, 205, 206, 207, 480, 506, 545. Ganson, Capt. Cor's. T., II, 546. Gaol, question of jurisdiction of, I, 110, 111. Garanguli, I, 411. Gardenier, Capt. Jacob, I, 238, 239, 242. Gardenier, Lt. Samuel, I, 242. Gardenier, William, I, 238, 339. Gardenier, Capt., II, 189. Gates, Gen. Horatio, I, 163, 164, 173, 174, 203, 205, 223, 227, 257, 262, 264, 265, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 300, 301, 302, 303, 309, 343, 349, 392, 466, 474, 476, 478, 479, 480. Gates, Gen., II, 4, 99, 100, 118,142. Gathtsegwarohore, II, 32. Gauntlet, II, 61, 62. Geake, Samuel, I, 358, 359, 362. Geismar, Capt., I, 469. Genesee, II, 27, 29, 32, 35, 61, 63, 65, 60, 238, 319, 325. Genet, Citizen, II, 366. Gentleman, Indian notion of a, I, 23. Georgia, I, 394. Georgia, II, 52, 214. Gerard, Mr., I, 394. Germaine, Lord George, I, 229, 425. Germaine, Lord George, II, 106, 124, 125, 136. Germans, Whigs, I, 106. German Flats, I, xviii, 7, 8, 72, 80, 83, 95, 98, 104, 106, 139, 140, 168, 180, 184, 187, 233, 255, 257, 262, 294, 305, 312, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 369, 370, 430, 433, 435. German Flats, II, 69, 70, 123, 143, 149, 136, 160, 163, 189, 330, 331, 434. German Flats district, I, 52. Germantown, I, 197, 285, 286. Gerriah, Capt, alleged letter to, I, 427. Gerry, Elbridge, I, 266. Gerry, Elbridge, 11, 182. Gertrude of Wyoming, I, 3l, 379. Gertrude of Wyoming, II, 525, 526, 527, 596. Getman, Frederick, II, 70, 166. Gibson, Capt., II, 381, 383. Gibson, Col. John, I, 45, 46, 47, 396, 397, 398. Gibson, Col., II, 220. Gibson, James, II, 528, 529, 531. Gilmore, an Indian, I, 192. Girard, Mr., I, 299. Girty, Simon, I, 348, 349. Girty, Simon, II, 208, 218, 219, 227, 310, 357. Glen, Henry, I, 133, 137. Glickhickan, II, 217, 218, 219, 224. Gloucester Heights, exploit of, I, 162. Gnodenhaltters, II, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 227, 231. Gobesseronton, II, 575. Good, Peter, I, 407, 408. Goodrich, William, speech sent by, I, 59. Gorah, Quedars, I, 452. Gora nations, II, 335. Gordon, Brig. Gen., I, 157. Gordon, statement by, I, 261. Gordon, Col., II, 297, 298, 299, 300, 303, 304, 322, 324, 326, 493. Gordon, Gen., II, 177. Gore, Sir Francis, II, 424. Goschochking, I, 349. Goshen, I, 415, 417, 418, 420. Gospels printed, II, 288. Gospels translated, II, 431. Gotheseunquen, II, 26. Gowaowainse, II, 394. Grabouski, Count, I, 281. Graft, Philip, II, 107, 108, 109, 192. Grafton, Duke of, II, 115. Graham, Capt., I, 403, 405, 406. Granby, II, 142. Grand Glaize, II, 389. Grand Miami, II, 367. Grand Rapids, council at, II, 573. Grand River, II, 239, 240, 247, 282, 287, 288, 294, 302, 322, 327, 328, 364, 365, 379, 397, 399, 406, 407, 411, 415, 417, 418, 419, 422, 423, 429, 437, 447, 499, 568, 569, 578, 579. Grant, Gen., I, 284. Grant, Mrs., I, 4, 18, 218. Grasshopper, I, 366. Grassy Brook, I, 415. Graves, Admiral, II, 99. Graves, Capt., I, 242, 461.

Gravesend, troops at, I, 170. Gray, Gen., I, 284, 285, 347. Gray, Capt., II, 151. Great Tree, I, 370. Greathouse, Daniel, murdered, I, 39, 40. Green, Capt., I, 472. Green, Col. Christopher, I, 287. Greene, Gen., I, 171, 346. Greene, Gen., II, 142, 233, 541, 543. Greenbush, II, 535. Greenland, II, 487, 590. Green Mountain boys, II, 180, 183, 207. Greenville, II, 384, 395. Gregg, Captain, I, 226, 227, 228, 359. Gregg, Capt, II, 536, 546. Grenville, James, I, 115. Grinnis, Mr., I, 459. Griscom, Prof., II, 496, 497. Groat, Lieut., I, 242. Gros, Rev. Daniel, II, 155. Gross, Capt., II, 157. Groton, II, 194. Groveland, II, 32. Guilford, I, 284. Guilford, II, 142. Guilford, C. H., II, 541. Guthrie, Capt, II, 552. Gwins, James, II, 573. Guy Park, council at, I, 71. Guyanguahta, I, 391. Hair, Lieut., I, 221. Hakluyt, II, 488. Haldimand, Gen. Sir Fr., I, 89, 100, 103, 149, 384, 390, 393, 427, II, 7, 8, 9, 54, 106, 125, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 136, 144, 152, 153, 174, 193, 198, 201, 238, 239, 245, 250, 252, 253, 263, 358, 398, 399, 404, 426, 429, 533, 540, 577, 578, 579. Halifax, I, 169. Half King, II, 218, 219, 266, 267. Half Moon, II, 174. Half Town, II, 245. Half-way Creek, I, 310, 416. Hall, Capt., I, 192. Hall, Lt. Francis, II, 517, 518. Hamilton, Capt., I, 422. Hamilton, Col., I, 278, 304, 349, 399, 400, 401, 403, 404. Hamilton, Col., II, 45. Hamilton, Wm. O., I, 458. Hamilton, Alexr., II, 107, 195, 207. Hammell, Major, I, 358, 359, 360, 362. Hammond, Mr., II, 327, 369. Hamtramck, Major, II, 309, 311, 326. Hanau, troops from Count of, I, 167. Hancock, John, I, 143, 158. Hand, Brig. Gen., I, 382, II, 5, 18, 19, 25, 31. Hanover, II, 470. Hansen killed, II, 73. Hansjurie, Tewahongrahkon, I, 367. Harbison, Massy, captivity of, II, 295, 551. Hardenburgh, Lt., I, 410. Hardenburgh, John G., II, 168, 169. Hardin, Col., II, 294, 331. Hare, Capt., I, 243. Hare, II, 6, 78. Harland, Major, II, 216. Harlem Heights, I, 171. Harmar, Gen., II, 294, 295, 299, 307, 312, 383. Harnage, Major, I, 470, 473, 476. Harper, Capt. Alexander, I, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 67, 493. Harper, Col. John, II, 177, 178, 179, 181, 214, 354, 355; William, II, 178; Joseph, I, 178; Alexander, II, 178. Harper, Col. John, II, 26, 81, 120, 542. Harpersfield, I, 52, 178, 179, 312, 413. Harpersfield, II, 55, 58. Harris captured, I, 309. Harris, Mr., II, 150. Harrod, Col., I, 423. Harrodsburgh, II, 50, 171. Hartman, II, 331. Hartford, I, 330. Hartley, Col., I, 341, 354, 385. Hartshorn, Gen., II, 339. Harvard College, vote, II, 287, 549. Hastings, Marquis of, II, 250, 598. Hatchet buried, I, 14. Hathorn, Col., I, 416, 417. Hatton, Lt. Chas., II, 546. Haughton, Major, II, 129, 135. Hawley, Joseph, I, 93, 98, 430. Hay, Col. A. Hawkes, I, 174. Head, Capt. Jacob, brings in scalps, I, 17. Heath, Gen., II, 178, 196, 197, 203, 204, 206. Hebron, II, 436, 480. Heckewelder, I, xviii, 47, 56, 318, 322. Heckewelder, II, 62, 208, 217, 225, 231, 331, 357, 358, 439. Hegu, Gen., II, 541. Helmer, Adam, I, 233. Helluland, II, 590, 591. Helmer, Capt. Fred'k, I, 73, 242. Helmer, John, I, 364, 393, 394. Helmer, Philip, II, 160, 161. Hendrick, King, I, 17, 19, 53, 147, 323.

Hendrick, II, 331, 583. Hendrick, Seth, II, 112, 113, 321. Henrique, a Mohawk, I, 221. Henry, Thomas, I, 72. Henry, John, II, 269. Henry, Major, II, 56. Herkimer, George, on Committee, I, 73. Herkimer, Gen. Nicholas, I, xxii, 72, 74, 85, 88, 108, 110, 114, 136, 142, 175, 177, 181, 182, 183, 186, 188, 213, 214, 215, 217, 233, 234, 235, 236, 240, 241, 244, 246, 247, 248, 250, 297, 461. Herkimer, Gen., II, 331, 431. Herkimer village, I, 364. Herrick, Col., I, 392. Herring, Ensign Benj., II, 546. Hess, Augustus, on Committee, I, 73. Hesse Casael, troops from, levying, I, 167, 170, 229. Hessians, I, 277. Hewett, Capt., I, 332, 335. Highlanders, I, 54. Highlanders, II, 186. Hill, Capt. Aaron, II, 245, 246, 247, 569. Hill, Thomas, I, 338. Hillbaracks, II, 152, 543. Historians partial to their own race, I, xiii. History proposed by Rev. S. Miller, II, 441. Hite, Capt. John, I, 353. Hoffman, Charles, II, 2. Holder, Capt., II, 216. Holmes, Rev. Elkanah, II, 439, 440, 441. Honeoye, II, 27, 28, 29. Honeoye Creek, II, 28. Honest John, I, 323. Honyerry, I, 367. Honyerry, II, 30, 31. Hopkins, Major, II, 64, 65. Hoosick, II, 206, 456. Hostages, I, 194. Hotham, Commodore, I, 171, 280, 282, 395. House, Mr., I, 421. Houston, Gen., I, 336. Howe, Robert, I, 394. Howe, Sir William, I, 79, 157, 161, 169, 170, 174, 195, 196, 197, 282, 284, 285, 286, 346, 347, 394, 395, 470. Howe, Gen., II, 141. Hoy's Station, II, 215. Hoyer, Mr., I, 363. Hudson, Brant attends a lodge at, I, 156. Haginen, Lt., II, 506. Hull, Gen., II, 502. Hunt, Lt. Col., I, 242. Hunter. Gen., II, 574. Hunter, Gov., II, 435. Huroun, I, 340. Hurons, II, 3, 43, 46, 47, 218, 219, 240, 243, 265, 273, 276, 278, 295, 383, 390, 497. Huron Village, II, 265, 266, 267, 280. Huntington, Col., I, 283. Huntington, I, 328. Hutton, Adjutant, I, 361. Hymn, German, II, 543. Illinois, I, 353. Independence closed, I, 166. Indians, Census of, I, 86. Inman, Wm., II, 459. Innes, Mr., II, 292. Irving, Washington, II, 601, 602. Isaac, II, 286. Isle Au Noix, II, 85, 154, 197, 199. Ittig, Michael, on Committee, I, 73. Jackson, Gen., II, 163. Jackson, Tho. Fred., II, 197. Jacobs, Capt., II, 509, 512, 514. Jansen, Johannes, II, 65, 66. Jansen, Thomas, II, 65, 66. Jasper, Sergeant, I, 166. Jay, John, I, 211, 212. Jay, John, II, 207, 214, 241, 285, 287, 292, 370, 395, 411, 459, 486. Jefferson, Thomas, I, 46, 298. Jefferson, Tho., II, 331. Jemison, Mary, I, 187, 188, 243, 244, 390. Jemison, Mary, II, 21, 27, 28, 30, 32, 33, 105, 106, 127, 128, 445, 487. Jenkins killed, I, 332. Jennesee, I, 370. Jersey field, II, 191. Jesuits at Oneida, &c. I, 7. Jessup, Major, II, 144, 145. Jessups, II, 148. Johnson, Archibald, I, xxi, 16. Johnson, Capt, I, 234. Johnson, Guy, I, 6, 152, 179, 186, 209, 230, 297, 432, 433, 434, 435; succeeds Sir William, 33; interrupts pole raising, 52; vigilant loyalist, 55; tries to influence Oneidas, 64; is watched by General Schuyler, 64; writes to upper Mohawk settlements, 65; is denounced by whigs, 66; threatens the whigs, 67; letter to Albany and Schenectady, 67; reply from Albany, 69; apprehends abduction, 69; holds a council at Guy Park 71; addressed by Committee, 72; his reply, 74; proposed council at Cosby's Manor not held, 76; goes to Fort Stanwix, 76; leaves the Mohawk valley, 61; provisions cut off, 82; goes to Ontario, 83; replies to New York letter, 83, 84; alarm concerning, 87, 88; holds council at Oswego, 88; at German Flats, 98; vicious influence of, 99, 100; at Oswego, 100, 102, 103.

Johnson, Guy, I, 19, 67, 135, 136. Johnson, Hon. Thomas, I, 413, 582. Johnson, Sir John, I, 132, 167, 108, 170, 186, 209, 210, 220, 230, 235, 242, 245, 253, 255, 256, 260, 261, 262, 288, 289, 291, 293, 309, 321, 356, 393, 422, 424, 425, 445, 446, 454, 455, 456, 457, 459, 464; attempt to arrest, xxiii; goes to Detroit, 16; summoned at death of father, 32; succeeds to his estates, 33; expedition to Oquaga, 33; marriage of, I, 33; a scuffle with Jacob Sammons, 53; fortifies the Baronial Hall, 54; suspected of treachery, 54; has reason to dread Kirkland's influence, 60; effects his removal, 61; sustained by loyalists, 88; attachment of Indians, 101; influence of, 105; addressed by committee, 100; his reply, 110; suspected, 108, 109, 120, 123, 124; meets Gen. Schuyler, 133; terms offered to, 133; Indians support, 135; reply to Gen. Schuyler, 136, 138; Mrs., notified to leave, 137; agrees to certain terms, 139, 141; delivers arms, 141; breaks his treaty, 143; attempts to capture, 143; escapes to Canada, 144; his sufferings on flight, 144; lady removed to Albany, 145; raises troops, 145. Johnson, Sir John, II, 10, 34, 38, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 95, 97, 98, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129, 144, 151, 178, 179, 185, 186, 238, 248, 249, 252, 254, 267, 269, 272, 274, 277, 278, 279, 285, 296, 298, 304, 307, 326, 389, 400, 403, 405, 407, 414, 432, 433, 441, 474, 490, 526, 568, 574. Johnson, Sir William, I, xx, 147, 148, 149, 218, 309, 322, 340, 367, 373, 387, 394, 447, 455, 461; papers of, xxi; by some thought the father of Brant, 1; diary of, 5, 6; leads Indians, I, 7; beloved by Mohawks, I, 8; urged to keep away from Onondaga, 9, 13; holds a council at Canajoharie, 11; gave jail to the county, 111; speech by, 11, 15; decides not to visit Onondaga, 13; meets Mohawks at Canajoharie, 15; journey to Detroit, 16; battle of Lake George, 19; expedition to Niagara, 20; builds Indian churches, 20; interest in school for Indian youths, 21; powerful influence of, 30; position on approach of revolution, 30, 31; death of, 31; memory cherished, 72; great influence of, 87; great popularity of, 101; a hostile Indian, 114; (Reporter), 373, 379; (Indian), 183. Johnson, Sir William, II, 9, 10, 69, 80, 164, 186, 298, 335, 341, 350, 402, 450, 489, 519, 583. Johnson, Lady, I, 289, 290. Johnson's Greens, I, 230, 235, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 243. Johnson's Greens, II, 73, 114, 121, 122, 123, 179, 186. Johnstone, Gov., I, 394. Johnstone, Rev. Mr., I, 180. Johnstone Settlement, I, 178, 180. Johnstown, I, 52, 88, 109, 120, 129, 130, 141, 145, 168, 212, 288, 291, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 354, 364, 387, 393, 404, 423. Johnstown, II, 69, 72, 73, 75, 79, 81, 96, 105, 123, 163, 164, 170, 185, 187, 192, 331, 541, 542. Jones, Capt. Samuel, I, 342, 418, 421. Jones, Mr., I, 205, 206. Judith, murder of, II, 224. Kattsbergs, II, 65. Kayinguaraghtoh, I, 452. Kanaghquaesa, I, 95, 444. Kanaghsaws, II, 29. Kanadeseago, I, 370, 387, 388. Kanasedaga, II, 24, 26. Kanandaigua, II, 27, 491. Kanhawa, I, 40, 41, 191, 192, 352. Karaghquadirhon, Mr. Deane, I, 131. Karakonti, II, 585. Karhauguash, II, 26. Karrhageayate, II, 576. Kartele, Sergeant, I, 359. Karauduaan, "Great Tree," Hancock's name, I, 158. Kaskaskias, I, 352, 353. Kaskaskias, II, 566, 567. Kaweanontye, II, 576. Kayinguaraghtoh, I, 433.

Kearney, Lt, II, 506. Keder's Rift, II, 115. Kelleleman, II, 47. Kendaia, II, 25, 26. Kent, Chancellor, I, 266, 279. Kentucky, I, 23, 117, 351. Kentucky, II, 49, 70, 71, 169, 171, 215, 217, 264, 291, 292, 294, 295, 313, 336, 384, 385. Kerr, Robert, II, 320, 519, 535, 536. Kerr, Walter, II, 536. Kerr, Wm. Johnson, II, 152, 250, 492, 495, 516, 517, 535, 536. Kerr, Mrs. Wm. J., daughter of Brant, I, xxii, xxx. Kettles, presents of, I, 188. Kickapoos, II, 278, 293. Killbush, II, 47, 48. King, Brants, I, 151, 152. Kingsborough, I, 52, 109. Kingsborough, II, 79. Kingsbridge, I, 171. Kingsland, I, 52, 82, 139, 140. Kings Mountain, II, 100. Kingston, I, 211, 263, 282, 328, 414. Kingston, II, 81, 287, 434, 523, 534. Kinnesley, Lt., II, 3. Kirkland, Rev. Mr., I, 20, 23, 25, 261, 435, 402, 456. Kirkland, Rev. Samuel, attempt to remove, I, 55; sustained by Oneidas, 55; opens correspondence with Mohawks, 55; is compelled to leave Oneida, 61; obtains a council, 80; labors to preserve neutrality, 81, 87; at Treaties, 99, 100; Mr. suspected by Johnson, 102. Kirkland, Rev. Samuel, II, 7, 9, 55, 148, 246, 288, 306, 319, 320, 321, 322, 490, 493. Kickiminetas, II, 555. Kittorning, II, 41, 315. Kjalarnes, II, 590, 591. Klepsattle, Maj. Enos, I, 242. Klock, Col. Jacob, I, 72, 181, 190, 191, 233, 240, 242. Klock, Jacob, II, 160. Klock, John James, I, 109. Klock's Field, II, 119, 124, 127. Knapp, Lt Samuel, I, 418, 421. Knawaholee, II, 23. Knox, Gen. Henry, II, 138, 264, 266, 267, 273, 304, 321, 322, 324, 357, 371, 374. Knyphausen, Gen., I, 172, 284. Knyphausen, Gen., II, 100. Koquethagaeehlon, I, 348. Kosciusko, Thaddeus, I, 27. Krassanes, II, 590. La Branche, II, 391. Lachioe, II, 103, 106. Lackawana, I, 328, 332. Lackawaxen, I, 416. Lackawaxen, II, 169. La Fayette, Gen., I, 256, 300, 301, 302, 303, 305, 307, 308, 343, 369, 371, 410. La Fayette, Gen., II, 25, 98, 193, 194, 233, 244. Laird, Wm., II, 190. Lake's Company, II, 186. Lake Champlain, battle on, I, 173, 174. Lake Champlain, II, 178, 183, 196, 204, 210, 570. Lake Erie, II, 239, 240, 244, 245, 357, 397. Lake George, I, 19, 199, 200, 201, 232. Lake George, II, 64, 81, 118, 134, 396, 409. Lake Huron, II, 240, 245, 397. Lake Ontario, II, 239, 244, 397, 398. Lamb, Col., I, 281. Lancaster, I, 100, 141, 436, 445. Lands, grievance about, I, 101. Land Jobbers, II, 399, 400. Langan, Lt., II, 274, 275, 277, 279, 286. Lansing, Ensign Garrett, II, 546. La Potherie, I, 288. Laprairie, I, 157. Larned, General, I, 255, 268. Laurens, Henry, II, 214. Laurens, Col. John, II, 25. Lawyer, Mr., I, 410. Leasee, Company, II, 290, 410, 412. Le Boeuf, II, 380. Ledyard, Col., II, 194. Lee, Arthur, I, 148, 196, 298. Lee, Gen. Charles, I, 169, 172, 344, 345. Lee, Henry, II, 315. Lee, Col. Robert, II, 572. Lee, Major, II, 52. Lee, in behalf of Colonies, I, 49. Legislature, address to troops, I, 263. Leicester, II, 33. Lenni Lenape, I, 319. Leonard, Capt. W., II, 417, 572. Lepper, Mr., I, 363. Leslie, Col., opposed by Col. Pickering, I, 51. Letters, their value in history, I, xxvi, xxvii. Letters conveyed by Indians, I, 108. Levassear's Lafayette, II, 244. Lewis, Col. Andrew, I, 41, 42, 44, 45.

Lewis, Col. Charles, killed, I, 42. Lewis, Mary, II, 3; Betsey, 130. Lewis, Col. Morgan, I, 268, 420. Lewis, Col. Morgan, II, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 121, 330, 461, 491. Lewis, Lt. Sam'l, II, 546. Lewis, Ensign, I, 234. Lewiston, II, 502, 504, 505. Lexington, I, 29, 30, 51. Lexington, II, 181, 216. Leyden, N. Y., II, 459. L'Hommedieu, Mr., II, 290. L'Orient, II, 486. Liberty poles, I, 34, 52, 106, 364. Licking river, II, 49, 51, 71, 216. Lightfoot, Capt., II, 90. Lillington, Col., I, 119. Lincoln, Gen., I, xxx, 43, 274, 301, 415. Lincoln, Gen., II, 51, 52, 53, 99, 338, 339, 341, 347. Lindlay, Jacob, II, 339. Little, Aaron, I, 374. Little, Abraham, I, 71, 96, 100, 102, 121, 133, 147, 444, 455. Little Beard, II, 29, 31, 33. Little Beardstown, II, 29, 31, 32, 33. Little Buffalo, II, 456. Little, Capt. John, I, 421. Little Falls, II, 69, 124, 126, 410. Little Lakes, I, 363. Little Turtle, II, 312, 313, 367, 379, 382, 384, 387. Little, Capt. John, II, 190. Littlehales, Maj., II, 364. Liverpool, man-of-war, I, 119. Livingston, Lt. Col., I, 281. Livingston, Col., I, 308 Livingston, Col. John, II, 410, 412. Livingston, Peter V. P., letter of Guy Johnson to, I, 84. Livingston, Robert R., II, 102. Livingston, Walter, I, 98, 432. Livingston, Gov. Wm., I, 345. Livingston Manor, II, 491. Logan, the Mingo Chief, I, 38, 89, 46, 191, 446. Logan takes revenge, I, 41; expedition against, 41,42; fights the invaders, 42; speech of, 46; its authenticity examined, 46, 47; murder of, 48. Logan, James, I, 38. Logan, Col., I, 349. Long, Capt., I, 356. Long, Co|., I, 202. Long Island, Battle of, I, 170. Long Knives, II, 387. Longueil, loyalists repulsed, I, 112. Loekiel, II, 225. Lotteridge, Capt, recruits for, I, 15. Loudon, Lord, expedition to Canada, I, 5. Louis, Col., I, 401. Louisiana, II, 292. Lovell, Gen., II, 52. Lowell, II, 365. Lower Sandusky, II, 62, 372. Lundy's Lane, II, 517. Lush, Major, II, 147, 506. Luther, II, 105. Luttereil, Col., I, 115. Lyconia, I, 421. Lydius, Col., I, 449. Lyman, Lt. Simeon, II, 199. Lynch Code, II, 180, 181. Lyttleton, Lord, I, 115. Mack, Miss, II, 66. McAfee station, II, 171. Macauley's History (so called), I, 376. McCauseland, Mr., II, 479. McClellan, Lt., I, 358, 410. McClennen, Lieut., II, 234. McConnell, Alexander, II, 70, 71. McCormicks, II, 390. McCracken, Major, II, 150. McCrea, Jane, murdered, I, 203, 204, 205, 207. McCulley, Major, II, 563. McDonald, Gen., defeated, I, 119. McDonald, Capt., I, 243. McDonald, Capt., II, 19. McDonald, Donald, II, 131, 164, 165, 166. McDonald, II, 189. McDonald, Lieut, killed, I, 239. McDonald, I, 212, 154, 422. McDonald, Capt. Allen, I, 136, 137, 140, 141, 150, 424, 455. McDougal, Daniel, I, 72. McDougal, Duncan, I, 73. McDonnell, Duncan, II, 131. McDonnell, John, II, 131. McDonnell, Kennith, II, 131. McDonnell, Col., II, 284. McDonnell, Lt. Col., II, 507. McDougall, Gen., I, 283. McDougall, Gen., II, 131. McGinnis, Mr., I, 364. McGower, Donald, II, 131. McIntosh, General, I, 350, 351, 396, 398, 399. McIntosh, John, II, 131. McKean, Capt, I, 311, 312, 380. McKean, Capt., II, 119, 120, 157, 158, 159, 160. McKean, Col., II, 121, 122, 123, 125. McKean, Robert A., I, 168.

McKee, A., II, 568. McKee, Capt., II, 276, 277, 281, 291, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 303, 333, 334. McKee, Col., II, 340, 341, 347, 357, 376, 387, 389, 392. McKee, I, 348, 349. McKee, II, 218, 286, 294. McKinan, II, 268, 279. McKinstry, Capt. John, I, 155, 156; II, 490. McKnight, Dr., II, 227, 232. McKown, Wm., I, 310. McMaster, James, I, 73, 109. McMichael, John, murder of, I, 11, 13, 14. McMahon, Major, II, 379, 382. McMullen, II, 91, 92, 93. McPherson, Mr., II, 152. Madison, Corporal, killed, I, 226. Madog, or Madoo, II, 487. Magaw, Col., I, 172. Magee, Ensign, I, 234. Magee, Lt. W., II, 546. Maghinquechahocking, II, 42. Maghingive Keeshuch, II, 47. Mahingaus, I, 56. Mahickanders, I, 56. Malcolm, Capt., II, 272, 505, 506. Manifesto of St. Leger, II, 230. Manly, Capt., captures prizes, I, 115. Mann, Capt. George, I, 314, 315, 316, 317. Manor of Livingston, II, 460. Maquichee, II, 43, 47, 48. Marbatt, John, I, 114. Marbletown, II, 94. Marchant, Henry, I, 266. Marinus, Mr., I, 309. Mark upon captives, I, 380. Markland, II, lii, liii. Marquizee, Captain, I, 224, 226. Marsh, Prof., facts from, I, xxiv. Marshall's Washington, I, xvii, xxvi, 338. Martin, Capt., I, 309, 460. Maryland, Revolution in, I, 37. Mason, Rev. John M., II, 439, 440. Masonic signals, I, 419. Massacre of Moravians, II, 223, 224, 225. Massachusetts, I, 36, 37, 51, 55, 58, 59, 77, 115. Matthews, Capt., II, 144, 283. Matthews, Gen., I, 172. Matthews, Gen., II, 52. Matthews, Major, II, 270, 272, 273, 281, 282. Matthews, II, 3, 279. Maughwauwama, I, 319, 320. Maxwell, David, I, 414. Maxwell, Gen., I, 343. Maxwell, Gen., II, 5, 18. Maxwell, Wm., II, 552. May, II, 383. Maynard, Jonathan, II, 492. Meeker, Maj. Samuel, I, 416, 421. Meigs, Col., I, 165, 283, 284. Meller, Col., I, 250. Mellon, Lt. Col., I, 229. Memoirs, Author's plan of writing, I, xxvi. Mewill, Mrs., II, 313, 314. Meshecannaqua, II, 312, 367. Messesaugues, I, 220, 221. Messessaugues, II, 286. Mexico, II, 483. Miami Bay, II, 390. Miami, II, 71, 307, 309, 310, 342, 346, 356, 358, 362, 377. Miami, battle of, II, 502. Miami of the Lakes, II, 381, 383. Miami Rapids, II, 295, 334, 336, 339, 340, 342, 344, 348, 355, 359, 360, 361, 362, 369, 375, 384. Miamis, II, 265, 276, 277, 278, 291, 293, 297, 299, 300, 303, 304, 308, 314, 326, 329, 332, 335, 338, 348, 350, 355, 386, 389, 405. Michilimackinack, I, 352. Michilimackinack, II, 361, 477. Middlebrook, II, 139. Middleburgh, I, 317. Middleburgh, II, 107. Midway, I, 394. Militia, I, 7, 106, 123, 136, 171, 173. Miller, Adam, I, 235, 339. Miller, Rev. Samuel, II, 440. Miller, Rev. Dr., II, 457, 479, 496. Miller, II, 384, 385. Miner's Wyoming, I, xvii, 339. Mingos, I, 38, 42. Mingos, II, 41, 48, 225, 346, 348, 376. Mingoes, II, 565. Minisink, I, 415, 417, 418. 421, 422. Minisink, II, 59, 65, 441, 491. Missions, Indian, I, 26. Missisnagays, II, 3, 355, 497, 534. Mississagua reservation, II, 406. Mitchell, Mr., I, 374, 375. Mohawk District, I, 52. Mohawk Dist., Meeting, II, 546. Mohawk Prayerbook, I, 26, 27. Mohawks, I, xviii, xxiv, 7, 14, 15, 25, 57, 71, 86, 101, 112, 114, 158, 181, 244, 304, 805, 307, 410, 446, 447, 454. Mohawks, II, 2, 8, 88, 238, 242, 244, 245, 281, 282, 289, 291, 301, 318, 318, 324, 335, 401, 402, 408, 404, 406, 407, 409, 411, 415, 416, 422, 424, 426, 427, 568.

Mohawk Valley, settlement of, I, xvii, 30, 31. Mohegans, I, 56. Mohegans, II, 355. Moheakounucks, II, 56. Moheakounnuck tribe, congress sends speech to, I, 59. Mohiccons, I, 56. Mohuccans, I, 56. Mohickanders, I, 56. Mohickannituck, or North River, I, 56. Moira, Earl of, II, 250, 259. Mombackas, II, 169. Monmouth, I, 343, 344, 345, 356, 395. Monockonock, I, 387. Monongalla, I, 418. Monongahela, II, 220. Monroe, Col. James, II, 245, 247. Monsell, Capt., II, 188. Montcalm, Marquis, at Lake George, I, 5. Montgomery, Gen., I, 108, 112, 116, 117, 162. Montgomery Co. named, II, 286. Montour, Capt., I, 340. Montour, Catharine, I, 389, 391. Montour, Catharine, II, 23. Montreal, I, 89, 109, 117, 218, 300, 392, 393. Montreal, II, 68, 270, 282, 288, 284, 326. Monument voted to Herkimer, I, 248. Monument at Paoli, I, 285. Moody, Capt., II, 156. Moore, Bishop, II, 456. Moor Charity School, II, 488. Moore, Gen., I, 119. Moore, James, on committee, I, 168. Moore, John, I, 72, 168. Moore, Joseph, II, 389. Moore, John, I, 371. Moore, Miss, II, 66, 68. Moore, Mrs., I, 377. Moore, Mrs., II, 130. Moore's Creek Bridge, battle of, I, 119. Moravians, I, 319, 321, 322, 328. Moravians, II, 217, 218, 219, 228, 225, 226, 228, 229, 280, 282, 358. Muskingum, II, 208, 217, 219, 224, 231, 232, 281, 329, 334, 363, 378, 494. Musquakies, II, 375, 566. Mutiny in American army, II, 189, 141, 146. Myers, Jacob, II, 159. Nanticokes, I, 328. Nanticokes, II, 4, 346, 355, 376, 441, 565. Narragansetts join Mohegans, I, 67. Nash, Gen., I, 286. Nash, Samuel, II, 212. Navisink, I, 415. Negley, Felix, II, 563. Nellis, Judge, II, 160. Nepean, Sir, Evan, I, 152. Nepean, Sir Evan, II, 257. Neskayuna, II, 157. Neutrality of Indians given up, I, 159. Neversink, II, 169. Newark, I, 172. Newark, II, 484, 509, 513. Newbury, a Tory, I, 375. Newbury hung, II, 6. New Brunswick, I, 175. New England Corporation, II, 529, 530, 531, 532. New Galway, II, 164. New Grange, II, 488. New Hampshire, I, 37. New Hampshire Grants, II, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 197, 199, 206. New Haven plundered, II, 52. New Jersey, I, 172, 192, 196, 197. New Jersey, II, 224. Newkirk, Major, II, 89. New London, II, 194. Newman, II, 384. New Orleans, II, 292. Newport, I, 346, 347. Newport, II, 104. New Scotland, II, 152, 543. New South Wales, II, 524. Newtown, Battle of, I, xxiii. Newtown, II, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 84, 85, 87, 460. New Rochelle, I, 206. New Windsor, II, 139. New York, I, 49, 77, 78, 105, 162, 169, 171, 343. New York, II, 100. New York Bay frozen, II, 54. New York Legislature on Indian Titles, II, 241, 242. New York Spectator, II, 533. Niagara, I, 20, 26, 82, 210, 218, 288, 304, 321, 340, 356, 358, 366, 369, 371, 378, 382, 388, 384, 386, 387, 391, 398, 403, 438.

Niagara, II, 3, 4, 10, 32, 34, 36, 41, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 66, 67, 68, 71, 125, 127, 186, 167, 218, 239, 258, 268, 270, 271, 284, 286, 297, 303, 307, 322, 324, 327, 328, 331, 335, 336, 340, 343, 347, 348, 357, 363, 364, 390, 399, 402, 405, 417, 423, 425, 434, 436, 460, 461, 491, 493, 501, 502, 507, 509, 519, 533, 536, 577, 582. Nickus, Peter, I, 9, 314, 317. Nikadiyooni, II, 145. Nihweanuagh, II, 576. Nimwha, II, 47. Nine Mile Point, I, 221, 222. Nine Mile Landing, II, 64. Nisquitha, II, 543. Norfolk, I, 119. Norfolk, II, 52, 142, 198. Norman Emigrants, II, 487. Normans Kill, II, 96, 97, 152, 543. North, Lord, I, 116. North, Lord, II, 590. Northampton, I, 421. Northampton, II, 69, 458. North Carolina, I, 110, 422. North Carolina, II, 51, 100, 193, 546. Northmen, II, 487. Northmen, Voyages of, II, 590, 591, 592, 593. Northumberland, Duke of, II, 251, 337, 404, 409, 416, 417, 424, 426, 430, 524, 598. Norton, John, I, 168. Norton, John, II, 238, 288, 404, 409, 412, 414, 415, 418, 422, 424, 428, 486, 577. Norwalk, I, 283. Norwalk, II, 52. "Nose," on Mohawk, II, 115, 119. O'Bail, John, II, 105, 127. O'Bail, Capt, II, 127, 299, 302, 304, 377, 378, 380, 436, 446. Oboylaco, I, 296. Ocoum, Samson, at School, I, 21. Odeserundige, Capt. John, II, 144. Ogaghto, news brought by, I, 6. Ogden, Amos, I, 324, 325, 326, 327. Ogden, Nathan, I, 326. Ogdensburgh, II, 502. Oghgwarioghreta, II, 576. Oghkwaga, I, 33, 168, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 189, 310, 341, 367, 374. Oghkwaga, II, 17, 18, 58, 569. Oghnaongoghton, II, 575. Oghquaga, I, 33, 167, 168. Oghsouwalagette, II, 576. Ogilvie, Rev. John, I, 26. Ogilvie, Capt, II, 506. Ogongksaneyont, II, 576. Ohio, II, 264, 265, 295, 301, 336, 338, 348, 354, 355, 358, 363, 378, 392, 393, 494. Ohio, Indian hostilities in, I, 348. Ojageghte, II, 575. Okoghsenniyonte, II, 423, 579. Olean Point, II, 585. Oneaquaga, I, 33, 168. Oneida, I, 307. Oneida, II, 29, 80, 123, 191, 319. Oneida Lake, I, 8, 209, 217, 261, 404, 405. Oneida Lake, II, 186, 189, 233. Oneida Mission, I, 20, 25. Oneidas, I, 7, 12, 13, 47, 58, 80, 82, 86, 87, 149, 215, 227, 244, 269, 260, 306, 306, 366, 367, 370, 372, 401, 402, 408, 409, 411, 432, 433, 434, 435, 564. Oneidas, II, 3, 7, 10, 11, 17, 23, 24, 36, 54, 56, 108, 104, 106, 119, 121, 122, 135, 143,144, 168, 190, 242, 244, 246, 289, 480. Oneigat, II, 24. Onondaga, central council fire, I, XXV. Onondaga, council fire extinguished, II, 76. Onondaga Creek. I, 405, 406. Onondaga Hill, II, 361. Onondaga Lake, I, 405. Onondaga Lake, II, 123. Onondaga Landing, I, 405. Onondagas, I, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 86, 217, 293, 294, 296, 304, 305, 306, 307, 370, 372, 402, 403, 404, 406, 407, 408, 409, 411, 413. Onondagas, II, 3, 7, 11, 24, 238, 243, 244, 289, 359, 429, 569, 585. Ontario, Council at, I, 83, 86, 149. Oosterhoudt, Mr., I, 363. Oothout, Capt., II, 154. Oquaga, I, 33. Orange Co. invaded, I, 415, 418. Orangeburgh, II, 142. Orendorf, Frederick, on committee, I, 73. Oriskany, I, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 240, 241, 242, 249, 307, 367, 459, 461. Oriskany, II, 29, 30, 78, 189, 330. Oswald, Wm., II, 214. Oswegatchie, I, 153, 210, 410. Oswegatchie, II, 81, 215, 268, 670. Oswego, I, 6, 7, 88, 100, 102, 103, 149, 186, 196, 209, 210, 211, 215, 217, 218, 226, 237, 261, 262, 291, 306, 350, 358, 366, 383, 884, 386, 393, 404, 445, 454, 455, 456, 460.

Oswego, II, 106, 124, 126, 186, 233, 268, 340. Oswego Falls, II, 233. Otoghseronge, II, 575. Otqueandageghte, body of found, I, 8. Otsego Lake, I, 312, 421. Otsego Lake, II, 5, 13, 14, 17. Otsego, II, 4, 16, 504. Ottawannio, a Cayuga, I, 14. Ottawas, I, 17. Ottawas, II, 8, 218, 243, 261, 265, 276, 278, 348, 349, 355, 376, 387, 390, 565. Otter Creek, II, 90. Otsinarenta, II, 420. Otyoghwawagon, II, 576. Ouiatauons, II, 293. Ouise River, II, 239, 240, 282. Owasco Lake, I, 217. Oyonwayea Creek, II, 244. Oylikwagas, II, 422. Painted Post, II, 304, 306, 318. Palatine, I, xviii, 34, 62, 64, 389, 409, 410. Palatine, II, 115, 160, 215, 327. Palmerstown, II, 144, 146. Paoli, I, 284, 285, 347. Papers Concealed by Johnson, II, 80. Paramus, II, 102. Paris, Isaac, I, 179, 213, 234, 240, 242, 460, 461. Parish, John, II, 339. Parker, John, I, 310. Parker, Sir Peter, I, 166. Parker, killed, II, 32, 33. Parliament on Colonies, I, 49, 50, 116. Parr, Major, II, 19. Parraderaski, I, 353. Patrick, Captain, I, 354, 418. Party factions, II, 366. Patchin, Freegift, II, 52, 56. Patchin, Isaac, II, 56, 83. Patchin, Samuel, II, 212. Patriots of Mohawk Valley, I, 84, 85. Paulding, Capt. Henry, II, 169, 170. Paulding, Lt. Col. Albert, II, 17, 18, 167, 169, 170. Paulus, wampum delivered to, I, 7. Paulus Hook, II, 52. Peace declared, II, 214, 233, 237. Peasley, II, 154. Peccaway, II, 216. Pekillon, II, 208. Peltry, Harman, letter concerning, I, 427. Pempotowwuthut, Muhhecanneuw, I, 67. Penn, Gov. John, I, 324, 449, 451. Penn, William, I, 145, 320, 328. Penn, II, 339. Penobscots, plan to employ, I, 159. Pequods join Mohegans, I, 57. Percy, Lord, I, 172. Percy, Lord, II, 337, 428, 515, 524. Perkins, II, 212. Peter, a Mohawk, I, 178, 179. Peter, Samuel, II, 480, 583. Petersham, Lord, I, 469. Petrie, Daniel, II, 69. Petrie, Dr., I, 246. Petrie, Dr., II, 160. Petrie, Lieut., I, 242. Petry, John, on Committee, I, 73. Petry, William, on Committee, I, 72. Pettingill, Capt. Samuel, I, 242. Phelps, Rev. Davenport, II, 432, 433, 434, 435, 436, 437, 439, 472, 495. Phelps, Oliver, II, 413. Philadelphia, I, 102, 197, 284, 285, 286, 319, 324, 327, 348, 350, 359. Philadelphia, II, 94, 101, 138, 140, 249, 298, 299, 304, 318, 319, 320, 322, 323, 324, 326, 328, 329, 339, 419, 453, 454, 455, 497, 498. Philistines, II, 185. Phillips, Gen., I, 201, 268, 270, 271, 467, 469, 472, 478. Phillips, Gen., II, 193. Piankishaus, II, 566. Pickard, John, on Committee, I, 72. Pickering, Timothy, I, xxx, 61, 342. Pickering, Timothy, II, 209, 301, 304, 306, 307, 318, 321, 338, 339, 340. Pigott, Sir Robert, I, 346, 347. Pine Creek, II, 560. Pipe, Captain, I, 348. Pipe, Capt., II, 208, 218, 219, 226, 227, 266, 267. Pipe of Peace, I, 99, 436. Pitt, Mr., II, 426, 600. Pittsburgh, I, 25, 118, 350. Pittsburgh, II, 41, 151, 219, 220, 222, 223, 295, 300, 551, 560, 563, 564. Pittsfield, II, 536. Pittsford, II, 87. Platts killed, II, 73. Plunkett, Col., I, 329. Plymouth, I, 328. Plymouth, II, 590.

Pocahontas, II, 60. Pointe, Appineau, II, 380. Pointaufer, II, 145. Point Pleasant, I, 41, 191, 192. Point Creek, I, 351. Pompey, French in, II, 585, 588. Pompton, II, 141. Pond, Capt. Peter, II, 313. Pontiac, I, 24, 26, 33. Pontiac, II, 248, 289, 584. Poor, Gen., I, 271. Poor, Gen., II, 5, 18, 20, 21. Popham, Maj. Wm., I, 289, 290. Poppino, Major, I, 418. Porter, Peter B., I, xxiii, 149. Porter, Peter B., II, 468, 462, 488, 492, 496. Portland, Duke of, II, 467, 468. Portsmouth, II, 193, 194. Ports, Northern retained, II, 269. Pottowattamies, II, 8, 248, 266, 276, 278, 285, 295, 348, 349, 355, 361, 374, 386. Poughkeepsie, I, 338, 358. Powder, wanted, I, 160. Powell, Maj. I, 341. Powell, II, 64, 130, 131, 133, 134. Pownall, Gov., II, 483. Pratt, Mr., I, 323. Prejudices of Historians, I, xiii, xvi. Prescott, General, I, 157. Presents to Indians, I, 188. Presque Isle, II, 45, 46, 332, 377, 378, 381. Price, Major, II, 385. Prideaux, Gen., Death of, I, 29. Priestley, Dr., II, 453, 582. Prince of Wales, II, 250, 268, 260. Princeton, Battle of, I, 175. Princeton, II, 139, 140, 440, 441. Prison, Island, II, 91. Proceedings of Patriotic meeting, I, 83.

{Transcriber's Note: in the next eleven entries, one or more illegible words or characters are represented by #.}

P#, Col., II, 299, 301, 302, 303, 304, 306, 428. Provincial Assembly, I, 36. Providence, II, 100. P#, Lieut., intimate with Brant, I, 28. P#, Gen., II, 51. P#, Mrs., II, 101, 102. P#, II, #. P#, II, #. P#, I, #. P#, II, #. P#, II, #. P#, #, 247, 278, 280, 282, #. Putnam, Gen., II, 4. Putnam, John, I, 9, 309. Putnam, Lodowiek, II, 73. Putnam, Rufus, II, 316, 331. Quackenbush, Abraham, I, 114. Quackenboss, Abraham D., I, 461. Quackenboss, John S., I, 461. Quaekyack. II, 158. Quago, I, 168. Quageewon, II, 394. Quaker agents, II, 339. Quaker Hill, I, 347. Quebec, II, 239, 245, 250, 263, 270, 279, 296, 337, 360, 367, 391, 392, 400, 421, 434, 453. Quebec besieged, I, 117, 162, 218. Queden-Gorah, I, 433. Quedar, I, 431, 436, 448. Queens' Rangers, II, 527. Queenston, II, 340, 501, 508, 507, 516. Quiquago Indians, I, 401. Quimby, Mr., II, 486. Raleigh, Sir Walter, II, 251. Ramsay's History, I, 88, 339. Randolph Beverley, holds a treaty, I, xxx. Randolph Beverley, II, 338, 339, 340. Randolph Edmund, II, 369. Randolph. Lt., II, 506, 508. Rangers, I, 168, 235, 242. Ranson, Capt., I, 335, 338. Rapids of Ohio, II, 349. Rathbone, Lt., II, 505. Rawdon, Lord, II, 99, 142, 250, 600. Raulings, Col., I, 172. Reading, prisoners to go to, I, 141. Red Bank, I, 287. Red Eagle with Logan, I, 4. Redhawk, I, 192, 193. Red Hook, I, 207. Red Jacket, Portrait of, I, xxx. Red Jacket, II, 34, 35, 105, 135, 136, 243, 244, 245, 301, 302, 303, 335, 364, 415, 416, 417, 420, 428, 446, 497. Reeber, Andrew, on Committee, I, 72. Reed, Pres., II, 140. Reads Station, II, 564. Reghtmeyer, Capt., II, 110. Remission of Sins, I, 389. Revolution, I, xxviii, 36, 37. Reynell, Mrs., I, 471, 472. Rhode Island, I, 37, 115, 173, 346, 347. Rhode Island, II, 99, 108, 194. Rice, Mr., I, 309. Richer, Capt., I, 409, 410.

Richey, James, on Committee, I, 168. Richmond, II, 142, 147, 232. Ridgeway, I, 288. Ridyard, Wm., I, 327. Riedesel, General, I, 268, 270, 271, 278, 274. Riedesel, Baroness, narrative of, I, 273, 274, 276, 279; 465, 472, 476, 482. Riedesel, Baroness, II, 250, 453. River Indians, I, 56, 57, 149. Robertson, Capt., II, 145. Robin's Travels quoted, I, 46. Robinson, Col. Beverly, II, 198. Robinson, Moses, II, 199. Robinson, II, 199. Rocheblave, Philip, I, 352. Rocky River, II, 372. Rochambeau, Count, II, 98, 99, 104, 106, 155, 194, 195. Rochefoucault, II, lviii. Rochester, II, 169. Rodgers, Major, II, 49, 50, 51. Roff, Col. John, I, 246, 247. Rolfe, II, 411. Romney, George, paints portrait of Brant, I, xxviii, 151. Rose, Mr., II, 460, 461. Rosecrantz, Major James, II, 188, 546. Ross, Major, II, 145, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 196, 205, 214, 215. Rousseau, J. B., II, 573. Rowley, Maj., II, 187, 189, 196. Royal Grant, II, 164, 190, 408. Royal Greens, I, 145, 220. Royal Greens, II, 105, 186. Runnells, Major, II, 202. Runnip, II, 66. Russell, Peter, II, 400, 401. Russel, Mr., II, 433. Rykman, John, II, 191. Sacondaga, I, 144, 291, 309, 404. Sacondaga, II, 98, 154. Sacs, II, 349. Sachems, how chosen, I, 148. Sachems taken to England, I, 4. Sadakenaghtie, I, 411. Safford, Samuel, II, 199. Sag Harbor, I, 283. Sagugewatha, II, 34. St. Augustine, prize taken off, I, 115. St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, I, 163, 199, 200, 201, 202, 266. St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, II, 61, 274, 278, 279, 280, 281, 284, 291, 295, 300, 301, 304, 309, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 327, 349, 353, 360, 357, 372, 381, 383, 494. St. Coych, II, 205, 206. St. Francis, I, 393. St. Johns, I, 112, 130, 157, 165, 196, 300, 301, 309. St. Johns, II, 81, 83, 89, 90, 128, 180, 181, 203. St. Joseph, II, 294. St. Laurence Co., II, 536. St. Leger, Col. Barry, I, xxviii, 209, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235, 237, 241, 243, 244, 245, 249, 250, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 277, 286, 287, 293, 330, 457, 468, 460, 461, 462, 463, 464. St. Leger, Col., Barry, II, 91, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205. St. Lewis, II, 282. St. Mary, II, 294. St. Phillips, I, 358. St. Regis, Council at, I, 209, 216. St. Regis, II, 409, 410, 486. St. Vincent, I, 400. Salem, I, 51, 328. Salem, II, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222. Salisbury, Mr. I, 309. Salisbury, II, 249. Salmon, John, II, 21, 27, 30, 31. Salt Lick, II, 556. Sammons, Frederick, I, 243. Sammons, Frederick, II, 76, 79, 80, 82, 88, 87, 88, 91, 92, 98, 94. Sammons, Jacob, I, 58, 394. Sammons, Jacob, II, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 88, 84, 86, 87, 88, 90, 94, 95, 158, 159, 190. Sammons, Sampson, I, 52, 78, 106. Sammons, Sampson, II, 76, 76, 78, 79. Sammons, Major, Thomas, I, xxi. Sammons, Major, Thomas, II, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 96, 97, 114, 121, 122, 123, 124, 170, 185. Sammons, Lieut., I, 288. Sammons, Lt., II, 161, 506. Sandusky, I, 296, 354. Sandusky, II, 218, 219, 224, 266, 301, 303, 341, 346, 351, 356, 379, 393, 405. San Jacinto, I, 336. Santee, II, 142. Saratoga, I, 207, 213, 267, 272, 275, 279, 291, 301, 469, 475, 478. Saratoga, II, 181, 144, 160, 178, 185, 205, 542. Sarver, B., II, 556.

Saulkill, Lt., 187. Savage, Capt., I, 225. Savannah, I, 395. Savannah, II, 17, 214. Savory, William, II, 339. Sawyer, Mr., I, 355. Sehaghticoke, II, 147, 205, 206. Scalp-lock, on Emblem of Chivalry, I, xvi. Scanandanani, I, 449. Schaticooks, I, 56. Scheeban, Mrs., I, 385. Schenectady, I, 67, 101, 128, 289, 403, 407, 410. Schenectady, II, 54, 144, 541. Schermehorn, Major, II, 174. Sciota Indians, I, 349, 351. Schlosser, II, 504. Schoenbrunn, II, 217. Schoharie, I, xviii, 104, 106, 178, 181, 218, 307, 311, 313, 314, 354, 355, 356, 357, 367, 368, 410, 412. Schoharie, II, 6, 14, 55, 56, 57, 58, 64, 106, 107, 108, 111, 112, 114, 115, 122, 125, 129, 157, 168, 186, 235, 536. School for Indian youth, I, 21, 22. Schools with Mohawks, II, 529. Schoyere, II, 26. Schuyler, Brandt, I, 206. Schuyler, Hanyost, I, 258, 259, 260, 262, 292. Schuyler, Nicholas, I, 258, 259. Schuyler, Col. Peter, takes Sachems to England, I, 4. Schuyler, Gen. Philip, I, 64, 73, 93, 101, 103, 112, 116, 120, 121, 123, 128, 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 142, 159, 160, 163, 166, 168, 173, 176, 177, 181, 184, 196, 197, 202, 203, 204, 207, 208, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 232, 250, 255, 265, 266, 267, 275, 277, 278, 279, 288, 290, 301, 304, 305, 378, 382, 392, 407, 423, 425, 430, 431, 435, 451, 475, 471, 473, 477. Schuyler, Gen., Philip, II, 4, 6, 9, 10, 24, 39, 40, 79, 102, 131, 136, 143, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 204, 212, 242, 542. Schuylkill, I, 284, 285. Scioto, II, 226, 294. Scotch Hostages, I, 139, 141, 142. Scotch Loyalists, I, 105, 108, 120, 134, 142. Scott, James, on Committee, I, 168. Scott, Joseph, I, 309. Scott, Gen. Winfield, I, 344. Scott, Col., II, 307, 316, 384, 504, 505, 507, 508, 509, 511, 512, 513, 514, 515, 516. Scouts sent to Oneida Lake, I, 8. Seaghuagerat, speech by, I, 98, 432, 435. Seeber, Capt. Henry, I, 234, 237. Seeber, Jacob, I, 110, 237, 242. Seeber, Lt. William, I, 72, 242. Siege of Fort Schuyler raised, I, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261. Siege of Fort Stanwix, I, 280. Selby, Wm., II, 423. Seneca, Abeal, II, 243. Seneca, George, II, 441. Seneca Lake, I, 217, 340, 460. Seneca, Country invaded, I, 350. Seneca Lake, II, 23, 26, 36, 37. Senecas, I, 86, 182, 243, 244, 304, 305, 307, 371, 378, 380, 389, 390, 391, 410, 446. Senecas, II, 8, 41, 126, 233, 244, 245, 289, 295, 324, 332, 355, 387, 411, 412, 415, 416, 446, 447, 460. Sergeant, Rev. John, at Stockbridge, I, 57. Seth, II, 380. Seven Nations of Canada, (see Caughnawagas), I. Seven Nations of Canada, II, 332, 339, 350, 355, 359, 360, 367, 409, 410. Shabosh, Joseph, II, 220. Shades of Death, I, 336. Shagogeaseronni, II, 575. Shamokin, I, 88, 89, 320. Shankland, Mr., II, 15, 16. Sharon, II, 157. Shawanese, 39, 41, 42, 56, 102, 103, 191, 192, 193, 295, 313, 319, 320, 347, 349, 408, 422, 446, 449, 456. Shawanese, II, 40, 43, 45, 47, 48, 49, 71, 101, 164, 165, 166, 167, 171, 226, 230, 232, 236, 243, 265, 278, 285, 291, 295, 335, 342, 345, 346, 348, 350, 355, 359, 360, 374, 390. Shawangauk, II, 66. Shay's Rebellion, II, 140, 258, 268. Sheafe, Gen., II, 391, 402, 509, 510, 513, 515. Shelby, Cap. Isaac, in battle, I, 43. Shelby, flanks the Indians, I, 43. Shelby, II, 100. Shell's Bush, II, 164, 165. Shepard, Abraham, I, 421. Sherburne, Major, I, 154, 156, 156.

Sheridan, II, 258. Sherman, Roger, II, 182. Sherwood, Capt., II, 197, 199. Sheshequon, II, 217. Shew, Godfrey, I, 309. Shew, Jacob, II, 190. Shew, John and Sons, I, 309. Shew, John, J. I, 310. Shew, Rev. John I., II, 69, 80, 164. Shikellimus, father of Logan, I, 88, 89. Shirley, Gen., I, 57, 218. Shoemaker, a loyalist, I, 255, 258, 365. Sidney, Lord, II, 249, 252, 253, 255, 264, 273. Sierra Leone, II, 524. Silliman, Gen., I, 283. Silver Bluff, II, 142. Silver Heels murdered, I, 41. Singleton, Lieut., I, 246, 459. Simcoe, Governor I. G., I, 239, 336, 337, 338, 340, 341, 342, 351, 352, 357, 364, 367, 369, 370, 374, 379, 384, 385, 390, 391, 392, 398, 398, 399, 400. Sinclair, Gov., II, 381. Sinclair's, Defeat, (app), II, 550, 551. Sioux, II, 2. Sitz, Peter, I, 190, 191. Six Nations, I, xx, 55, 56, 92, 94, 158, 292. Six Nations, II, 355. Six Mile Island, II, 562. Skanarady, a Cayuga, I, 14. Skenandoah, I, 407. Skeneateles Lake, I, 217. Skenesborough, I, 78, 164, 165, 202, 342. Skenesborough, II, 133, 134, 201. Skeleton with armor, II, 594. Skinner, Mr. II, 70. Slaves, Indians sold as, I, xv. Small, Capt., II, 166. Small Pox, I, 163, 164. Smith, Capt., I, 356. Smith, Col. II, 379, 468. Smith, Rev. Charles Jeffrey I, 22, 23. Smith, George, II, 199. Smyth, Doctor, II, 153, 197, 540. Snell, Jacob, I, 242. Snell, Mr., II, 391. Snyder, Isaac, II, 66, 68. Snyder, Jeremiah, II, 66, 67. Snyder, Lodwig, I, 314. Soc. Northern Antiquities, II, 1. Sodus, Settlements, II, 391. Solihoana, (Col. Francis), I, 57, 95. Solly, Mr., II, 531, 527. Sonughsas takes the war belt, I, 15. Sorel, expedition from, I, 168. Sorel, II, 83, 88, 244, 263. Sortie at Fort Schuyler, I, 244, 245, 249 South Carolina, I, 115, 137, 416. South Carolina, II, 58, 99, 262. Southern News, II, 541. Sowosay, II, 394. Shafford, H. G., I, 288. Spaniard, speech from, II, 565. Spaniard, reply to, II, 567. Spaniards in Western N. Y., II, 586, 588. Spanish interference, II, 289, 292, 375, 376. Speeches, I; author's plan of giving, xxvi, xxvii; by old Nickus, 9, 12; by Sir William Johnson, 11; by Cayuga deputies, 14. Speech of Sir William Johnson, I, 15; Aroyhigadecka, 16; Logan, the Mingo Chief, 46; remarks on authenticity of, 46, 47; Indian Chief before Congress, 68; Congress to Indians, 69; Little Abraham, 71; to Oneidas and reply, 82; Col. Francis to Indians, 94, 96; of Kanaghquaesa, 95; of Little Abraham, 96. Speech of Tiahogwando, I, 97, 101; Col. Francis, 97; of Commissioners, 98; Seaghnagerat, 98; Little Abraham, 100, 102, 124, 131; Canajoharie Indians, 118; Mr. Bleecker, 121; Mohawks to Mr. Bleecker, 122; Gen. Schuyler, 128; Indian deputies in Congress, 158; Oneida Chiefs to Col. Elmore, 176; Thomas Spencer, an Oneida, 210; condolence of Oneidas answered, 227; Major Ancrom, 260; Col. Willett, 251; of Oneidas, 366; of Good Peter, 407; of Col. Van Schaick, 409. Speech of Seaghnagerat, I, 482, 485; of Albany Com'rs, 435, 450, 456, 452; Kanaghquaesa, 444, 436; Little Abraham, 444, 455; Tiahogwando, 449; to Gov. Clinton, II, 10; Geo. Clinton to Oneidas, 11; of Wyandot Chief, 43; of Delaware, 47, 49; of Cornplanter, 127; Indians to Gamelin, 298; of Six Nations, 335, 362; of Cats Eyes, 342, 345; by Brant, II, 343, 344, 346, 253, 364; of Carry-one-about, 348; of Wyandots, 348; of Wyandot Chief, 350; of Clear Sky, 359, 370; of Chippewas and others 361; of Delawares, 361; of Red Jacket, 364; of Lord Dorchester, 367; of Egouchouoy, II, 376; of Wyandots to Gov. Simcoe, 392; Simcoe to Indians, 392; of Duguoin, 421; temperance, 441, 442; of condolence, 450, 451; from Spaniards, 375, 378, 565; Brant, 89.

Spencer, Lieut., II, 107, 109, 118. Spencer, Thomas, an Indian, I, 209, 210, 216, 217. Spencer, Thomas, whig orator, I, 59. Spirits among Indians, pernicious effects of, I, 11. Sporr Ensign, I, 225. Springfield, I, 312. Springfield, II, 5, 100. Squaghkies, II, 4. Squaw Run, II, 551. Stacey, Col., I, 386, 387. Stacia, Lt. Col., I, 372, 374, Staving, Mr., I, 363. Starke, Gen., I, 232, 265, 302, 358, 368. Starke, Gen., II, 178, 183, 196, 197, 208. Starks, Gen., II, 541. Staten Island, I, 197. Steedman, Wm., II, 313. Steel, Capt., II, 83, 91. Sternberg, Lambert, I, 316. Sternberg, Nicholas, I, 314, 315, 316, 317. Steuben, Baron, II, 193, 263. Stevens, Mr., II, 73. Stewart, Alex., II, 573. Stewart, Charles, I, 324, 326, 327. Stewart, Lazarus, I, 325, 326. Stewart, Rev. Mr., I, 19, 21, 26, 27, 28, 101, 147, 148, 180, 447. Stewart, Rev. Dr., II, 287, 528. Stillwater, I, 267, 268, 366. Stillwater, II, 147. Stirling, Lord, I, 170. Stirling, Lord, II, 178, 188, 196, 197, 208. Stockbridge Indians, I, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 172, 234, 254, 257. Stockbridges, II, 231, 307, 427, 480. Stone Arabia, I, 52, 409. Stone Arabia, II, 115, 118, 125, 136, 160, 189. Stoney Point, I, 280. Stoney Point, II, 52. Strachan, Dr., Notice of Brant by. I, 2. Stranahan, Col., II, 504, 508, 514, 523. Stratton, Wm., II, 576. Stratton, Lt., II, 573. Stringer, Samuel, I, 98, 432. Stroudsburg, I, 340. Stuart, Capt., I, 198. Stuart, Sir Charles, II, 250, 598. Sugar Hill, defence of, I, 200, 201. Sukachgook, II, 377. Sullivan, Gen., I, xxiii, 168, 170, 341, 342, 346, 347, 411, 422. Sullivan, II, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 54, 60, 61, 106, 140, 288, 460. Sumner, Benjamin, II, 470. Sumter, Gen., II, 100, 456. Sunbury, I, 421. Sunbury, II, 13. Surrender of Burgoyne, I, 275. Susquehanna, I, 312, 322, 323, 324, 332, 356, 357, 358. Susquehanna, II, 65, 106, 159, 217. Sutton, Mr., II, 562. Swan Creek, II, 391. Swartwout, Capt. Abraham, I, 234, 359. Swegachy, I, 8. Sword voted to Col. Willett, I, 246. Sylvester, Francis, I, 370. Syter, Capt. Geo., II, 39, 546. Tadeuskund, I, 323. Tobaddy, a Chief stopped by French, I, 6. Taicarihogo, alias Nickus Hance, I, 17. Talbot, Thomas, II, 376. Tarleton, Gen., II, 99, 100, 142. Tarrawarrix, a Seneca, I, 12. Tayler, John, I, xxi, 145, 288, 289, 290, 347. Tchaosennoghts, II, 421. Teghsitaasgowa, II, 576. Tehoseroron, II, 244. Tehowaghwengaraghkwin, I, 3, 18. Tekaenyongh, II, 576. Tekaharawa falls, I, 190. Tekahentakwa, II, 576. Tekarihoken, II, 575. Tekarihogea, II, 500, 501, 537. Tekeyanedonhotte, Col. Elmore, I, 176. Ten Broeck, Gen., I, 128. Ten Eyek, Col., I, 178.

Ternay, Chevalier, II, 99. Terry, Thomas, I, 338. Teughsaragarat, a Cayuga, I, 14. Teyonhighkon, II, 524. Teyoninhokarawen, II, 288, 288, 404, 414, 417, 423, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 577, 578, 579, 580. Thanksgiving dance, I, 388. Thanksgiving, II, 444. Thaosonnenghton, II, 576. Tharighwegiri, II, 337, 338. Thatcher's Indian Biography, I, 46. Thatcher's Military Journal, I, xvii, 337, 338. Thaweyogearat, II, 575. Thayendanegea, signification of, I, 1. Thayendanegea, (see Brant), I. Thomas, General, I, 161, 162, 163. Thompson, Gen., I, 163. Thompson, John, I, 397. Thompson's, at German Flats, I, 72, 85. Thorp, Ezra, II, 66. Thorp, Henry, II, 56. Thorpe, Judge, II, 580. Thorwald, II, 487, 590, 591. Three Islands, I, 332. Three Rivers, (Canada), I, 117, 404. Three Rivers, N. Y., I, 216, 220. Throop, Col. Joseph, II, 546, 547. Tiahogwando, Speech of, I, 96, 97, 101, 449. Tice, Capt. Gilbert, I, 266, 150, 157. Ticonderoga, I, 7, 78, 102, 108, 178, 197, 200, 201, 202, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216, 262, 266, 270, 292, 438, 453. Ticonderoga, II, 81, 132, 150, 151, 152, 155, 178, 181, 201, 203, 204, 314. Tiehout, Capt. Henry, II, 546. Tienderago, preparations for scout to, I, 15. Tiffany, Gideon, II, 474. Tiger River, II, 100. Timmerman, Jacob, I, 241. Timmerman, Jacob, II, 215. Tioga, I, 331, 370, 372, 378, 392, 421. Tioga, II, 5, 12, 13, 18, 22, 23, 26, 27, 36, 37, 59, 105, 106. Titcomb, Major, II, 22. Tiverton, I, 346. Tizederonderon, Mr. Bleecker, I, 131. Todd, Col., II, 216. Tomhanic, II, 173. Tomlinson, Murdered, I, 39, 40. Tompkins, Gov., II, 502, 508. Toronto, II, 351, 519, 523. Torture at Wyoming, I, 338. Totems, Indian, II, 355, 394. Totten and Crossfield's Purchase, II, 570. Townsend, Robert, I, 418, 421. Towson, II, 512, 513. Tracy, Ephraim, II, 212. Tracy, Uri, II, 212. Trade, Indian, I, 6. Treaties, I, 430, 452, 456. Treaties, II, 243, 244, 262. Trenton, Battle of, I, 174, 175. Tribes of Indians, how designated, I, 3. Trigg, Col., II, 216. Tripes Hill, II, 73, 187. Troy, I, 476. Trueman, Major, II, 331, 332. Trumbull, Col. John, I, 165, 200, 347. Trumbull, Gov., I, 62, 234, 242, 286, 327. Trumbull, Gov., II, 548. Tryon Co., I, xx, xxi, xxxiii, 51, 52, 63, 64, 66, 67, 70, 72, 74, 105, 106, 128, 140, 167, 168, 177, 211, 212, 213, 214, 242, 258, 256, 264, 283, 424, 425, 468. Tryon Co., name changed, II, 236. Tryon, Gov., II, 52, 180. Tsinonwanhonte, II, xli. Tsklelele, I, 454. Tubbs, John, II, 177. Tulk, C. A., II, 527. Tunadilly, I, 180. Tupper, Col., I, 181. Turlock, I, 354. Turlock, II, 157. Turner, Capt., II, 493. Tuscarora, I, 351, 396. Tuscaroras, I, 80, 86, 87, 297, 305, 306, 360, 366, 367, 401, 402, 408, 409, 453. Tuscaroras, II, 3, 4, 11, 88, 108, 104, 105, 242, 244, 422. Tustans, II, 295. Tusten, Benj. Jr., I, 421. Tusten, Dr. I, 415, 416, 418. Twightwees, [Miamis,] Message from, I, 6. Twitchtwees, II, 268. Twithways, II, 359. Tyler, Capt. Robt., I, 416, 421. Ulster, frontiers, I, 414. Ulster Co., II, 167. Unadilla, I, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 214, 291, 297, 310, 312, 313, 341, 364, 366, 368, 376, 408. Unadilla, II, 17. Upper Mohawk Castle, II, 481

Utica, Site of, I, 288. Vail, Capt. Benj., I, 418, 421. Vail, Gilbert, I, 421. Valley Forge, I, 286, 297, 301. Van Allen, II, 120. Van Bensehoten, Captain, I, 284. Van Bensehoten, Major, II, 122. Van Courtlandt, Col. Philip, I, 414. Van Courtlandt, Col., II, 5, 37, 148, 460, 540. Van Cortlandt, Pierre, I, 218. Van Deusen, James, II, 129, 134, 135. Van Dyck, Col., I, 400, 401. Van Eps, II, 119, 121, 124. Van Horne, Abraham, on committee, I, 73. Van Rensselaer, Col. Henry, II, 168, 174, 184, 185. Van Rensselaer, Henry K., II, 205, 206, 207. Van Rensselaer, Jeremiah, I, 98, 432. Van Rensselaer, Col. John, II, 205, 206, 546. Van Rensselaer, Capt. Peter, II, 192, 188. Van Rensselaer, Col. Robert, I, 212. Van Rensselaer, Gen. Robert, II, 115, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 206. Van Rensselaer, Col. Solomon, II, 386, 501, 502, 503, 504, 505, 506. Van Rensselaer, Gen. Stephen, II, 502, 503, 507, 510. Van Schaick, Col., I, 168, 168, 181, 214, 362, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 409, 411. Van Schaick, Col., II, 12, 81, 130, 131, 238, 542. Van Sluyck, Major, I, 72, 286, 242. Van Sluyck, II, 81. Van Veghten, Anthony on Committee, I, 72. Van Vechten, Col. II, 146. Van Vrank, Maj., II, 74. Varick, Col. Richard, I, 123, 279, 354, 359, 360, 413. Varick, Col. Richard, II, 290, 410. Vandreuil, Arnold at, I, 154. Vandreuil, Mde., II, 103. Vaughan, General, I, 282. Veeder, Abraham, II, 80. Veeder, John, I, 62. Veeder, Volkert, I, 73. Veeder, Col. Volkert, II, 81, 159. Venango, II, 41, 147, 363, 365, 371, 372, 374, 377. Vermont Controversy, II, 152, 158, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 542. Vernon, Maj., I, 399. Versailles, Treaty of, I, 298, 299. Vinland, II, 591. Virginia, I, 37, 44, 116, 119. Virginia, II, 198, 194. Visscher, Col. Frederick, I, 233, 236, 242. Visscher, Col. Fred'k, II, 73, 74, 75. Visscher, Harmanus, II, 74. Visscher, John, II, 74. Visscher, Wm. Brower, II, 74. Vrooman, Col., I, 354, 355. Vrooman, Bartholomew, II, 112. Vrooman, Bartholomew Jr., II, 112. Vrooman, Capt., II, 124. Vrooman, Col., II, 56. Vrooman, Ephraim, II, 112, 113. Vrooman, John II, 112, 113. Vrooman, Josias, II, 112. Vrooman, Martin, II, 113. Vrooman, Simon, II, 112. Vrooman, Tunis, II, 112. Vrooman, II, 64, 124, 168. Wabash, I, 400. Wabash, II, 45, 46, 248, 265, 291, 294, 307, 478. Wabingas, I, 56. Wadsworth, Gen., II, 508, 510, 511. Waggoner, Joseph, I, 184, 185. Waggoner, Peter, I, 72, 410. Wall, Edward, I, 72, 74, 81. Wall, Mrs., I, 385. Wallace, Wm., II, 220. Walradt, Henry, I, 242. Walter, George, I, 234, 240. Waltermeyer, John, II, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 210, 211, 212. Wanton Island, tradition of battle, I, 67. Waorighonti, II, 575. Ward, John, II, 177. Warner, Col. Seth, I, 78, 112. Warner, Col. Seth, II, 129, 134, 181. Warren, Col., II, 534. Warren, Joseph, eloquence of, I, 30. Warren, Sir Peter, II, 186. Warrensbush, II, 186. Warren, town of, I, 362, 363. Warraghiyaghy, see Johnson, Sir Wm., I. Warwick, I, 416. Warwick, Earl of, I, 151, 322. Warwick, Earl of, II, 251. Washington, Gen. George, I, 91, 115, 149, 157, 159, 161, 165, 169, 170, 173, 174, 175, 196, 197, 202, 266, 267, 284, 285, 286, 301, 303, 333, 339, 343, 344, 345, 346, 360, 361, 362, 370.

Washington, Gen., II, 1, 4, 13, 17, 39, 40, 41, 42, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 111, 138, 144, 149, 150, 157, 194, 211, 235, 242, 245, 263, 281, 331, 345, 366, 368, 369, 370, 376, 378, 385, 386, 395, 417, 541. Washington, John Augustine, I, 172, 344. Waterbury, Gen., II, 211. Waterford, I, 476. Watson, James, II, 410. Watts, John, I, 170, 237, 248. Watts, Major, I, 220, 235, 237, 242, 243. Wawarsing, I, 414. Wawarsing, II, 17, 18, 65, 169. Waxhaws, II, 99. Wayne, Gen. Anthony, II, 51, 52, 138, 139, 140, 141, 214, 288, 312, 315, 339, 342, 345, 347, 357, 377, 381, 383, 384, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 395, 420, 502. Weeks, Mr. II, 580. Weisenfeldts, Col., II, 185. Weiser, Conrad, II, 451. Weld, Mr., II, 490, 526, 598. Wells, Jane, I, 387. Wells, John, I, 378, 379. Wells, John, II, 383, 459. Wells, Robert, I, 168, 173, 174, 372, 373, 380, 381. Welsh, Pioneers, II, 487. Welsh Triads, II, 488. Wemple, Col., II, 97. Wemys, Major, II, 100. Wentz, George, on committee, I, 78. Wesson, Col., I, 214. West Canada creek, I, 363. West Canada creek, II, 190, 191, 192. West, Rev. Mr., II, 530. Western, Indian rear, II, 292. Westham, II, 142. Westmoreland Co., Pa., I, 328. Weston, Col., I, 229, 255. Westover, II, 141. West Point, II, 101, 102. Wheeling, I, 89. Wheeling, II, 208, 232, 483. Wheelock, Rev. E., I, 4, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 153. Wheelock, James, II, 436, 470, 471, 474, 476, 477, 478. Wheelock, John, II, 468, 470, 478, 495. Wheelock, Pres., II, 431, 436, 466, 468, 488, 489. Wheelock, Rev. Ralph, I, 25. White, Sheriff Alexander, I, 106, 107, 112, 364. White Creek, II, 150. White, Epenetus, II, 212. White Eyes, I, 118, 149, 348, 349. White Eyes, II, 44. White, Col. John, II, 52, 53. White, Mr., II, 435. White Plains, I, 172, 346, 361, 362. Whitestown, I, 233. Wilkesbarre, I, 328. Wilkinson, Jemima, II, 496, 497. Wilkinson, Gen., I, 266, 268, 269, 271, 272, 273, 276, 277, 278. Wilkinson, General, II, 326, 327, 336, 386. Willard, Pres. Joseph, II, 287. Willett, Col. Marinus, I, 228, 225, 226, 228, 229, 234, 235, 242, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 250, 265, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 345, 357, 362, 406, 407. Willett, Col. Marinus, II, 6, 80, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 168, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 196, 215, 233, 234, 235, 305, 316, 330, 411. William, an Indian pupil, I, 22, 28. Williams, Col., I, 467. Williams, William, I, 266. Williamsburgh, I, 194, 358. Williamson, Col. David, II, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231. Williamson, Capt., II, 99, 130, 391, 493. Willoe, Capt., I, 469. Willstown, II, 266. Wilson, Capt., I, 248. Wilson, Col., remarks on Cornstock, I, 45. Wilson, Rev. Dr., I, 418, 419. Winder, Gen., II, 516. Wingemund, II, 228. Winn, Capt., I, 168. Winosski, II, 89. Wisner, Lt. Col. Gabriel, I, 418, 420, 421. Wisner, Col., II, 491. Witbeck, Mr., II, 456. Wither's Chronicles, II, 232. Wolf, a son of Cornstock, I, 194. Wolf, Mr., II, 553. Wood, Capt. John, I, 421. Wood, Lt. John, I, 421. Wood, Major, I, 419. Woodlake, Capt., I, 315, 316, 317. Wood Creek, I, 8, 209, 210, 221, 224, 262, 404, 406.

Woodhull, Gen, I, 112, 170, 283. Woodruff, Hunloke, II, 546. Woodruff, Samuel, I, 240, 244, 419, 475, 483, 595. Woodruff, Samuel, II, 364, 446, 449, 467. Woodruff, Wm., II, 484, 485, 488. Woodstock, I, 414. Woodworth, Solomon, I, 309. Woodworth, Solomon, II, 68, 69, 163, 164. Wool, Capt., II, 506, 507, 508. Wolcot, Oliver, I, 98, 430, 431, 435. Woolsey, Major, II, 107, 109. Wooster, Gen., I, 162. Women, Indian, address Sir Wm. Johnson, I, 10. Wormwood, Lieut, killed, I, 190, 191. Wormwood, Lt. II, 491. Wyandots under Logan, I, 42. Wyalusing, II, 217. Wyandots, II, 48, 218, 219, 221, 224, 225, 266, 267, 276, 280, 285, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 355, 361, 372, 376, 386, 387, 390, 392, 393, 565, 567. Wyatt, Mr., II, 425, 429. Wyllys, Major, II, 294. Wymples, Peggy, II, 74. Wynkoop, Col., II, 210. Wyoming, I, 101, 168, 288, 313, 318, 319, 320, 322, 330, 331, 342, 350, 354, 369, 374, 379, 381, 383, 385, 391, 422, 449. Wyoming, II, 12, 13, 18, 20, 29, 34, 37, 65, 341, 488, 523, 525, 527, 598, 599, 602. Yates, Abraham, I, 432. Yates, Abraham, Jr., I, 433. Yates, Col. Christopher P., I, 35, 72, 73, 108. Yates, Giles F., II, 112, 113, 115. Yates, Col. Peter, II, 205, 206, 207. Yates, Peter W., II, 569. Yates, Robert, I, 137. Yagers German, II, 105, 121, 186. Yaghroonwago, II, 42. Yoghstatheagh, II, 576. York, II, 350, 516, 519. Yorktown, I, 300, 301. Yorktown, II, 194, 195, 202. Yaugoyawathaw, II, 415. Young, Mr. I, 466. Young's Settlement, I, 363. Younglove, Moses, I, 240, 241, 242, 459. Yung, Michael, II, 217. Zeisberger, David, II, 217. Zinsendorf, Count, I, 38, 319, 221, 322.