CHAPTER XVIII.

Indian siege of Fort Laurens--Successful stratagems--Flight of the pack-horses--The fort abandoned--Projected enterprise from Detroit--Gov. Hamilton captured at St. Vincent by Col. Clarke--Projects of Brant--Uneasiness in the West of New-York--Deliberations of the Oneidas and Onondagas--Brant's projects defeated--Treachery of the Onondagas--Colonel Van Schaick marches to lay waste their towns--Instructions of General Clinton--Passage of Wood Creek and Oneida Lake--Advance upon the Indian towns--Their destruction--Return of the expedition to Fort Schuyler--Mission of the Oneidas to Fort Schuyler in behalf of the Onondagas--Speech of Good Peter--Reply of Colonel Van Schaick--Irruption of Tories and Indians into the lower Mohawk country--Stone Arabia--Defence of his house by Captain Richer--The Indians in Schoharie--General Clinton traverses the Mohawk valley--McClellan's expedition to Oswegatchie--Unsuccessful--Irruption of the Onondagas into Cobleskill--Defeat of the Americans--The settlement destroyed--Murders in the neighborhood of Fort Pitt--Irruptions of Tories into Warwarsing--Invasion of Minisink--Battle near the Delaware--Massacre of the Orange County militia--Battle with the Shawanese.

The erection of an advanced post, called Fort Laurens, on the Tuscarawa, by General McIntosh, who was directed to advance upon the Indian towns of Sandusky, has been mentioned in a preceding chapter. Colonel Gibson, who had been left in command of the fort, with a garrison of one hundred and fifty men, soon found his position rather uncomfortable, by reason of the swarms of Indians hovering about the precincts, who soon became so numerous as completely to invest the little fortress. The first hostile demonstration of the forest warriors was executed with equal cunning and success. The horses of the garrison were allowed to forage for themselves upon the herbage, among the dried prairie-grass immediately in the vicinity of the fort--wearing bells, that they might be the more easily found if straying too far. It happened one morning in January, that the horses had all disappeared, but the bells were heard, seemingly at no great distance. They had, in truth, been stolen by the Indians, and conveyed away. The bells, however, were taken off, and used for another purpose. Availing themselves of the tall prairie-grass, the Indians formed an ambuscade, at the farthest extremity of which they caused the bells to jingle as a decoy. The artifice was successful. A party of sixteen men was sent in pursuit of the straggling steeds, who fell into the snare. Fourteen were killed upon the spot, and the remaining two taken prisoners, one of whom returned at the close of the war, and of the other nothing was ever heard. [FN]

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[FN] The Rev. Mr. Doddridge, whose little work is the authority for all the facts relative to Fort Laurens, states that Captain, afterward General Briggs, of Virginia, being the officer of the day, was exceedingly desirous of heading the party sent to bring in the horses, but was refused permission by Colonel Gibson, who remarked, that when he had occasion to send out a captain's command, he should be thankful for his services, but until then, he must be content to discharge his duties within the fort. "On what trifling circumstances," adds the good minister, "do life and death sometimes depend!"

Toward evening of the same day, the whole force of the Indians, painted, and in the full costume of war, presented themselves in full view of the garrison, by marching in single files, though at a respectful distance, across the prairie. Their number, according to a count from one of the bastions, was eight hundred and forty-seven--altogether too great to be encountered in the field by so small a garrison. After this display of their strength, the Indians took a position upon an elevated piece of ground at no great distance from the fort, though on the opposite side of the river. In this situation they remained several weeks, in a state rather of armed neutrality than of active hostility. Some of them would frequently approach the fort sufficiently near to hold conversations with those upon the walls. They uniformly professed a desire for peace, but protested against the encroachments of the white people upon their lands--more especially was the erection of a fort so far within the territory claimed by them as exclusively their own, a cause of complaint--nay, of admitted exasperation. There was with the Americans in the fort, an aged friendly Indian named John Thompson, who seemed to be in equal favor with both parties, visiting the Indian encampment at pleasure, and coming and going as he chose. They informed Thompson that they deplored the continuance of hostilities, and finally sent word by him to Colonel Gibson, that they were desirous of peace, and if he would present them with a barrel of flour, they would send in their proposals the next day. The flour was sent, but the Indians, instead of fulfilling their part of the stipulation, withdrew, and entirely disappeared. They had, indeed, continued the siege as long as they could obtain subsistence, and raised it only because of the lack of supplies. Still, as the beleaguerment was begun in stratagem, so was it ended. Colonel Gibson's provisions were also running short, and as he supposed the Indians had entirely gone off, he directed Colonel Clark, of the Pennsylvania line, with a detachment of fifteen men, to escort the invalids of the garrison, amounting to ten or a dozen men, back to Fort McIntosh. But the Indians had left a strong party of observation lurking in the neighborhood of the fort; and the escort had proceeded only two miles before it was fallen upon, and the whole number killed with the exception of four--one of whom, a captain, escaped back to the fort. The bodies of the slain were interred by the garrison, on the same day, with the honors of war. A party was likewise sent out to collect the remains of the fourteen who had first fallen by the ambuscade, and bury them; which service was performed. It was found, however, that the wolves had mostly devoured their flesh, and by setting traps upon the new-made grave, some of those ravenous beasts were caught and shot on the following morning.

The situation of the garrison was now becoming deplorable. For two weeks the men had been reduced to half a pound of sour flour, and a like quantity of offensive meat, per diem; and for a week longer they were compelled to subsist only upon raw hides, and such roots as they could find in the circumjacent woods and prairies, when General McIntosh most opportunely arrived to their relief, with supplies, and a reinforcement of seven hundred men. But still they came near being immediately reduced to short allowance again, by an untoward accident causing the loss of a great portion of their fresh supplies. These supplies were transported through the wilderness upon pack-horses. The garrison, overjoyed at the arrival of succors, on their approach to within about a hundred yards of the fort manned the parapets and fired a salute of musketry. But the horses must have been young in the service. Afrightened at the detonation of the guns, they began to rear and plunge, and broke from their guides. The example was contagious, and in a moment more, the whole cavalcade of pack-horses were bounding into the woods at full gallop, dashing their burdens to the ground, and scattering them over many a rood in all directions--the greater portion of which could never be recovered. But there was yet enough of provisions saved to cause the mingling of evil with the good. Very incautiously, the officers dealt out two days' rations per man, the whole of which was devoured by the famishing soldiers, to the imminent hazard of the lives of all, and resulting in the severe sickness of many. Leaving the fort again, General McIntosh assigned the command to Major Vernon, who remained upon the station several months. He, in turn, was left to endure the horrors of famine, until longer to endure was death; whereupon the fort was evacuated and the position abandoned--its occupation and maintenance, at the cost of great fatigue and suffering, and the expense of many lives, having been of not the least service to the country.

Originally it had been the purpose of General McIntosh to penetrate through the wilderness to Lake Erie, and thence make a descent upon Detroit; and by a letter from the Commander-in-chief to a Committee of Congress appointed to confer with him upon military subjects, it seems to have been his opinion that McIntosh had made the best dispositions for the enterprise which the circumstances of the case allowed. But he was disappointed in his expectations of men, provisions, and stores. This seems to have been one of those undertakings by order of Congress, without consultation with the Commander-in-chief, which had previously annoyed him not a little. Still, it received his approbation, the more readily because its design was in coincidence with his own views on the subject of Indian warfare--his uniform opinion being, that the cheapest and most effectual method of opposing them, was to carry the war into their own country. By their incursions into the frontier settlements, so long as the Americans were content to act on the defensive, the Indians had little to lose and every thing to gain; whereas the direct reverse would be the consequence of an offensive war against them. [FN]

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[FN] Letter of Washington to the Committee of Congress, Jan. 12,1779.

But, notwithstanding the untoward result of General McIntosh's expedition, the Indian branch of the service opened auspiciously the present year elsewhere, and first in a region yet deeper in the west than Fort Laurens. Colonel Hamilton, the British Lieutenant-Governor of Detroit--a rough, bad-tempered, and cruel officer, who had signalised himself by the exertion of a malignant influence over the Indians--and had provoked them to take up the hatchet against the Americans by every possible means--instigating them to deeds of blood by large rewards--had projected a powerful Indian expedition against the Virginia frontier, to be executed early in the Spring. [FN-1] With this design, at the close of the preceding Autumn, Hamilton left Detroit, and took post at St. Vincents, on the Wabash, in order to act earlier and more efficiently immediately after the breaking up of Winter. But his purpose was most happily defeated by a blow from a direction which he did not anticipate. Colonel Clarke, who was yet with a small force in command of Kaskaskias, having learned, in February, that Hamilton had weakened himself by despatching many of his Indians in different directions to annoy the frontiers of the States, formed the bold resolution of attacking him in his quarters. After a difficult movement by land and water, at the head of one hundred and thirty men, Clarke suddenly arrived before St. Vincents. The town at once submitted; and on the following day, Colonel Hamilton and the garrison surrendered themselves prisoners of war. It was the good fortune of Colonel Clarke also to intercept and capture a valuable convoy of provisions and stores, coming to St. Vincents from Detroit. Hamilton was transferred to Virginia, where the Council of the Commonwealth instituted an inquiry into the inhuman conduct imputed to him, and his confinement in irons, on a diet of bread and water, was recommended. [FN-2] The plans of the enemy were not a little disconcerted by this small, though brilliant affair; and peace with several of the Indian tribes in that direction was the immediate consequence.

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[FN-1] Should any one doubt the propriety of speaking thus harshly in history of this Colonel Hamilton, let him read the "Narrative of the capture and treatment of John Dodge, by the British at Detroit," published in Almon's Remembrancer, vol. vi. pp. 73-81.

[FN-2] Ramsay.

In the mean time, and before this disaster befell the Detroit expedition, some bold winter emprise was projected by Joseph Brant, which--in consequence, probably, of the capture of Hamilton--miscarried, or rather was not attempted to be put in execution. It does not appear what the measure was upon which Brant was meditating; but on the 1st of January, Colonel Van Dyck, then in command of Fort Schuyler, wrote to General Clinton, "that the Oneidas had just received information that the enemy seemed determined to strike some capital blow during the winter." In addition to an application from the Quiquoga Indians to join them in the expedition, Colonel Van Dyck stated that "one of the principal Oneida warriors had received a private letter from Joseph Brant, inviting him to join the Six Nations with his adherents, that he might avoid the danger to which his tribe was exposed." [FN]

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[FN] Papers of General James Clinton.

There is reason to suppose that a part of Brant's project was to strike a blow upon the Oneidas themselves, unless they could be seduced from their neutrality--amounting, as it did, almost to an alliance with the United States. [FN] But this faithful tribe were neither to be coaxed nor driven from the stand they had maintained since the beginning of the controversy. On the 16th and 17th of January, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras held a council, to deliberate upon the invitations of the Quiquogas and Captain Brant, the result of which they communicated to Colonel Van Dyck on the following day. They informed that efficient officer, that after giving permission to any of their tribe, who desired to join the enemy, to withdraw, there was a unanimous resolution of the council "to stand by each other in defence of their lives and liberty, against any enemy that might be disposed to attack them;" and to the late message of the Quiquogas, they unanimously agreed to return the following answer, viz: "That as they had ever behaved themselves in a quiet, and peaceable manner toward the confederacy, they could not conceive that their conduct could be considered reprehensible by them. They likewise put them in mind of their long and unwearied efforts to prevent the Six Nations involving themselves in the calamities of war, and that they had exerted themselves so far as by their influence to relieve, from close confinement, some of their people whom the fortune of war had put into the hands of their enemies. But that they now utterly despaired of ever being able to effect a reconciliation between the Confederacy and the United States; and that the only hope they had of them was, that some of them would, in time, abandon the cause thus imprudently espoused; that they would never violate their alliance with the American States; and though they would not be the aggressors, or wantonly provoke any tribe to war, yet that they should henceforth be on their guard against any enemy whatever."

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[FN] On the 9th of April, 1779, Congress passed a resolution granting the commission of Captain to four of the Oneida and Tuscarora Indians, and eight commissions of Lieutenants. Subsequently, the then principal Oneida chief, Louis Atayataroughta, was commissioned a Lieutenant-colonel. Louis, or "Colonel Louis" as he was afterward called, was the representative of three races, being part Indian, part Negro, and part white man. A few other commissions were issued to those Indians in the course of the war. The greater number served faithfully. Some were killed, and three of the lieutenants deserted to the enemy, and exchanged their commissions for the same rank in the British service.

Seven of the principal Onondaga chiefs, who had hitherto been considered as neutrals, being at the time in Oneida, on their way to Fort Schuyler, it was determined to call them in to the council, and acquaint them with the above resolution. It was accordingly done by the transmission of a large black belt of wampum. The Onondagas replied, "That they were very glad to hear the resolution which their children, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, had made. They observed, that as the Oneidas, who were the head of the confederacy, had committed the council-fire and tree of peace to their care, with a charge to guard them against the approach of any thing which might injure either, or tend to interrupt the harmony of the confederacy, they had therefore invariably pursued the path of peace; and though they had been desired by the opposite party of their tribe to extinguish the council-fire, yet they had refused, nor could they consistently do it while the Oneidas retained any hopes of accommodating matters in the Six Nations. But as the heads of the confederacy had declared themselves so fully upon that subject, they had now let go their hold of peace, extinguished the council-fire, and sunk the tree into the earth; and were determined to join their children, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, to oppose any invader."

The Onondagas farther engaged, upon their return home, to effect a final separation in their tribe, and insist that every one should declare for one side or the other. The conduct of most of the Onondagas had been from the first equivocal--often openly hostile. But those present at this council manifested a better feeling, and joined in the request of the Oneidas for troops to aid in their protection. The Oneidas, on this occasion, placed great confidence in the professions of their Onondaga brethren, and were in high spirits at the result of the council. [FN]

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[FN] General Clinton's correspondence--MS. letter of Colonel Van Dyck.

There was other evidence, not only of the intention of Thayendanegea to make a powerful Indian descent upon the Mohawk during this winter, but of the supposed fidelity of these Onondagas to the United Sates. About the middle of February, General Clinton, having through various channels and by several expresses, received information at Albany of such a design, marched to Schenectady with Colonel Van Schaick's regiment, ordering the latter as far up the Mohawk as Caughnawaga, there to await the event. On the 26th of February, Captain Copp, of Fort Van Dyck, [FN-1] wrote to Captain Graham, then in charge of Fort Schuyler, announcing that two of the Oneida messengers, of distinguished (Indian) families, had just returned from Niagara, where they had obtained positive evidence of Brant's purpose. The Mohawk chief had received expresses, announcing that the Shawanese and Delawares were to strike a simultaneous blow upon the frontier of Virginia; [FN-2] and Brant himself was to lead the main expedition direct to the Mohawk, while another diversion was to be created by sending a smaller force round by the Unadilla, to fall upon the settlements of Schoharie. In regard to the fidelity of the Onondagas, it was stated by the Oneida chiefs that fourteen of that nation had been despatched to Niagara, by the chiefs of the tribe, to persuade their brethren, who had taken up the hatchet with the Mohawks, to return. But these fourteen messengers had not been permitted to come back themselves, and the Onondagas were apprehensive that they and all their people at Niagara had been made prisoners. The uneasiness in Tryon County was greatly increased under these circumstances. Major Jelles Fonda wrote to General Clinton, stating that there were yet three hundred Tory families in the northern part of that settlement, affording aid and comfort to the hostile refugees, who kept up a continual intercourse with them, across through the woods, or by lake Champlain, to Canada. For greater security, therefore, he urged permission to build a strong block-house, and station fifty rangers within it, on the Sacondaga river, directly north of Johnstown.

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[FN-1] In the Oneida or Onondaga country.

[FN-2] The project of Colonel Hamilton, frustrated by his capture.

Captain Brant, however, either abandoned or deferred the threatened invasion, probably for the reason already indicated--the capture of Colonel Hamilton. The winter consequently passed away without any serious disturbance in that region. But, notwithstanding all the fair professions of the Onondagas, their treachery had become alike so manifest and so injurious, as to render it expedient, immediately on the opening of the Spring, to make them a signal example to the rest of their red brethren. Accordingly, early in April an expedition was detailed upon this service by General Clinton, with the approbation of the Commander-in-chief, consisting of detachments from the regiments of Colonels Van Schaick and Gansevoort, to the number of five hundred men, under the conduct of the former. The troops were moved as expeditiously as possible to Fort Schuyler, and thirty batteaux were simultaneously ordered thither to transport them down Wood Creek, and through the Oneida Lake to Three Rivers. Colonel Van Schaick's instructions were very full and explicit upon every point. The design was to proceed as rapidly and cautiously as possible, in order to take the Indians by surprise; for which purpose, on the morning of the departure of the expedition, it was to be announced that its destination was against Oswego. Colonel Van Schaick was directed to burn and utterly destroy the village and castle of the Onondagas, together with all their cattle and effects; but he was strictly enjoined to make as many prisoners as possible, and put none to death who could be taken alive. The following passage occurs in the instructions of General Clinton on this occasion, which is worthy of preservation:--"Bad as the savages are, they never violate the chastity of any women, their prisoners. Although I have very little apprehension that any of the soldiers will so far forget their character as to attempt such a crime on the Indian women who may fall into their hands, yet it will be well to take measures to prevent such a stain upon our army." [FN] This injunction speaks volumes in praise of the soldier who wrote it. Colonel Van Schaick was farther enjoined to dissuade any of our Indian allies from accompanying him; and Lieutenant-Colonel Willett and Major Cochran were detailed to serve in the expedition.

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[FN] MS. instructions of General Clinton.

The orders to Colonel Van Schaick were issued on the 9th of April, and so rapidly were the necessary arrangements expedited, that every thing was in readiness for the departure from Fort Schuyler on the 18th. During the evening of that day, the batteaux, with the necessary stores, were silently removed across the carrying-place to Wood Creek, and all things there placed in order. The troops were early in motion on the morning of the 19th, and a thick mist contributed essentially in covering the movement, had there been any spies lurking about to make observation. The number of men embarked, including officers, was five hundred and fifty-eight. Their progress to the Oneida Lake was considerably impeded, by reason of trees which had fallen across the creek; so that much of the first day's journey was performed by the troops on foot. The passage of the Oneida Lake was effected as expeditiously as possible; and although they encountered a strong and excessively disagreeable head-wind, they nevertheless reached the Onondaga Landing, opposite to old Fort Brewington, with the whole flotilla, by three o'clock in the afternoon of the 20th. Leaving a suitable guard with the boats, the little army pushed immediately forward, and, despite the obstacles in traversing a deep-tangled forest, the soil resembling a morass, they marched nine miles without halting. The night was dark, wet, and cold; but knowing well the wariness of the enemy and the celerity of their movements, and how frequently they were prepared to strike when least expected, the troops were necessarily precluded from kindling fires, and obliged to sleep on their arms. The march was resumed very early on the morning of the 21st, and in order to save time, they were obliged to ford an arm of the Onondaga Lake, about two hundred yards wide and four feet in depth. Arriving at the estuary of Onondaga Creek, at the head of the lake, Captain Graham, commanding the advance guard, captured one of the warriors of the tribe; and although they were now within two or three miles of the village and castle, this was the first Indian seen, or who was apprised of the approach of the expedition. Captain Graham was now directed again to advance with all possible rapidity and caution, for the purpose of surrounding the lower castle, while the residue of the main force was divided into small detachments, and hurried forward for the purpose of falling upon the other towns, in such rapid succession as, if possible, to take all the villages by surprise. This chain of villages extended through the valley of the Onondaga Creek for the distance of ten miles. The tribe had once been among the most powerful of the Aganuschioni, or confederated people of the Five Nations. Situated in the centre of the confederacy, to the Onondagas, time immemorial, had been committed the keeping of the great council-fire. This fire had been extinguished in 1692 by Count Frontenac, who then came against it at the head of a powerful expedition from Montreal, and utterly destroyed the village. It had again been put out in the Spring of 1777, and was now doomed to a third extinction, equally summary and complete with the former. But although the expedition of Colonel Van Schaick had been thus far, and was throughout, admirably conducted, yet the surprise was not as complete as had been intended. While Captain Graham's company was securing a few prisoners taken in the outskirts of the village, near the principal castle, means were found by the wily adversary to give the alarm in advance. The tidings, of course, flew from village to village with greater rapidity than the several detachments of troops could equal, and the Indians scattered off to the woods in all directions. But such was the precipitancy of their flight, that they carried nothing with them--not even their arms. Still, thirty-three of their number were taken prisoners, and twelve killed. Three villages, consisting of about fifty houses, were burnt to the ground; and a large quantity of provisions, consisting chiefly of beans and corn, destroyed. Nearly one hundred muskets were taken among the booty, and several rifles, together with a considerable quantity of ammunition. Their swivel at the council-house was rendered useless, and their cattle and horses were destroyed. The work of destruction having been completed, the detachment immediately commenced its return to Fort Schuyler. It was fired upon in the afternoon by a small party of Indians in the woods, but without injury, while one of the enemy fell by the return fire. On Saturday, the 24th, the troops were all back again at Fort Schuyler, having performed a journey, going and returning, of one hundred and eighty miles, and effected their object without the loss of a single man. [FN] In the letter enclosing his official report to General Clinton, Colonel Van Schaick spoke in the highest terms of the good conduct of the officers and soldiers engaged in this expedition; and bestowed the warmest encomiums upon Colonel Willett and Major Cochran, for the efficient assistance received from them.

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[FN] Colonel Van Schaick's report--papers of General Clinton.

At this distance of time, from the very imperfect data afforded by written history, this expedition against the Onondagas appears like a harsh, if not an unnecessary measure. But, notwithstanding the professions of this nation, those in the direction of public affairs at that period unquestionably felt its chastisement to be a work of stern necessity. General Schuyler had written that unless some exemplary blow should be inflicted upon the hostiles of the Six Nations, Schenectady would shortly become the boundary of the American settlements in that direction. The enterprise had, moreover, the sanction of the Commander-in-chief; while nothing could be more humane, in regard to a warlike expedition, than the instructions of General Clinton. But no small degree of uneasiness was nevertheless felt by the Oneidas, at the swift destruction which had thus overtaken the principal town of their next-door neighbors; and it was not long after the return of Colonel Van Schaick to Fort Schuyler, before he was visited by a formal delegation from that nation. At the head of the embassage was Skenandoah, an important sachem of the tribe, accompanied by Good Peter, the orator, and Mr. Deane, the interpreter. The object of this mission was an inquiry into the causes of the movement against the Onondagas, with whom, as has been previously remarked, the Oneidas were closely connected by intermarriages. Having been introduced, Good Peter spoke as follows:--

"Brother: You see before you some of your friends, the Oneidas; they come to see you.

"The engagements that have been entered into between us and our brothers, the Americans, are well known to you.

"We were much surprised, a few days ago, by the news which a warrior brought to our Castle with a war-shout, informing us that our friends, the Onondagas, were destroyed.

"We were desirous to see you on this occasion, as they think you might have been mistaken in destroying that part of the tribe.

"We suppose you cannot answer us upon this subject, as the matter was agreed upon below. But perhaps you may know something of this matter.

"When we heard of this account, we sent back word to our friends remaining among them, telling them not to be pale-hearted because some of them were destroyed, but to keep up with their former engagements.

"We sent off some of our people to Canasaraga, to invite them to come to our village; but they returned an answer that they had sent some of their own runners to Onondaga, to learn the particulars, and they waited for their return.

"Our people brought for answer, that they were much obliged to their children, the Oneidas, for attending to them in their distresses, and they would be glad if they would speak smoothly to their brethren, the Americans, to know whether all this was done by design, or by mistake.

"If it was a mistake, say they, we hope to see our brethren the prisoners--if by design, we still will keep our engagements with you, and not join the King's party. But if our brethren, the Americans, mean to destroy us also, we will not fly--we will wait here and receive our death.

"Brother: This was the answer of the Onondagas. As for us, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, you know our sentiments. We have supposed we know yours.

"The Commissioners promised us that when they found any thing wrong, they would tell us and make it right.

"Brother: If we have done anything wrong, we shall now be glad if you would now tell us so." [FN]

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[FN] The Sexagenary, a collection of revolutionary papers connected with the border wars, edited by S. De Witt Bloodgood, Esq.

At the end of each sentence, the attending sachems uttered the usual sound of approbation, and having concluded, Good Peter resumed his seat. The address was that of a diplomatist; and it was supposed probable that the Onondagas were themselves at the bottom of the embassy, with a view of obtaining information by which to regulate their future conduct. Equally adroit was the reply of Colonel Van Schaick, given in the following terms:--

"I am glad to see my friends, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras. I perfectly remember the engagements the Five Nations entered into four years ago, and that they promised to preserve a strict and honorable neutrality during the present war, which was all we asked them to do for us.

"But I likewise know that all of them, except our brethren the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, broke their engagements, and flung away the chain of friendship. But the Onondagas have been great murderers; we have found the scalps of our brothers at their Castle.

"They were cut off, not by mistake, but by design--I was ordered to do it--and it is done.

"As for the other matters of which you speak, I recommend a deputation to the Commissioners at Albany. I am not appointed to treat with you on those subjects.

"I am a warrior. My duty is to obey the orders which they send me."

No farther explanations appear to have been interchanged; and the Oneidas were perhaps the more readily pacified, inasmuch as they were really friendly to the Americans, while at the same time they must have been acquainted with the conduct of the Onondagas, which had justly incurred the chastisement. Scalping parties were always hovering about the unprotected borders, especially in the neighborhood of Fort Schuyler; and the Indians of none of the tribes were more frequently discovered belonging to these parties, than of that nation.

It is, perhaps, a coincidence worth noting, that on the very day on which Colonel Van Schaick departed from Fort Schuyler for Onondaga, the lower section of the Mohawk Valley was thrown into alarm by the sudden appearance of an Indian force simultaneously on both sides of the river, in the vicinity of Palatine. On the South side a party rushed down upon the settlement, took three prisoners, together with several horses, and drove the inhabitants into Fort Plank. At the very same hour another division of the savages made a descent upon the back part of Stone-Arabia, where, in the onset, they burnt two houses and murdered one man. The next house in their course belonged to Captain Richer. The occupants were Richer, his wife, and two sons, and an old man. The Captain and his two boys being armed, on the near approach of the Indians gave them a warm reception. A sharp action ensued. The old man, being unarmed, was killed; as also was one of the brave boys, a lad seventeen years of age. Captain Richer was severely wounded and his arm was broken; his other son was also wounded in the elbow, and his wife in one of her legs. And yet, notwithstanding that the whole garrison was either killed or wounded, the Indians retreated on the loss of two of their number.

On the same day a party of Senecas appeared in Schoharie, made prisoners of Mr. Lawyer and Mr. Cowley, and plundered their houses. The panic was again general; the people flying to the forts for safety, and the Committee of Palatine writing immediately to General Clinton, at Albany, for assistance. The General was an officer of great activity, and so rapidly did he move in cases of alarm, that he traversed the Mohawk Valley with Colonel Gansevoort's regiment and the Schenectady militia, and was back at Albany again on the 28th. The Indians who appeared on the south side were from the West--those on the north side were Mohawks from Canada. General Clinton, in his despatches to the Governor, his brother, expressed an opinion, that but for his timely movement on that occasion, the enemy would have driven the settlements all in upon Schenectady. [FN]

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[FN] MS. letter of Jacob R. Cork and Peter Wagner to General Clinton, and General Clinton's letter to the Governor.

On the 30th of April, Lieutenants McClellan and Hardenburgh returned to Fort Schuyler from an unsuccessful expedition at the head of a body of Indians, against the small British garrison at Oswegatchie. It was their intention to take the fort by surprise; but, falling in prematurely with some straggling Indians, several shots were imprudently exchanged, by reason of which their approach became known to the garrison. They then attempted by stratagem to draw the enemy from the fort, and partly succeeded, but could not induce them to venture far enough from their works to cut them off; and on approaching the fort themselves, the assailants were so warmly received by cannister and grape, as to be compelled to retreat without unnecessary delay. The only service performed was to send a Caughnawaga Indian into Canada with a letter, in French, by "a French General," probably the Marquis de Lafayette, addressed to the Canadians, and written in the preceding Autumn. [FN-1] This expedition was despatched from Fort Schuyler on the day before Colonel Van Schaick moved upon Onondaga; and from a letter addressed by General Clinton, six weeks afterward, to General Sullivan, there is reason to believe one object was to get clear of the Oneida Indians then in the fort, until Colonel Van Schaick should have proceeded so far upon his expedition, that they or their people would not be able to give the Onondagas notice of his approach. All the Indians still remaining in Fort Schuyler on the 18th, were detained expressly for that object of precaution. General Clinton conceded their usefulness as scouts and spies upon the British forces; but, he observed, "their attachment to one another is too strong to admit of their being of any service when employed against their fellows." [FN-2] This testimony is certainly not discreditable to the Indian character as such.

* * * * *

[FN-1] McClellan's letter to General Clinton.

[FN-2] Letter of Gen. Clinton to Gen. Sullivan.

But if, as has been seen, the Oneidas were disposed to send a deputation to make pacific inquiries at Fort Schuyler, in regard to Colonel Van Schaick's attack upon their neighbors, the descendants of Garanguli and Sadakenaghtie [FN-1] were not themselves willing to pass the matter over thus lightly. Fired with indignation at the destruction of their villages and castle, and the putting out of the great council-fire which they had so long kept burning at their national altar, they resolved upon summary vengeance. To this end, three hundred of their warriors were speedily upon the war-path, bending their steps to the valley of the Schoharie-kill. The settlement of Cobleskill, [FN-2] which had suffered so severely the preceding year, situated about ten miles west of the Schoharie-kill, and yet comprising nineteen German families, was the first object of attack. But they were prevented from taking the place by surprise, in consequence of two of their number straggling a considerable distance in advance of the main body, who were discovered by a scout of two of the Cobleskill militia. One of the Indians was shot, and the other fled; and the scouts hastened home to give the alarm. Intelligence of the enemy's approach was immediately despatched to Schoharie, with a request for assistance. A captain of the Continental army was thereupon sent to Cobleskill with a detachment of regular troops. On the following morning a party of Indians sallied out of the woods, and after approaching the settlement, suddenly returned. They were pursued by a small detachment of troops to the edge of the forest, where their reception was so sharp as to compel a retreat. The Captain himself immediately marched to the scene of action with the whole of his little band, together with fifteen volunteers of the militia. The Indians receded before the whites for a time, and continued the deception by showing themselves at first in small numbers on the skirt of the forest, until they had accomplished the identical purpose they had in view. The Captain and his men pursued, without any knowledge of the disparity of numbers they had to encounter, until the Indians had drawn them sufficiently within their toils to make a stand. Their numbers now multiplied rapidly, and the battle became animated. The Captain fell wounded, and was soon afterward killed. His men, panic-stricken, instantly fled; but in the twinkling of an eye, a cloud of several hundred savages, until then in concealment, rose upon all sides of them, pouring in a deadly shower of rifle balls, and making the forest ring with their appalling yells. The inhabitants of the settlement, on perceiving the disaster which had befallen the troops, fled in the direction of Schoharie with a portion of the fugitive soldiers. Their flight was facilitated, or rather they were prevented from being overtaken, by seven of the Captain's brave fellows, who took possession of a deserted house and made a resolute defence. From the windows of their castle they fired briskly upon the Indians, and bringing them to a pause, detained them until the inhabitants had made good their flight to Schoharie. Unable to drive the soldiers from the house, the Indians at length applied the brand, and the brave fellows were burnt to death within its walls. The whole settlement was then plundered and burnt by the Indians. But they did not proceed farther toward Schoharie. The loss of the whites was twenty-two killed and two taken prisoners. The bodies of the slain were found the next day, sadly mutilated; and in the hand of one of them the Indians had placed a roll of Continental bills--a severe satire upon the description of money for which the soldiers were serving. The great fact, however, that it was the cause, and not the pay, which kept the Americans in the field, could scarcely be appreciated by the forest warriors. They were led in this battle by a Tory, who was subsequently killed by the celebrated Murphy. [FN-3] Their loss was severe, but to what extent was not known. Thus was amply avenged the destruction of Onondaga.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Two illustrious Onondaga warriors and orators of the preceding century. Vide Colden's Canada.

[FN-2] Usually thus written; but the old inhabitants say it should be Cobuskill.--_Spafford._

[FN-3] Campbell's Annals. The authority of Mr. Campbell for most if not all his information respecting the operations of the enemy in the Schoharie country, was the late Rev. Mr. Fenn, of Harpersfield--a gentleman most intimately acquainted with the early history of that region. Still, there is clearly a mistake in assigning, as has been done, Captain Patrick as the American leader against the Onondagas on this occasion, since that officer fell in the same neighborhood more than a year before, as stated in a letter written at the time by Colonel Varick. [See chap. xvi. text, and also a note.] Who led the Americans on this last occasion, the author has not ascertained. But the accounts just referred to, that it was Captain Patrick, are certainly incorrect--unless, indeed, there wore two Patricks, both captains, and both killed in the same neighborhood.

During the month of April, the inhabitants of Monongalia, on the north-western Virginia border and the western part of Pennsylvania, in the vicinity of Fort Pitt, had been severely harassed by the Indians. On the 9th of that month, a party of four men, despatched from Fort Pitt, were all killed and scalped at the distance of fifteen miles from the fort. On the 13th, a man named David Morgan, of Monongalia, discovered two Indians creeping upon several children at work in a field. He gave the alarm to the latter, and then shot one of the Indians dead. The other rushed upon Morgan, and grappled, with him. A severe contest ensued for the possession of the Indian's knife, which Morgan ultimately obtained; the Indian, by grasping the blade, having his hand severely lacerated. Morgan stabbed the Indian, and ran for the fort, while the Indian took to the woods. A party set off immediately in pursuit, and soon overtook the savage, sitting against a tree. He begged for mercy, and was at first taken as a prisoner; but during the march back to the fort, he became rather surly, whereupon his captors killed and scalped him--taking, also, the scalp from the warrior who had been first shot by Morgan. On the following day another Indian scout was discovered, one of whom was killed and scalped. Two days afterward the Indians killed and scalped David Maxwell and his wife. Several families were carried into captivity. Among the prisoners was one resolute woman, who killed one of her guards, wounded another, and effected her escape. [FN] These individual murders were the more cruel, inasmuch as they could have no effect upon the result of the pending contest. The snatching away of prisoners by these petty expeditions was a different affair; and often served a twofold purpose--enabling the enemy frequently to extort information, and, by a silent operation, continually increasing the number of prisoners in their hands for exchange. But, whether murdered outright or carried into captivity, the trials of the inhabitants upon a frontier, thus hourly exposed to dangers of the most appalling description, can scarcely be appreciated by those who have not been placed in similar peril.

* * * * *

[FN] Almon's Remembrancer--letter from Fort Pitt.

The frontier towns of the County of Ulster were likewise not a little annoyed, in the early part of May, by a detachment of thirty or forty of Butler's rangers, who, from their knowledge of the country, were supposed to have fled to the royal standard from that neighborhood. On the 4th of May, four dwelling-houses and five barns were burnt by them in Fantine-kill. Six of the inhabitants were murdered, besides three or four more who were supposed to be burnt in their houses. Colonel Philip Van Courtlandt, stationed at that time with one of the New-York regiments at Warwasing, went in pursuit of the traitors; but although he twice came in sight of them upon the crest of a mountain, they were too dexterous in threading the forests to allow him to overtake them; and the Colonel had scarcely turned back from the pursuit, before they fell upon the town of Woodstock, in the neighborhood of Kingston, where they burnt several houses and committed other depredations. They made a few prisoners, some of whom were carried away; while others were compelled, by the up-raised hatchet, to take an oath not to serve in arms against the King. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Idem--Article from Warwasing, published first in Poughkeepsie.

In order to preserve, unbroken, a narrative of the principal Indian campaign of the present year, it is necessary somewhat to anticipate the progress of events, by recording in this place the particulars of the celebrated invasion of Minisink, and the bloody battle that immediately ensued near the Delaware. [FN-1] The brave Count Pulaski, with his battalion of cavalry, had been stationed at Minisink during the preceding winter; but in the month of February he was ordered to South Carolina, to join the army of General Lincoln. [FN-2] Left thus wholly unprotected, save by its own people, Captain Brant determined to make a descent upon it, for the purpose of taking both plunder and prisoners. Accordingly, on the 20th of July, or rather during the night of the 19th, the crafty Mohawk stole upon the slumbering town, at the head of sixty Indians and twenty-seven Tory warriors, disguised as Indians--which was a very common practice with the loyalists when acting with the savages. Such was the silence of their approach, that several houses were already in flames when the inhabitants awoke to their situation. Thus surprised, and wholly unprepared, all who could escape fled in consternation, leaving the invaders to riot upon the spoil. Ten houses and twelve barns were burnt, together with a small stockade fort and two mills. Several persons were killed, and others taken prisoners. The farms of the settlement were laid waste, the cattle driven away, and all the booty carried off which the invaders could remove. Having thus succeeded in his immediate object. Brant lost no time in leading his party back to the main body of his warriors, whom he had left at Grassy Brook.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Minisink, for an inland American town, is very ancient. It is situated about ten miles west of Goshen, in the County of Orange, (N. Y.) on the Navisink river, and among what are called the Shawangunk Mountains. It is bordered on the south-west by both the States of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. The Wallkill also rises in this town. Its history, previous to the war of the Revolution, is full of interest. A severe battle was fought with the Indians in Minisink, July 22, 1669, the bloody horrors of which yet live in the traditions of that neighborhood.

[FN-2] Letter of Washington.

No sooner had the fugitives from Minisink arrived at Goshen with the intelligence, than Dr. Tusten, the Colonel of the local militia, issued orders to the officers of his command to meet him at Minisink on the following day, with as many volunteers as they could raise. The order was promptly obeyed, and a body of one hundred and forty-nine men met their colonel at the designated rendezvous, at the time appointed--including many of the principal gentlemen of the county. A council of war was held, to determine upon the expediency of a pursuit. Colonel Tusten was himself opposed to the proposition, with so feeble a command, and with the certainty, if they overtook the enemy, of being obliged to encounter an officer combining, with his acknowledged prowess, so much of subtlety as characterized the movements of the Mohawk chief. His force, moreover, was believed to be greatly superior to their's in numbers, and to include many Tories as well acquainted with the country as themselves. The Colonel, therefore, preferred waiting for the reinforcements which would be sure soon to arrive, the more especially as the volunteers already with him were but ill provided with arms and ammunition. Others, however, were for immediate pursuit. They affected to hold the Indians in contempt, insisted that they would not fight, and maintained that a re-capture of the plunder they had taken would be an easy achievement. Town-meeting counsels, in the conduct of war, are not usually the wisest, as will appear in the sequel. The majority of Tusten's command were evidently determined to pursue the enemy; but their deliberations were cut short by Major Meeker, who mounted his horse, flourished his sword, and vauntingly called out--"Let the brave men follow me, the cowards may stay behind!" It may readily be supposed that such an appeal to an excited multitude would decide the question, as it did. The line of march was immediately taken up, and after proceeding seventeen miles the same evening, they encamped for the night. On the morning of the 22d they were joined by a small reinforcement under Colonel Hathorn, of the Warwick regiment, who, as the senior of Colonel Tusten, took the command. When they had advanced a few miles, to Halfway Brook, they came upon the Indian encampment of the preceding night, and another council was held there. Colonels Hathorn, Tusten, and others, whose valor was governed by prudence, were opposed to advancing farther, as the number of Indian fires, and the extent of ground they had occupied, removed all doubt as to the superiority of their numbers. A scene similar to that which had broken up the former council was acted at this place, and with the same result. The voice of prudence was compelled to yield to that of bravado.

Captain Tyler, who had some knowledge of the woods, was sent forward at the head of a small scouting party, to follow the trail of the Indians, and to ascertain, if possible, their movements; since it was evident that they could not be far in advance. The Captain had proceeded but a short distance before he fell from the fire of an unseen enemy. This circumstance occasioned considerable alarm; but the volunteers, nevertheless, pressed eagerly forward, and it was not long before they emerged upon the hills of the Delaware, in full view of that river, upon the eastern bank of which, at the distance of three-fourths of a mile, the Indians were seen deliberately marching in the direction of a fording-place near the mouth of the Lackawaxen. This discovery was made at about 9 o'clock in the morning. The intention of Brant to cross at the fording-place was evident; and it was afterward ascertained that his booty had already been sent thither in advance.

The determination was immediately formed by Colonel Hathorn, to intercept the enemy at the fording-place, for which purpose instant dispositions were made. But, owing to intervening woods and hills, the opposing bodies soon lost sight of each other, and an adroit movement on the part of Brant gave him an advantage which it was impossible for the Americans to regain. Anticipating the design of Hathorn, the moment the Americans were out of sight Brant wheeled to the right, and by threading a ravine across which Hathorn had passed, threw himself into his rear, by which means he was enabled deliberately to select his ground for a battle and form an ambuscade. Disappointed in not finding the enemy, the Americans were brought to a stand, when the enemy disclosed himself partially, in a quarter altogether unexpected. According to the American account, the first shot was fired upon an Indian, who was known, and who was mounted upon a horse stolen at Minisink. The Indian fell, and the firing soon became general--the enemy contriving, in the early part of the engagement, to cut off from the main body of Hathorn's troops a detachment comprising one third of his whole number. The conflict was long and obstinate. The number of the enemy being several times greater than that of the Goshen militia, the latter were surrounded, and ultimately hemmed within the circumference of an acre of ground. Being short of ammunition, Hathorn's orders, in imitation of those of Putnam at Bunker Hill, were strict that no man should fire until very sure that his powder would not be lost. [FN-1] The battle commenced about 11 o'clock in the morning, and was maintained until the going down of the sun; both parties fighting after the Indian fashion, every man for himself, and the whole keeping up an irregular fire from behind rocks and trees as best they could. About sunset the ammunition of the militia was expended, and the survivors attempted to retreat, but many of them were cut down. Doctor Tusten was engaged behind a cliff of rocks in dressing the wounded when the retreat commenced. There were seventeen disabled men under his care at the moment, whose cries for protection and mercy were of the most moving description. The Indians fell upon them, however, and they all, together with the Doctor, perished under the tomahawk. Among the slain were many of the first citizens of Goshen; and of the whole number that went forth, only about thirty returned to tell the melancholy story. [FN-2] Several of the fugitives were shot while attempting to escape by swimming the Delaware.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Putnam's order was--"Don't fire, boys, till you see the white of their eyes."

[FN-2] Among the slain were Jones, Little, Duncan, Wisner, Vail, Townsend, and Knapp. In 1822 the people of Orange County collected the bones, which until then had been left to bleach on the battle-field, and caused them to be buried. The funeral procession numbered twelve thousand people, among whom was Major Poppino, one of the survivors of the battle--then nearly one hundred years old. The author has to some extent drawn upon the discourse of the Rev. Dr. Wilson, delivered on that occasion, in writing this account of the battle.

Brant has been severely censured for the cruelties perpetrated, or alleged to have been perpetrated, in this battle. He always maintained that he had been unjustly blamed, and that his conduct had been the subject of unjust reproach. He stated that, having ascertained that the Goshen militia were in pursuit of him, determined to give him battle, he of course prepared himself for their reception. Still, having obtained the supplies he needed, his own object was accomplished. He also stated, that on the near approach of the Americans, he rose, and presenting himself openly and fairly to their view, addressed himself to their commanding officer, and demanded their surrender--promising at the same time to treat them kindly as prisoners of war. He assured them, frankly, that his force in ambush was sufficient to overpower and destroy them; that then, before any blood had been shed, he could control his warriors; but should the battle commence, he could not answer for the consequences. But, he said, while he was thus parleying with them, he was fired upon, and narrowly escaped being shot down--the ball piercing the outer fold of his belt. Immediately upon receiving the shot, he retired, and secreted himself among his warriors. The militia, emboldened by his disappearance, seeing no other enemy, and disbelieving what he had told them, rushed forward heedlessly until they were completely within his power. In crossing a creek they had broken their order, and before they could form again on the other side, Brant gave the well-known signal of the war-whoop. Quick as the lightning's flash, his dark cloud of warriors were upon their feet. Having fired once, they sprang forward, tomahawk in hand. The conflict was fierce and bloody. Few escaped, and several of the prisoners were killed. There was one who during the battle saved himself by means which Brant said were dishonorable. By some process or other, though not a Freemason, he had acquired a knowledge of the master mason's grand hailing signal of distress; and having been informed that Brant was a member of the brotherhood, he gave the mystic sign. Faithful to his pledge, the chieftain interposed and saved his life. Discovering the imposture afterward, he was very indignant. Still, he spared his life, and the prisoner ultimately returned to his friends after a long captivity. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] This version of the battle, as given by Brant, has been derived by the author from the notes of conversations with the old chief, by Samuel Woodruff, Esq. heretofore cited. The prisoner referred to as having been saved by the erroneous supposition of Brant that he was a Freemason, was the late Major Wood of Orange County. The Rev. Doctor Wilson gives the following account of this incident:--"Major Wood of Orange County, (N. Y.) was made a prisoner at the battle of Minisink, because Brant, from an accidental sign, mistook him for a Freemason. On the evening after the battle, when the 'monster' was about to tie him, he remonstrated, said he was a gentleman, and promised not to escape. He was not tied, but laid between two Indians; and told, that should he attempt to escape he should be tomahawked. The blanket on which he lay took fire in the night, and he dared not move, lest the tomahawk might sink into his head, until the fire reached his feet, when he kicked it out. It was Brant's blanket. Brant treated him very harshly ever after; and when Major Wood asked him the reason, he replied, 'D--n you, you burnt my blanket.' Major Wood was, for many years after the peace, a resident of Orange County, and one of its most respectable citizens." Dr. Wilson supposes that the Masonic signal was made by mere accident. It may have been so; but the author has been told otherwise, and that one of the first acts of his life, after his return, was to become a Freemason. This he considered himself in honor bound to do. He also stated that he had always felt mortified at the deception he had practised, and that nothing could have been more withering than the scorn with which Brant ever looked upon him afterward.

There was another occurrence of deep and thrilling interest connected with this battle, the particulars of which were related in after-years by Brant himself, while on a visit to the city of New-York. [FN-1] Among those who were grievously wounded was Lieutenant-Colonel Gabriel Wisner, a gentleman of great respectability, a magistrate, serving among the Goshen volunteers. In surveying the battle-field, the situation of Wisner arrested the attention of the Indian commander, who examined his condition. The chief saw that he was wounded past hope of recovery, but he was, nevertheless, in the full possession of his faculties, and was even able to converse. Believing his case to be altogether beyond the power of medical and surgical skill, and having no means of carrying him away. Brant reflected a moment upon his own course of duty. He was disposed to save his life if he could, and yet felt that it was impossible. To leave him thus helpless and alone upon the field, in the possession of his senses to a degree enabling him to appreciate all the horrors of his situation, would be the height of cruelty. Added to which was the moral certainty, that the wolves abounding in the forest, guided by the scent of blood, would soon be gorging themselves alike upon the wounded and the dead. The thought, therefore, that Wisner might be torn in pieces while yet alive, seemed to him even more than savage cruelty. Under these distressing circumstances and considerations, the chief argued with himself that true humanity required a speedy termination of his sufferings. Having formed this conclusion, the next point was to compass his death without inflicting additional torture upon his feelings. With this view he engaged Wisner in conversation, and while diverting his attention, struck him dead in an instant, and unperceived, with his hatchet. It was but a savage exhibition of humanity; but there was benevolence in the intention, however strangely reasoned; and the motive of the final blow is to be applauded, notwithstanding the shudder caused by its contemplation. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Conversations of Brant with General Morgan Lewis, related by the latter to the author.

[FN-2] The British account of this battle, published in New-York on the 18th of August, 1779, as received from "a person just arrived from Joseph Brant and his brethren," stated that Brant had with him only sixty Indians and twenty white men. Among the principal inhabitants killed, the same account gave the following return: "Colonel Benjamin Tustan, Jr., Captain Samuel Jones, Captain John Little, Captain John Wood, Captain Duncan, Captain Benjamin Vail, Captain Reat Tyler, Adjutant Nathaniel Frink, Lieutenant Benjamin Dunning, Lieutenant Samuel Knapp, Lieutenant John Wood, Lieutenant Abraham Shepherd, Justice Gabriel Weisner, Justice Gilbert Vail, Justice Roger Townsend, Justice William Barker, Commissioner James Knapp, Commissioner James Mashier. Wounded, Major Hans Decker, Major Samuel Meeker, of the Minisink militia. Out of one hundred and forty-nine that went out, thirty returned--missing one hundred and nineteen."--_Vide Almon's Remembrancer, vol. vi. p._ 276.

From Minisink, by a rapid movement, Brant fell upon a settlement on the south side of the Mohawk, where, on the 2d of August, he made a few prisoners--the name of one of whom was House. This man, with his companions, was carried back into the woods, and left in charge of the Indians, while Brant, with four of his warriors, went off upon some secret enterprise. On the fourth day after his absence, he returned, attended by his four warriors, but on horseback himself, having been wounded in the foot by a musket shot. The wound, however, was not like that of Achilles, in the heel, but by a buck-shot in the ball of the great toe--and therefore in a place less equivocal for a soldier's honor. They then commenced their march in the direction of Tioga; but as House became too lame by walking to continue the journey on foot, the Indians proposed killing him. To this Brant objected; and having been acquainted with House before the war, he released him on condition of his taking an oath of neutrality, which was written by the chief in the Indian language. House signed the oath, and Brant witnessed it. He was then released, and being somewhere in the vicinity of Otsego Lake, where General Clinton was then making preparations for his celebrated descent of the Susquehanna, House came into Clinton's camp on the 8th of August--the day previous to his embarkation. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] MS. letter of General James Clinton to Governor Clinton, his brother.

Contemporaneously with these occurrences, and while, as will subsequently appear, the attention of the American officers was directed to more important movements, the Indians and Tories once more broke in upon the Pennsylvania border, in Northampton, Lyconia, and the neighborhood of Sunbury. In a succession of petty affairs between the 1st and 21st of July, several neighborhoods were destroyed and mills burnt. On the 17th, all the principal houses in the township of Munsey were burnt. Two persons were killed on that day, and four had been killed a few days previous, besides several taken prisoners. On the 20th, three men were killed by a small party hovering about Freeland's Fort, situated on the West branch of the Susquehanna, seventeen miles from Sunbury. On the 28th, five days after the affair of Minisink, this little defence, which was garrisoned by only thirty men, and about fifty women and children who had sought refuge within its walls, was invested by one of the McDonalds, at the head of two hundred Indians, and one hundred troops calling themselves regulars. But, although wearing the British uniform, it was believed that they were American loyalists. The enemy met with less resistance during this irruption than would have been the case, but for the circumstance that the greater part of the men had been drafted for the boat service of General Sullivan, who was then at Wyoming, preparing to enter the Seneca country. Fort Freeland was too weak of itself, and too weakly garrisoned, to hold out long against such a disparity of force. Captain Hawkins Boone, a brave officer, stationed with thirty men at a distance of some miles, marched to the relief of the fort immediately on hearing of the investment. The garrison had surrendered before his arrival. Boone nevertheless gave battle to the enemy; but, overpowered by numbers, he was slain, together with eighteen of his men, whose scalps were carried as trophies into the fort. Two other officers. Captains Dougherty and Hamilton, were also killed. By the terms of capitulation, McDonald stipulated to spare the women and children, and allow them to depart. The fort, and the houses in its vicinity, were then burnt. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Almon's Remembrancer--article from Philadelphia.

Meantime the Shawanese were continuing their depredations upon the Ohio border of Virginia, with results certainly not unfavorable to the former. Colonel Boon being absent in North Carolina, Colonel Bowman led an expedition of one hundred and sixty men, in July, against the Shawanese of Old Chilicothe. Although Bowman fell upon the Indians suddenly, and without knowledge on their part of his approach, they nevertheless fought him bravely for several hours, and compelled him to retreat. Falling back thirty miles, Bowman made a stand, and was shortly overtaken by the Indians with augmented numbers. Another engagement ensued, which, during the first two hours, promised no advantage to the forces of Bowman. Colonel Harrod then proposed to mount a number of men upon horses and make a cavalry charge. The suggestion was adopted, and the expedient succeeded. The Indians fought with remarkable fury, but were, nevertheless, broken, and compelled to fly in all directions. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boone.

With these incidents closes the present volume. The second will open with a narrative of the most formidable Indian campaign undertaken during the contest for American Independence.

* * * * *

NOTE.

It is desirable that the present note should be read in connection with the sixth chapter of this volume, containing the account of General Schuyler's expedition to Johnstown in February, 1776, for the purpose of disarming the Tories of Tryon County, and of arresting Sir John Johnson. The immediate causes of that expedition, aside from the information of a wretch named Connell, do not appear with sufficient distinctness to divest the proceedings of General Schuyler of a character almost of harshness. But while the author has entertained little, if any, doubt, that Congress had good and sufficient reasons for directing the expedition, and Schuyler for his energetic execution of his orders, the reasons for the urgency of the movement have never transpired. Since the preceding sheets were from the press, however, the author has received copies of certain documents from the archives of the British Government, which reflect all the light upon the subject that can be desired. After the perusal of these papers, the propriety of the measure, if it ever has been, can no longer be questioned:--

"Governor Tryon to Lord George Germaine.

"_On board H. B. M. Ship, Dutchess of Gordon, New-York Harbor,_ 3d _Jan._ 1776.

"My Lord,

"The gentleman who delivered me the enclosed letter from Sir John Johnson, assured me that by Government's complying with its contents, Sir John could muster five hundred Indians to support the cause of government, and that these, with a body of regulars, might retake the forts. If Sir John had the title of Superintendent of Indian Affairs, it would give the greatest weight to his Majesty's Indian affairs--the Indians having the greatest affection for the son of their late benefactor. I wish your Lordship may think as favorably of Sir John's proposals as I do," &c. &c.

[Enclosure in the above.]

"Sir John Johnson to Governor Tryon.

"Sir--I hope the occasion and intention of this letter may plead my excuse for the liberty I take, in introducing to your Excellency the bearer hereof, Captain Allan McDonnell, who will inform you of many particulars which cannot at this time be safely communicated in writing. The distracted and convulsed state that this unhappy county is now worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the many obligations our family owe to the best of sovereigns, induce me to fall upon a plan that may, I hope, be of service to the country, the propriety of which I entirely submit to your Excellency's better judgment, depending on that friendship which you have been pleased to honor me with, for your advice on, and representation to His Majesty, of what I propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this quarter, among whom are many old and good officers, I have come to the resolution of forming a battalion, and have named all the officers, most of whom have a good deal of interest in their respective neighborhoods, and have seen a great number of men ready to complete the plan. We must, however, not think of stirring, until support and supplies of many necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution are received--all which Mr. McDonnell will inform your Excellency of I make not the least doubt of the success of this plan, should we be supported in time. As to news, I must beg leave to refer you to Mr. McDonnell, who will inform you of every thing that has been done in Canada, that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for England, I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respects to you, but most sincerely wish you an agreeable voyage, and a happy sight of your family and friends.

"I am, your Excellency's Most obedient, humble servant, John Johnson."

It was beyond doubt the organization and other preparations indicated in the preceding letter, some knowledge of which must have transpired, that induced Congress to direct the expedition into Tryon County, referred to above, which was so vigorously executed by General Schuyler, as narrated in the sixth chapter of the present volume. And the same Allan McDonnell, who, with Sir John Johnson, was one of the negotiators with General Schuyler on that occasion, was the secret emissary sent by Sir John, one month before, to negotiate with Governor Tryon. Thus the whole matter in respect to that expedition is explained.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

* * * * *

No. I.

[Reference from the Introduction.]

[The following is the article referred to in the text. It is extracted from Almon's American Remembrancer, (a work purporting to be an authentic collection of facts, published in London during the Revolutionary War,) for the year 1782, Vol. 14, page 185. It was long supposed to be authentic, but has since been ascertained to be a publication from the pen of Doctor Franklin, written for political purposes.]

_Extract of a letter from Captain Gerrisk, of the New-England militia, dated Albany, March_ 7_th,_ 1782.

The peltry taken in the expedition will, as you see, amount to a good deal of money. The possession of this booty at first gave us pleasure; but we were struck with horror to find among the packages eight large ones, containing scalps of our unhappy folks taken in the three last years by the Seneca Indians, from the inhabitants of the frontiers of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a present to Col. Haldiman, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious letter to that gentleman:--

"_Tioga, January_ 3_d,_ 1782.

"May it please your Excellency,

"At the request of the Seneca chiefs, I send herewith to your Excellency, under the care of James Boyd, eight packs of scalps, cured, dried, hooped, and painted with all the Indian triumphal marks, of which the following is invoice and explanation.

"No. 1. Containing 43 scalps of Congress soldiers, killed in different skirmishes; these are stretched on black hoops, four inch diameter; the inside of the skin painted red, with a small black spot to note their being killed with bullets. Also 62 of farmers, killed in their houses; the hoops red; the skin painted brown, and marked with a hoe; a black circle all round to denote their being surprised in the night; and a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their being killed with that weapon.

"No. 2. Containing 98 of farmers, killed in their houses; hoops red; figure of a hoe, to mark their profession; great white circle and sun, to show they were surprised in the day-time; _a little red foot,_ to show they stood upon their defence, and died fighting for their lives and families.

"No. 3. Containing 97 of farmers; hoops green, to show they were killed in their fields; a large white circle with a little round mark on it for the sun, to show that it was in the daytime; black bullet mark on some--hatchet on others.

"No 4. Containing 102 of farmers, mixed of the several marks above; only 18 marked with a little yellow flame, to denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped, their nails pulled out by the roots, and other torments; one of these latter supposed to be of a rebel clergyman, his band being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear by the hair to have been young or middle aged men; their being but 67 very gray heads among them all; which makes the service more essential.

"No. 5. Containing 88 scalps of women; hair long, braided in the Indian fashion, to show they were mothers; hoops blue; skin yellow ground, with little red tadpoles, to represent, by way of triumph, the tears of grief occasioned to their relations; a black scalping-knife or hatchet at the bottom, to mark their being killed with those instruments; 17 others, hair very gray; black hoops; plain brown colour, no mark but the short club or cassetete, to show they were knocked down dead, or had their brains beat out.

"No. 6. Containing 193 boys' scalps, of various ages; small green hoops; whitish ground on the skin, with red tears in the middle, and black bullet marks, knife, hatchet, or club, as their deaths happened.

"No. 7. 211 girls scalped, big and little; small yellow hoops; white ground; tears, hatchet, club, scalping-knife, &c.

"No. 8. This package is a mixture of all the varieties above-mentioned, to the number of 122; with a box of birch bark, containing 29 little infants' scalps of various sizes; small white hoops; white ground.

"With these packs the Chiefs send to your Excellency the following speech, delivered by Coneiogatchie, in council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the trader, and taken down by me in writing.

"'_Father!_--We send you herewith many scalps, that you may see that we are not idle friends. A blue belt.

"'_Father!_--We wish you to send these scalps over the water to the Great King, that he may regard them and be refreshed; and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his enemies, and be convinced that his presents have not been made to ungrateful people. A blue and white belt with red tassels.

"'_Father!_--Attend to what I am now going to say; it is a matter of much weight. The great King's enemies are many, and they grow fast in number. They were formerly like young panthers; they could neither bite nor scratch; we could play with them safely; we feared nothing they could do to us. But now their bodies are become big as the elk, and strong as the buffalo, they have also got great and sharp claws. They have driven us out of our country by taking part in your quarrel. We expect the great King will give us another country, that our children may live after us, and be his friends and children as we are.--Say this for us to the great King. To enforce it, we give this belt. A great white belt with blue tassels.

"'_Father!_--We have only to say further, that your traders exact more than ever for their goods; and our hunting is lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some remedy. We are poor, and you have plenty of every thing. We know you will send us powder and guns, and knives, and hatchets; but we also want shirts and blankets. A little white belt.'

"I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to give some further encouragement to those honest people. The high prices they complain of, are the necessary effect of the war. Whatever presents may be sent for them through my hands shall be distributed with prudence and fidelity. I have the honour of being

"Your Excellency's most obedient, And most humble servant, JAMES CRAUFURD,"

No. II.

[Reference from Page 104.]

Account of the treaty held at Albany, in August 1775, with the Six Nations, by the Commissioners of the Twelve United Colonies, met at General Congress at Philadelphia.

The Commissioners on the part of the Colonies, were Major General Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph Hawley, Mr. Turbot Francis, Mr. Oliver Wolcott, and Mr. Volkert P. Douw. After the adjournment from German Flats, and the arrival of the Indians at Albany, as stated in the text, the following proceedings were had.

At a meeting of the Commissioners for transacting Indian affairs in the northern department, held at Albany on Wednesday, the 23d August, 1775. Present:

Gen. Schuyler, Col. Francis, Mr. Douw.

Resolved, unanimously, that the Indians of the Six Nations be invited to receive our congratulations on their safe arrival here; that it be at five o'clock this afternoon; that the committee of the city of Albany and the principal gentlemen of the place be requested to accompany the Commissioners; and that the following letters be wrote for that purpose to the chairman of the committee.

_Albany,_ 22_d August,_ 1775.

Gentlemen.--Your generous exertions to support the American cause against the nefarious schemes of a wicked and profligate ministry, the propriety with which you have conducted those Indian affairs that have become the subject of your consideration, a consciousness that without your aid, and that of gentlemen of the town conversant in those matters, the important business of the ensuing conference cannot be so properly conducted as our zeal for the service makes us wish, are so many motives which point out to us the necessity of calling on you and those gentlemen for your aid and advice; which we entreat you will give us without reserve; and be assured that it will be attended to with all that deference that is due to your respectable body and to their good judgment. We propose to pay a visit this afternoon at five o'clock to the Indians. We beg the favor of the committee to honor us with their company, as so respectable a body will greatly add to the complimentary visit we mean to pay them. We shall go from Cartwright's, and shall take it as a favor if the gentlemen of the town, who are not of the committee, would be pleased to go with us.

We are, gentlemen, with great respect,

Your most humble servants, P. Schuyler, Volkert P. Douw, Turbot Francis.

To which the committee returned the following answer:--

Gentlemen,--Your polite invitation for us to join in paying a complimentary visit to the Indians this afternoon at five o'clock, we accept of, and shall for that purpose attend at Cartwright's at the hour appointed.

We are, gentlemen, your most humble servants. By order of the committee, Abraham Yates, Jr. _Chairman._

The sachems and warriors of the Six Nations being assembled, the Commissioners, attended by the committee and principal gentlemen of the city of Albany, met them, and addressed them as follows:--

Brethren op the Six Nations,--We, the deputies appointed by the Twelve United Colonies, the decendants of Quedar, [FN] and the gentlemen of the city of Albany, congratulate you on your arrival here. They are glad to see you well, and thank the great God that he suffers us to meet.

* * * * *

[FN] "Quedar," the name which the Indians had given Governor Stuyvesant--being probably, the result of their effort to pronounce the name "Peter."

* * * * *

At a meeting of the Commissioners for transacting Indian affairs for the northern department held at the city of Albany, on Tuesday, 25th of August, 1775. Present:

Gen. Schuyler, Col. Wolcott, Col. Francis, Mr. Douw.

The following message was sent to the committee of the city of Albany:--

_Albany,_ 25_th August,_ 1775.

Gentlemen,--The Commissioners of Indian affairs are to open the treaty with the Six Nations this morning, about eleven, at the Dutch church. They request the favor of your attendance, and that of the principal gentlemen of the town, and would wish, previous to the meeting, to be honored with your company at Cartwright's.

To Abraham Yates, Jr. Esq. Chairman of the committee of Albany.

The chairman and committee attended agreeable to invitation.

In the course of their interview with the Commissioners this day, the Indians stated that they had some business to transact with the people of Albany, with whom they were desirous of having an interview before proceeding with the main object for which the Council had been convened. They therefore requested a day for that purpose. The request was granted--a meeting of the citizens of Albany was held immediately, at which Walter Livingston, Jeremiah Van Renselaer, and Dr. Samuel Stringer were appointed a committee to hold the preliminary council with the Indians. The interview took place on the same evening, when Seaghnagerat, an Oneida sachem, opened the proceedings by the following speech:--

"Brothers of Albany:--We beg you will acquaint us when your body is complete.

"Brothers of Albany:--The day is now come that we have arrived in consequence of your invitation. When you saw four of the Oneida Nations, you said you was glad to see them at your Council Chamber. We are now here in consequence thereof. You told us you would be glad to see us again--that you rejoiced to see them, and that you would open the ashes, and rekindle the old council-fire at Albany. We are glad to see that some of the sparks of that old council-fire yet remain. We rejoice, even to excess, to find it so.

"Brothers attend!--I have one addition to make to what passed between four of the Oneida Nation and you, when last at your Council Chamber. When you found from our conference with your brothers at the German Flats, that our sentiments of public affairs so much coincided with yours, you farther told us that all the governments of America on the sea-coasts were anxious to know whether we were disposed to peace, and that you, the Twelve United Colonies, were resolved to support your civil constitution and liberties, and you rejoiced to find that we all so firmly resolved to maintain peace.

"Brothers of Albany:--You farther observed. In the intercourse you had with four of the Oneida Nation, that you greatly rejoiced at the conference you had at the German Flats. You farther said that you was surprised about a letter Guy Johnson had received from the chief warrior, General Gage, about removing the ministers from among us. That you rejoiced that the Indians were instructed in the Christian religion, and that the ministers that were among us might continue.

"Brothers of Albany, attend!--We have something further yet to relate of your speech. You desired, at the intercourse you had with the four messengers, that we should acquaint the Six Nations with your speech, and that thereafter three or four of each Nation should come down. You farther said that you would have been glad to have attended at the council-fire at Guy Johnson's to hear what he should say to the Indians, and see if his sentiments and yours should coincide. But you then soon heard that he had removed from there to Fort Stanwix, from there to Oswego; that you despaired of hearing any thing from him, and therefore desired us that we would let you know what was done at that fire.

"Brothers, attend!--You made another proposal at the intercourse you had with four of our Nation, which was this:--that you had heard that there was to be a council of the whole of our Nation at the German Flats, you desired our people that they would let you know what passed between us and them. Our delegates, in our names, then told you that it would be more agreeable that two or more of your members should attend, and hear themselves what passed there. This, brethren, is the substance of what passed between you and the four of the Oneida Nation.

"Brothers of Albany, attend!--We now, upon this day, going through with what passed between some of your members and us, when the conference ended at German Flats. You said--Brothers, let us both endeavor to keep peace, that we may continue to enjoy its blessings. We desire not that you should trouble yourselves in the least with these disputes between us and those over the great waters; only exert yourselves in maintaining the covenant that was made between your and our forefathers, at this place of our council-fire. Your delegates told us at the German Flats, that, although you should be drove back from the sea-coast by your enemies, yet you would not ask our aid.

"Brothers of Albany, farther attend!--Two things more you delivered at the German Flats. The first was this;--That we, the Oneida Nation, should give a kind ear to your speech; you then produced two ancient belts of wampum,--one of twenty rows, which was the old covenant between the whole Oneida Nation and _Quedar-Gorah;_ another that was given by the Six Nations, by the Indian called _Kayinguaraghtoh,_ of the Seneca Nation; you also said that these belts should again be produced for the inspection of the whole Six Nations at the intended council-fire to be re-kindled at Albany.

"Brothers of Albany:--We have now finished the principal subjects that passed between you and us, the Oneida Nation; and we, all of us, the Six Nations, are here now present, to hear what has passed, and to prevent any false reports that may be propagated by news carriers.

"Brothers of Albany, now attend!--You, also, the commissioners who are here present, lend your ears and hear our voice. You, our brothers of Albany, have desired the sentiments of the Six Nations. We, the Six Nations and our allies, which extend to Detroit, Ohio, and Caughnawaga, upon our first hearing the bad news that circulated along the eastern shore of this island, assembled and resolved upon a union amongst us, Indians, and to maintain peace; and we rejoice that nothing more has been asked of us. There is nothing different in our minds than what we have now told. We shall not take notice of any hostile propositions that may be made to us, for we bear an equal proportion of love to you and the others over the great waters in the present dispute; and we shall remain at peace and smoke our pipes; and the Six Nations will always keep the path open, and we call God to witness to the truth of what we now say, and it proceeds from our hearts.

"[_A belt of eight rows._]

"Brothers of Albany, now attend, and incline your ears to what we have now to say:--

"We, the Six Nations, have heard the voice of a bird called Tskleleli, a news carrier, that came among us. It has told us that the path at the western communication, by Fort Stanwix, would be shut up, either by the one party or the other. Brothers, let it not be; and let the communication be open for passing and repassing, and let not our country be stained with blood, and be always compassionate to the old women, and let the young ones grow up and enjoy the blessings of peace. Brothers, let not that passage be shut up by you, but confine yourselves to the dispute to the eastward; for this western communication lays near our council-fire, and the consequence might be fatal. Indeed, Brothers, your language and Col. Guy Johnson's coincides, in some things, with one another; and the party that applies to us to shut up that passage we will look upon as deceivers and transgressors; and we despise a double-dealer from our hearts, and whom we look upon God Almighty will hereafter punish as such. And we hope that when you give your answer, you will speak from the integrity of your hearts, as we now have done.

"[_A belt of fifteen rows._]

"Brothers of Albany, attend!--The Five Nations just now said they would open their minds in full to you,--they would tell you every thing they brought with them. This Belt respects the letter Guy Johnson received from General Gage, concerning the removal of the ministers from among us. Our father, the minister who stands here, we love, [FN] we love him exceedingly. Perhaps, in a little time, he may be wrested from us, carried off like a prisoner. Our hearts tremble for him--we tremble greatly. He has been threatened; and should he be taken, it might overthrow the whole Five Nations. Our brothers, the white people, would, perhaps, say that the Oneida Nation had delivered up their minister, and that the Six Nations did not regard their missionaries. But, truly, we regard our father, the minister, and missionaries; therefore, we propose to your consideration, whether it be not wise that the missionaries retire for a little while; particularly our father, the minister, Mr. Kirkland, should reside a short space with his family, as we hope this quarrel cannot subsist long, because you are brothers, both of one nation and blood, and we hope it will soon be settled; and when a reconciliation takes place, let our missionaries immediately return to us; this, however, we refer to your consideration, and leave at your pleasure. Now, Brethren, we have unburthened our minds, and opened our bosoms, and delivered what we had to say."

* * * * *

[FN] Rev. Mr. Kirkland.

To which the Albanian Committee made the following reply:

"Brothers of the Six Nations!--We thank you for your speech. The Commissioners appointed by the Twelve United Colonies, and with our consent, will first transact business with you; after they have done, we will answer your speech."

At a treaty began and held with the Indians of the Six United Nations at the city of Albany, on Friday, the 25th of August, 1775--Present--

Gen. Schuyler, Col. Oliver Wolcott, Col. Turbot Francis, Volkert P. Douw, Commissioners; the Chairman and Committee, and principal inhabitants of the city of Albany. The proceedings were opened by the Oneida sachem, Seaghnagerat, by the following speech:--

"Brothers:--We acquainted you yesterday evening, that we should first speak to our brethren, the Committee of Albany. We have done so, and have opened our whole minds to them.

"Brothers:--When we met two of your body at the German Flats, they presented these strings to us, and invited us to come down to Albany, and kindle up a great council-fire of peace, under the auspices of the Twelve United Colonies. Now, as these strings have never been changed, we return them to you again, and desire that the great council-fire of peace may be kindled up.

"Brothers:--You desired us to shut our ears, and fortify our minds against any evil reports that we might hear on our way down, and to pay no regard to what any liars and ill-disposed persons might say to us, as they would only mean to sow dissension between us and our brothers of the Twelve United Colonies.

"Brothers:--Our minds are proof against the attempts of such wicked persons. Now, Brothers, let us give you a little advice on our parts. There are liars and mischief-makers among the Indians, as well as amongst the white people. Therefore pay no regard to this or that that any single Indian may say, but attend to what you may hear from the mouth of our great council; for that will be the truth, and the sense of all the Six United Nations."

The Commissioners then replied in the following words:--

"Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors of the Six Nations!--We return thanks to the Great God that has suffered us to meet together this day, in love, peace, and friendship. In token of which we will now sit down and smoke the pipe of peace together."

[Here the great calumet was lighted up, and went round; after which the Commissioners proceeded:--]

"Brothers:--We, the deputies appointed by and in the name of the Twelve United Colonies, assisted by the descendants of your ancient friend Quedar, and your Albany brethren, embrace this opportunity to rekindle the ancient council-fire, which formerly burnt as bright as the sun in this place, and to heap on it so much fuel that it may never be extinguished; and also to renew the ancient covenant chain with you, which you know has always been kept bright and clean, without any stain or rust; and which by this belt we now strengthen, that for ever hereafter you and we may have but one heart, one head, one eye, and one hand.

"[_A belt._]

"Brethren:--Our business with you, besides kindling the ancient council-fire, and renewing the covenant and brightening up every link of the chain, is, in the first place, to inform you of the advice that was given, about thirty years ago, by your wise forefathers, in a great council which they held at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, when Cannassateego spoke to us in these very words. [FN] 'Brethren, we, the Six Nations, heartily recommend unison and a good agreement between you, our brethren. Never disagree, but preserve a strict friendship for one another; and thereby you, as well as we, will become the stronger. Our wise forefathers established unison and amity between the Five Nations. This has made us formidable; this has given us great weight and authority with our neighboring nations. We are a powerful confederacy; and if you observe the same methods our wise forefathers have taken, you will acquire fresh strength and power. Therefore, whatever befalls you, never fall out with one another.' These were the words of Cannassateego."

* * * * *

[FN] See Colden's History of the Five Nations, and Massachusetts Historical Collection, for an account of the treaty referred to--1744.

"Brothers:--Our forefathers rejoiced to hear Cannassateego speak these words. They sunk deep into their hearts. The advice was good. It was kind. They said to one another, 'The Six nations are a wise people. Let us hearken to them, and take their counsel, and teach our children to follow it. Our old men have done so.' They have frequently taken a single arrow, and said--'Children, see how easy it is broken.' Then they have taken and tied twelve arrows together with a strong string, and our strongest men could not break them. 'See,' said they, 'this is what the Six Nations mean. Divided, a single man may destroy you. United, you are a match for the whole world.' We thank the Great God that we are all united; that we have a strong confederacy, composed of twelve provinces. [FN] These provinces have lighted a great council-fire at Philadelphia, and have sent sixty-five counselors to speak and act in the name of the whole, and consult for the common good of the people, and of you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your allies; the talk of this great council we shall deliver to you to-morrow."

* * * * *

[FN] Which were enumerated.

The Council having resumed business on the 26th, the proceedings were opened by the Commissioners in the following manner:--

"Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors!--Let this string open your ears to hear, and incline your hearts to accept, the talk of the Twelve United Colonies, which they have sent to you by their deputies. They speak as follows:--

"'Brothers Sachems, and Warriors:--We, the delegates from the Twelve United Provinces, viz.. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, now sitting in general congress at Philadelphia, send this talk to you, our brothers. We are sixty-five in number, chosen and appointed by the people throughout all these provinces and colonies, to meet and sit together in one great council, to consult together for the common good of the land, and speak and act for them.

"'Brothers:--In our consultation we have judged it proper and necessary to send you this talk, as we are upon the same island, that you may be informed of the reasons of this great council, the situation of our civil constitution, and our disposition toward you, our Indian brothers of the Six Nations, and their allies.

"[_Three strings, or a small belt._]

"'Brothers and Friends, now attend!--When our fathers crossed the great waters and came over to this land, the King of England gave them a talk; assuring them that they and their children should be his children, and that if they would leave their native country and make settlements, and live here, and buy and sell, and trade with their brethren beyond the water, they should still keep hold of the same covenant chain and enjoy peace. And it was covenanted that the fields, houses, goods, and possessions, which our fathers should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be their children's for ever, and at their sole disposal.

"'Trusting that this covenant should never be broken, our fathers came a great distance beyond the water, laid out their money here, built houses, cleared fields, raised crops, and through their own labor and industry grew tall and strong.

"'They have bought, sold, and traded with England, according to agreement; sending to them such things as they wanted, and taking in exchange such things as are wanted here. The King of England and his people kept the way open for more than one hundred years, and by our trade became richer, and by a union with us, greater and stronger than the other kings and people who live beyond the water.

"'All this time they lived in great friendship with us, and we with them; for we are brothers--one blood.

"'Whenever they were struck, we instantly felt as though the blow had been given to us--their enemies were our enemies.

"'Whenever they went to war, we sent our men to stand by their side and fight for them, and our money to help them and make them strong. That we have done this, Brothers, you have been all witnesses to in the last war. You know we assisted them in taking Niagara, Cataroqui, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Canada; and lastly, when they had no more enemies upon this island, we went to fight, and helped them to take many large islands that lay in the hot countries, where they got more than thirty cart-loads of silver. They thanked us for our love, and sent us good tokens, and renewed their promise to be our people for ever; and when the war was over, they said, children, we thank you that you have helped to make us great. We know that it has cost you a great deal of money; and therefore, children, we give you a present, that you may maintain your warriors.

"'Brothers and Friends, open a kind ear.--We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counselors of King George and the habitants and colonies of America.

"'Many of his counselors are proud and wicked men. They persuade the King to break the covenant chain, and not to send us any more good talks. A considerable number have prevailed upon him to enter into a new covenant against us, and have torn asunder and cast behind their backs the good old covenant which their ancestors and ours entered into and took strong hold of.

"'They now tell us, they will slip their hands into our pocket without asking, as though it were their own; and at their pleasure they will take from us our charters or written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our plantations, our houses, and goods, whenever they please, without asking our leave. That our vessels may go to _this_ island in the sea, but to _this_ or _that_ particular island we shall not trade any more. And, in case of our non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbors.

"'Brothers:--This is our present situation--thus have many of the King's counselors and servants dealt with us. If we submit, or comply with their demands, you can easily perceive to what a state we will be reduced. If our people labor on the field, they will not know who shall enjoy the crop; if they hunt in the woods, it will be uncertain who shall taste of the meat or have the skins; if they build houses, they will not know whether they may sit round the fire with their wives and children; they cannot be sure whether they shall be permitted to eat, drink, and wear the fruits of their own labor and industry.

"'Brothers and Friends of the Six Nations, attend!--We upon this island have often spoke and intreated the King, and his servants the counselors, that peace and harmony might still continue between us; that we cannot part with, or lose our hold of, the old covenant chain, which united our fathers and theirs; that we want to brighten this chain, and keep the way open as our fathers did; that we want to live with them as brothers; labor, trade, travel abroad, eat and drink in peace. We have often asked them to love us, and live in such friendship with us as their fathers did with ours.

"'We told them again, that we judged we were exceedingly injured, that they might as well kill us as take away our property and the necessaries of life. We have asked why they treat us thus? What has become of our repeated addresses and supplications to them? Who hath shut the ears of the King to the cries of his children in America? No soft answer--no pleasant voice from beyond the waters has yet sounded in our ears.

"'Brothers,--Thus stands the matter betwixt Old England and America. You, Indians, know how things are proportioned in a family between the father and the son--England we regard as the father, this island may be compared as the son.

"'The father has a numerous family, both at home and upon this island; he appoints a great number of servants to assist him in the government of his family; in process of time, some of his servants grow proud and ill-natured--they were displeased to see the boy so alert, and walk on so nimbly with his pack; they tell the father, and advise him to enlarge this child's pack--they prevail; the pack is increased, the child takes it up again; as he thought it might be the father's pleasure, speaks but few words, those very small, for he was loath to offend the father. Those proud and wicked servants, finding they had prevailed, laughed to see the boy sweat and stagger under his increased load. By and by they apply to the father to double the boy's pack, because they heard him complain; and without any reason said they, he is a cross child, correct him if he complains any more. The boy intreats the father, and addresses the great servants in a decent manner that the pack might be lightened; he could not go any farther; humbly asks if the old fathers, in any of their records, had described such a pack for the child; after all the tears and intreaties of the child, the pack is redoubled; the child stands a little while staggering under the weight, ready to fall every moment; however, he intreats the father once more, though so faint he could only lisp out his last humble supplication--waits awhile--no voice returns. The child concludes the father could not hear--those proud servants had intercepted his supplications or stopped the ears of the father. He therefore gives one struggle and throws off the pack, and says he cannot take it up again, such a weight will crush him down and kill him, and he can but die if he refuses.

"'Upon this, those servants are very wroth, and tell the father many false things respecting the child; they bring a great cudgel to the father, asking him to take it in his hand and strike the child.

"'This may serve to illustrate the present condition of the King's American subjects or children.

"'Amidst these oppressions, we now and then heard a mollifying and reviving voice from some of the King's wise counselors, who are our friends and feel our distresses; when they heard our complaints and our cries, they applied to the King; they also told those wicked servants that this child in America was not a cross boy; it had sufficient reason for crying; and if the cause of its complaint was neglected, it would soon assume the voice of a man, plead for justice like a man, defend its rights, and support the old covenant chain of their fathers.

"'Brothers, listen!--Notwithstanding all our intreaties, we have but little hope the King will send us any more good talks by reason of his evil counselors; they have persuaded him to send an army of soldiers, and many ships of war, to rob and destroy us. They have shut up many of our harbors, seized and taken into possession many of our vessels; the soldiers have struck the blow, killed some of our people; the blood now runs of the American children; they have also burned our houses and towns, and taken much of our goods.

"[_A black belt._]

"'Brothers!--We are now necessitated to rise, and forced to fight, or give up our civil constitution, and run away and leave our farms and houses behind us. This must not be. Since the King's wicked counselors will not open their ears, and consider our just complaints and the cause of our weeping, and have given the blow, we are determined to drive away the King's soldiers, and to kill and destroy all those wicked men we find in arms against the peace of the Twelve United Colonies upon this island. We think our cause is just; therefore we hope God will be on our side. We do not take up the hatchet and struggle for honor and conquest, but to maintain our civil constitution and religious privileges, the very same for which our forefathers left their native land and came to this country.

"[_A black belt._]

"'Brothers and Friends!--We desire you will hear and receive what we have now told you, and that you will open a good ear and listen to what we are now going to say. This is a family quarrel between us and Old England. You, Indians, are not concerned in it. We don't wish you to take up the hatchet against the King's troops. We desire you to remain at home, and not join either side; but keep the hatchet buried deep. In the name and behalf of all our people, we ask and desire you to love peace and maintain it, and love and sympathize with us in our troubles; that the path may be kept open with all our people and yours, to pass and re-pass without molestation.

"'Brothers!--We live on the same ground with you. The same island is our common birthplace. We desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you; let us water its roots and cherish its growth, till the large leaves and nourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies.

"'Brothers, observe well!--What is it we have asked of you? Nothing but peace, notwithstanding our present disturbed situation; and if application should be made to you by any of the King's unwise and wicked ministers to join on their side, we only advise you to deliberate with great caution, and in your wisdom look forward to the consequences of a compliance. For if the King's troops take away our property, and destroy us who are of the same blood with themselves, what can you, who are Indians, expect from them afterwards?

"[_A white belt._]

"'Brothers of the Six Nations!--When we perceived this island began to shake and tremble along the Eastern shore, and the sun darkened by a black cloud which arose from beyond the great water, we kindled up a great council-fire at Philadelphia; and we sat around it until it burnt clear, and so high that it illuminated this whole island. We renewed our hold upon the old covenant chain, which united and strengthened our ancestors, and which was near slipping out of our hands before we had kindled this great council-fire at Philadelphia. We have now taken fast hold, nor will we let it go without a mighty struggle, even unto death.

"'Brothers:--We are now Twelve Colonies, united as one man. We have but one heart and one hand. Brothers, this is our Union Belt. By this belt, we, the Twelve United Colonies, renew the old covenant chain by which our forefathers, in their great wisdom, thought proper to bind us and you, our brothers of the Six Nations, together, when they first landed at this place; and if any of the links of this great chain should have received any rust, we now brighten it, and make it shine like silver. As God has put it into our hearts to love the Six Nations and their allies, we now make the chain of friendship so strong, that nothing but an evil spirit can or will attempt to break it. But we hope, through the favor and mercy of the Good Spirit, that it will remain strong and bright while the sun shines and the water runs.

"[_Delivered the Union belt._]

"'Brothers:--It is necessary, in order for the preservation of friendship between us and our brothers of the Six Nations, and their allies, that a free and mutual intercourse be kept up betwixt us. Therefore the Twelve United Colonies, by this belt, remove every difficulty that may lie in the great road that runs through the middle of our country; and we will also clear up and open all the small roads that lead into the great one. We will take out every thorn, briar, and stone, so that when any of our brothers of the Six Nations, or their allies, have an inclination to see and talk with any of their brethren of the Twelve United Colonies, they may pass safely without being scratched or bruised. Brothers, the road is now open for our brethren of the Six Nations and their allies, and they may now pass and repass as safely and freely as the Twelve United Colonies themselves; and we are further determined, by the assistance of God, to keep our roads open and free for the Six Nations and their allies, as long as this earth remains.

"[_Path belt._]

"'Brothers!--We have said we wish you Indians may continue in peace with one another, and with us the white people. Let us be cautious in our behavior toward each other at this critical state of affairs. This island now trembles, the wind whistles from almost every quarter; let us fortify our minds, and shut our ears against false rumors; let us be cautious what we receive for truth, unless spoken by wise and good men. If any thing disagreeable should ever fall out between us the Twelve United Colonies, and you the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it wise and expedient to kindle up a small council-fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's voice, and disclose our minds more fully to one another.

"[_A small belt._]

"'Therefore we say. Brothers, take care--hold fast to your covenant chain. You know our disposition towards you, the Six Nations of Indians, and your allies. Let this our good talk remain at Onondaga, your central council house. We depend upon you to send and acquaint your allies to the northward, the seven tribes on the river St. Lawrence, that you have this talk of ours at the great council-fire of the Six Nations. And when you return, we invite your great men to come and converse farther with us at Albany, where we intend to re-kindle the council-fire, which your and our ancestors sat around in great friendship. _Brothers and friends!_

"'We greet you all, FAREWELL.'" [_The large belt of intelligence and declaration._]

Such was the talk transmitted to the Six Nations by the Commissioners from Congress. The process of communication to the Indians, through interpreters, is very slow. Every thing must be performed with great deliberation, and the Indian language is composed of such lengthened compounds, that the labor of delivering and translating a speech is exceedingly tedious. The delivery of this talk from Congress occupied the business hours of two days. At the close, Kanaghquaesa, one of the Chiefs, replied:--

"Brothers,--We have sat round, and smoked our pipes at this our ancient place of kindling up our council-fires. We have heard all you have said, and have heard nothing but what is pleasant and good. As you have communicated matters of great importance to us, we will sit down to-morrow and deliberate coolly upon them; and the day following will give you answers to every thing you have laid before us."

Having convened again on the 31st of August, Little Abraham, the Mohawk Sachem, spoke, in answer to the Commissioners, as follows:--

"Brothers, Great Men deputed by the Twelve United Colonies, attend!--We are this day called to meet you in council, in order to reply to what you said to us. We hope we need not recapitulate the whole of your discourse. We shall only touch upon each head. At our last conference in this house, we promised to return you our answer the day but one following. We did not do it, and we mean to make you an apology. We hope you have taken no offence. We were not prepared by that time, and that was our reason. Brothers, you informed us that there was a great council of sixty-five members convened at Philadelphia, and that you were appointed by them to deliver a talk to the Six Nations. It seems you, our brothers, having a desire to rekindle a council-fire, took to your assistance the descendants of Quedar, and have kindled up a council-fire that shall never be extinguished. To which the Six Nations reply: This you have done by order of the great Council at Philadelphia. We are glad to hear the news. It rejoices our hearts, and it gives exceeding joy through all the Six Nations.

"Brothers,--As you desired your belts might not be returned, but be deposited at our central Council House, we shall only make use of them to refresh our memories, and speak upon them as we go on with our answers. Brothers, we shall not recite every particular, as we before mentioned. You observed, when these commotions first began, a council of sixty-five members convened together at Philadelphia; and you put us in mind of what Cannassateego formerly said at Lancaster respecting the necessity of a union among you. An old sachem, a brother of Cannassateego, is here present, and remembers the words of his brother. You illustrated the necessity and use of a union by one and twelve arrows. You said your grandfathers had inculcated this doctrine into their children. You said, that as the tree of peace was formerly planted at this place, you desired that the Six Nations might come down, and sit under it, and water its roots, till the branches should flourish and reach to heaven. This the Six Nations say shall be done. Brothers, we need only remind you of a few of the things you said to us, as you have them all written down. You informed us, that by an ancient covenant with the King of England, you were to enjoy the same privileges with the people on the other side of the great waters, that for a long time you did enjoy the same privileges, by which means you and your brethren over the water both became a great people; that lately, by advice of evil counselors, you are much oppressed, and had heavier packs put upon you than you could bear; that you have frequently applied to be eased of your burthen, but could obtain no redress; that finding this the case, you had thrown off the packs. The Six Nations thank you for acquainting them with your grievances, and the methods taken to obtain redress. You likewise informed them of what resolutions you had formed in consequence of these matters.

"Brothers,--After stating your grievances, and telling us you had not been able to obtain redress, you desired us to take no part, but bury the hatchet. You told us it was a family quarrel; and therefore said, 'You Indians, sit still, and mind nothing but peace.' Our great man, Col. Johnson, did the same thing at Oswego; he desired us to sit still likewise. You likewise desired us, that if application should be made to us by any of the King's officers, we would not join them. Now, therefore attend, and apply your ears closely. We have fully considered this matter. The resolutions of the Six Nations are not to be broken or altered. When they resolve, the matter is fixed. This, then, is the determination of the Six Nations, not to take any part; but as it is a family affair, to sit still and see you fight it out. We beg you will receive this as infallible, it being our full resolution; for we bear as much affection for the King of England's subjects on the other side the water, as we do for you, born upon this island. One thing more we request, which is, that you represent this in a true light to the delegates from all the Colonies, and not vary; and that you observe the same regard for truth when you write to the King about these matters for we have ears, and shall hear, if you represent any thing in a wrong point of light. We likewise desire you would inform our brothers at Boston of our determination.

"Brothers,--It is a long time since we came to this resolution. It is the result of mature deliberation. It was our declaration to Col. Johnson. We told him we should take no part in the quarrel, and hoped neither side would desire it. Whoever applies first, we shall think in the wrong. The resolutions of the Six Nations are not to be broken. Of the truth of this you have a late instance. You know what the Shawanese have lately been engaged in. They applied to us for assistance, but we refused them. [FN] Our love for you has induced us not to meddle. If we loved you less, we should have been less resolute."

* * * * *

[FN] In the affair of Col. Cresap and Logan, and the Indian war that followed, the _Mohawks_ were not engaged. The Cayugas and Senecas were.

"Brothers,--You likewise informed us, that when you perceived this island began to tremble, and black clouds to arise beyond the great water, you kindled up a great fire at Philadelphia, a fire which shone bright and clear to your utmost settlements; that you sat round that fire, deliberating what measures to pursue for the common good; that while sitting round it you recollected an ancient covenant made between your fathers and ours when they first crossed the great water and settled here, which covenant they first likened to a chain of iron. But when they considered that iron would rust, they made a silver chain, which they were always to rub and keep bright, and clear of spots. This they made so strong, that an evil spirit could not break it. This friendship-chain you have now renewed. This covenant is to continue to future generations. We are glad you have thought proper to renew this covenant, and the whole Six Nations now thank you. This covenant-belt you desire us to deposit at our central council-house, that future generations may call to mind the covenant now made between us. You may depend we shall send and inform all our neighboring council-fires of the matters now transacted. We close, with the whole Six Nations repeating their thanks that you have renewed the covenant made between their forefathers and yours.

"Brothers, attend!--As you had renewed the ancient covenant, you thought proper to open the path, and have a free communication with this place. As the fire had for some time been put out, the path had got stopped up. You removed all obstructions out of the great roads and paths, all stones and briars; so that if any of us chose to travel the road, we should neither meet with any obstruction, or hurt ourselves. Brothers, we thank you for opening the road. You likewise informed us you were determined to drive away, destroy, and kill all who appeared in arms against the peace of the Twelve United Colonies. Brothers, attend. We beg of you to take care of what you do. You have just now made a good path; do not so soon defile it with blood. There are many round us. Caghnawagas, who are friends to the king. Our path of peace reaches quite there. We beg all that distance may not be defiled with blood. As for your quarrels to the Eastward, along the sea-coasts, do as you please. But it would hurt us to see those brought up in our own bosoms ill-used. In particular, we would mention the son of Sir William Johnson. He is born among us, and is of Dutch extraction by his mother. He minds his own affairs, and does not intermeddle in public disputes. We would likewise mention our father, the minister, who resides among the Mohawks, and was sent them by the King. He does not meddle in civil affairs, but instructs them in the way to heaven. He absolutely refuses to attend to any political matters, and says they do not belong to him. They beg he may continue in peace among them. The Mohawks are frequently alarmed with reports that their minister is to be torn away from them. It would occasion great disturbance was he to be taken away. The King sent him to them, and they would look upon it as taking away one of their own body. Therefore they again request that he may continue to live in peace among them. [FN]"

* * * * *

[FN] This Missionary was the Rev. Mr. Stewart, who afterward removed to Upper Canada.

"Brothers,--After having informed us of the situation of affairs, and having finished your business, you advised us to shut our ears against false reports, and that we should not attend to flying stories, but to what wise and good men should say; for which reason you had kindled up a council-fire at this place, that we might always converse together, and know the truth of things. Your brothers of the Six Nations say, 'Let it be so; it shall be as you desire.' They thank you for this advice, and desire you would use the same precautions; that you would shut your ears to flying stories, but keep your eye upon the chief council, such as you see now convened. The Six Nations desire you would always inform them fully of what respects them. We have, for this purpose, opened our ears and purified our minds, that we may always hear and receive what you have to say with good and clean minds; and whenever we receive any important intelligence, we shall always bring it to this council-fire.

"Brothers:--You delivered us this pipe; on one side the tree of peace, on the other a council-fire; we Indians sitting on one side of the fire, and the representatives of the twelve United Colonies upon the other. You have desired that this pipe may be left at our central council-house, and that the tree of peace may be planted, and that the branches may be so high as to be visible to all our allies. Brothers, we thank you, and shall take care to deposit this where you desire, and when we meet to deliberate upon business, shall always use this as our council-pipe.

"Brothers, attend!--In the course of your speech you observed, we of the Six Nations were a wise people, and saw a great way before us; and you asked us, if you upon this island were conquered, what would become of the Indians? You say you are uncertain of holding your possessions, and that you do not know who may enjoy the product of your labor. Now, therefore, Brothers, attend; you particularly, our Brothers of Albany; we address ourselves particularly to you. Our Brothers of Albany have taken two pieces of land from us without any reward, not so much as a single pipe. We therefore desire you will restore them, and put us into peaceable possession again. If you refuse to do this, we shall look upon the prospect as bad; for if you conquer, you will take us by the arm, and pull us all off. Now, therefore, as the twelve United Colonies have renewed this covenant of peace, we beg that there may be no obstruction upon your part, but that you would restore our lands to us; for which, as we said before, you never paid us even a single pipe.

"Brothers:--You have now finished your business, and we have made short replies. You have kindled up a council-fire of peace, and have planted a tree of peace, according to ancient custom. We find that you have omitted one thing, which is this:--According to our ancient custom, whenever a council-fire was kindled up, and a tree of peace planted, there was some person appointed to watch it. Now, as there is no person appointed to watch this tree, we of the Six Nations take it upon us to appoint one. Let it be the descendant of our ancient friend, Quedar. He has to consider whether he will take the charge of it, and communicate to us whatever may respect it. He that watches this council-fire is to be provided with a wing, that he may brush off all insects that come near it, and keep it clear. That is the custom at our central council-house. We have one appointed for that purpose.

"Brothers:--As you have this day renewed the ancient covenant of friendship, and have again brightened the ancient chain, renew likewise another ancient custom respecting the regulation of trade. Let us have a trade at this place, and likewise at Schenectady, as it was in former times when we had hold of the old covenant. For then, Brothers, if our people came down with only a few musquash skins, we went home with glad hearts. Brothers, let it be so again. Let the twelve United Colonies take this into consideration.

"[_A belt of ten rows of wampum._]"

Abraham, the Mohawk, having concluded, _Tiahogwando,_ an Oneida sachem, succeeded him as follows:--

"Brothers:--This is all the Six Nations have to say at present. They would just mention one thing more before they break up. The Six Nations look upon this as a very good time to speak their minds, as here are the representatives of the twelve United Colonies. The dispute between the people of New-England and Penn seems to us to become a serious affair, and therefore the Six Nations take upon them to speak their minds freely, as they address the inhabitants of the whole continent. [FN] Many years ago, at a council held in Pennsylvania, when Cannassateego, that has been before mentioned, was present, Penn desired the Six Nations would sell him that piece of land known by the name of Scanandanani, or Susquehannah. The Indians of the Six Nations refused to sell it, saying, the great God would not permit them. Therefore they made him a present of that land, known by the name of Scanandanani. Penn received it, and made them valuable presents. After this, Colonel Lydius, a gentleman employed by the people of Boston, treated with some of the Indians to get that land from them. But he never kindled up a council-fire upon the occasion. He spoke to them whenever he met them; never with more than ten. From these he pretended to make a purchase of that tract. Gov. Penn, also, at the great treaty at Fort Stanwix, in the year 1768, desired that the land might be his, and distributed among the Six Nations, Shawanese and Caughnawagas, ten thousand dollars, for which they gave him a writing. This is an affair with which all the Six Nations are acquainted, and any one would lie who said they knew nothing about it. We have taken an opportunity to speak of this matter now, as the mind of the whole continent is now here. . . ."

* * * * *

[FN] Referring to the long and bitter controversy between Connecticut and Pennsylvania respecting the territory of Wyoming, of which more hereafter.

At this point the proceedings were adjourned over to the next day, being the 1st of September, when the Commissioners made the following reply:--

"Brothers of the Six Nations, attend!--We yesterday heard with pleasure your answer to the twelve United Colonies, and we return thanks to the great Governor of the universe that he has inclined your hearts to approve and accept the brotherly love offered to you by the twelve United Colonies. It makes us happy to hear so wise and brave a people as our brothers of the Six Nations are, publicly declare their unalterable resolution to maintain and support peace and friendship with the twelve United Colonies. This, Brothers, you have said, and we sincerely believe you. Brothers, we requested of you Indians of the Six Nations not to interfere in our quarrels. We are not in the least doubtful of success, as our cause is just. We will live or die like men. We can raise an army of three hundred thousand fighting men, who are brave, and are determined not to part with their civil and religious privileges. Therefore we now repeat to you, Brothers of the Six Nations, take great care of the strong friendship you have now made with the twelve United Colonies. Let that be your care, and that only. Peace is what we wish to establish.

"Brothers of the Six Nations:--You yesterday told us, that as the roads in your country were opened for you and your brothers of the twelve United Colonies to pass and repass, you desired at the same time that we would not stain the road with blood. Brothers, be assured we have no intention at present to spill blood in your country, and we hope it never may happen; and it never can, provided those wicked men, who are come so far from home in order to disturb the peace of the twelve United Colonies, do not appear in your country. But as we are determined to be free or die, we must pursue them until we drive them from off this island, or until they confirm our ancient privileges. Therefore, Brothers, rest assured, whatever may happen between us and our enemies, we never will injure or disturb the peace of the Six Nations, but preserve invariable the friendship that is now established, even unto death.

"Brothers:--You also desired yesterday that some of your friends of our blood should remain in peace, and particularly the missionary at Fort Hunter, who did not concern himself with the affairs of this world, but was earnestly engaged in conducting you to happiness, and instructing you in the reverence due to the great God who governs the universe. Brothers, such a man we love, and we are desirous of his remaining quiet and happy with you. We are also desirous that all the other missionaries, that have been engaged in the same good cause, may safely continue among you, and instruct you in the Gospel, which will be the means of your happiness in this world and the one to come.

"Brothers:--As we always looked upon you, Brothers of the Six Nations, to be a wise and capable people in conducting business of every kind, we were a little surprised to hear you say that no one was appointed by the twelve United Colonies to attend and watch the fire that they have kindled up at this place; when we have repeatedly told you that they had appointed five persons, whose business it was to attend and preserve it bright and clear, and that two of those five live in this town, who would take particular care, and who had full authority from the twelve United Colonies, to keep the flame bright and clear. Brothers, for fear you should not have understood us fully, we again acquaint you that the twelve United Colonies have authorized General Schuyler and Mr. Douw, both of this town, to keep the fire burning, that it may illuminate the whole country of the Six Nations, who may always see the way down to it, and sit in peace around it.

"Brothers:--You yesterday desired that the trade may be opened at this place and at Schenectady. We also wish it, and it will be done; so that you may trade as you formerly did, and be able to return home with your goods to your entire satisfaction.

"Brothers:--You yesterday mentioned some matters concerning land claimed by the people of Albany, and also the land in dispute between Connecticut and Gov. Penn. We now inform you that we are not authorized to transact any business of that kind at present, but will represent the matter at the Grand Congress at Philadelphia.

"Brothers:--We have now finished, and let you know the present that we have from the twelve United Colonies is preparing for you, and when it is ready we will acquaint you. Wagons shall be provided for you whenever you are ready to set off for Schenectady."

Thus ended the business of the Commissioners with the Indians, more amicably, to all appearance, than could reasonably have been anticipated, when all the circumstances preceding and attending the negotiations are taken into consideration. There was, however, the "unfinished business" between the Indians and the municipality of Albany yet to be completed. For this purpose a council was arranged for the day following, September 2d, and the Commissioners, on the part of the United Colonies, were again invited to attend. The council was held in the Presbyterian meeting-house. The preliminaries of form having been adjusted, the Committee of the Common Council and citizens of Albany, delivered the following reply to the speech of the Oneida sachem, on the 25th of August:--

"Brothers of the Six Nations:--We suppose it will not be insisted upon to repeat the whole of your speech, as we conceive it unnecessary, and therefore shall only take notice of the material parts.

"Brothers:--You said that you was glad to see us at this place on the 25th August, in consequence of our invitation; and that you was glad to see that some sparks of the old council-fire yet remained, and that you rejoiced, even to excess, to find it so.

"Brothers:--We thank you for your kind congratulations and salutations at meeting us here, and rejoice in the opportunity you have given us at this time, of meeting one another in friendship and peace, to talk of old times and renew our ancient treaty.

"Brothers:--We are happy to find that you so readily accepted our request to come and see us, and that you have had so much patience, and behaved so orderly during your short stay among us.

"Brothers:--At the conference of our deputies with you at the German Flats, they showed you some old belts of wampum, which you expressed a desire to see. Here are those belts, and we hope even Time will not wear them out. This is the Belt given by the Oneida Nation, and is the old covenant between the whole Oneida Nation and _Gorah Quedar._ This is the belt that was given by the Indian _Kayinguaraghtoh_ in behalf of the Six Nations.

"Brothers attend:--In your speech, you farther observed that you had long since taken a resolution to take no active part in the present contest for liberty. We do not offer to censure you for your conduct; but admire your wisdom, praise your pacific disposition, and hope you will have fortitude to maintain and persevere in it.

"[_A belt._]

"Brothers:--You further said that the road to the westward, you heard by the bird, was to be stopped up; this matter is beyond our limits. The commissioners of the twelve United Colonies having spoken to you at large about the roads, that they shall be left open, we entirely agree with them in this; and therefore shall add nothing on this point, and return the belt.

"Brothers:--You said further, and delivered us this belt; that you was anxious about and concerned for your minister, Mr. Kirkland; and asked our advice about his remaining among you, who we do not see you should be deprived of without your consent, any more than the Mohawk tribe should be deprived of their missionary. We highly approve of your concern for the ministers of the Gospel, and your attachment for the pure precepts and doctrine of Christianity. But if your minister is removed, we should fear the consequence. It would certainly give occasion of jealousy to your Brethren, the white people, that you Indians were not well disposed. Therefore it is our ardent wish that they may all remain among you, as your teachers and instructors in virtue, piety, and true religion; and we hope you may benefit and profit by their instruction.

"[_A belt._]

"Brothers:--Before any commissioners were appointed by the twelve United Colonies--from the disagreeable condition of our country, and the ancient friendship and alliance subsisting between us, commenced in the days of your ancestors and our forefathers, we took upon us, as the representatives of the people of the city and county of Albany, to give you an invitation to pay us a friendly visit, that we might have an opportunity of seeing you here, at the place where the first fire was kindled, that we might rake up the old ashes, and not suffer it to be extinguished, but renew the old covenant chain, and make it shine with brighter lustre.

"Brothers:--We are happy to find from your speech, that you still retain that affection for us which a well-founded friendship will naturally produce, and which we hope, from our conduct toward you, is not unmerited; and we rejoice to find that you feel for our distresses, and lament the unnatural quarrel of brethren, which you express so warmly by a desire of an amicable settlement.

"Brothers:--Time will not permit us, at present, to mention to you, how, and on what occasion, the first covenant was made between you and our forefathers. They had never deserted you, but kept their covenants and agreements with you, nor do we mean to act otherwise on our part.

"Brothers:--This covenant, afterwards improved upon, was confirmed between you and us in the year 1665, one year after this country went over to the crown of England. Since this, you have from time to time admitted into your chain, the Tuscaroras, and most, if not all, the twelve United Colonies.

"Brothers:--There are five gentlemen commissioners, appointed by the twelve United Colonies, at the grand council in Philadelphia; and the management of public affairs in the Indian department now belongs to them. These gentlemen have informed you of the nature of the dispute between Great Britain and this country; and testified their desire of keeping up the council fire between us.

"Brothers:--We know it is customary, at the renewal of any covenants between us, that a present should follow; we now make it known to you, that the goods you will receive of the commissioners of the twelve United Colonies are partly ours; we pay our proportionable part toward them, so that what you receive of them is from us also. We are the same. There is no distinction.

"Brothers:--If our memory do not fail us, we think that when we invited two or three of each of our brethren of the Six Nations to come down here, we also desired that you would acquaint us of what had passed in the congress held at Oswego (which as yet we know nothing of.) You say, indeed, you are glad we are peaceably inclined as well as Col. Johnson; but you have told us nothing else of what had passed there, which we had expected, and do wish that our brothers conceal nothing from us, especially as you called God to witness for the truth of what you said.

"Brothers of the Six Nations, and you, the Mohawks in particular:--We apprehend the bird Tsklelele has been busy again. He seems to be a mischievous bird, and ought not to be nourished or entertained. In your answer to the commissioners you addressed yourselves to the inhabitants of Albany, complaining that they had taken from you two pieces of land without giving you the value of a pipe of tobacco for them; and that you desired they would restore you to the peaceable possession of them, and that the commissioners would look into this matter and afford you relief. The land you speak of we suppose to be Ticonderoga.

"Brothers:--This is a matter foreign to the business we met upon, (and we are not authorised nor qualified to enter upon the subject, it is a business that belongs to the corporation of Albany) yet as we may be considered the representatives of the people at large, our entire silence may be construed into guilt of the heavy charge fixed upon us. For your satisfaction as well as of the audience, we will endeavor to show by a few remarks that the accusation is groundless. The lands alluded to are granted by the charter of Albany. We never heard that any of your nation have been dispossessed or driven off those lands; but you hitherto have and still enjoy those lands without the least interruption.

"Brothers:--As we observed before, the matter cannot properly come before us, but belongs to another body; and therefore the application to us is improper. However, give us leave to say, that, instead of complaining, we think the Mohawks, if they considered their own interest and that of their posterity, and would be candid, must acknowledge the truth of the fact, and rejoice at this day, that they have had such faithful guardians and trustees, for if it had not been so, who would have enjoyed those lands now? There have been complaints concerning this matter before, and inquiries into it before proper tribunals; and for your information, and that of the curious, we refer to the proceedings of the House of Assembly of this Colony, and also to the minutes taken on a conference between the corporation of this city and yourselves, at which Sir William Johnson was present, and therefore return you the belt."

After consultation, the Indians returned the following answer by _Abraham,_ chief of the Mohawks:--

"Brothers of Albany:--We return you thanks for your speech, and that you have informed us that the twelve United Colonies by their commissioners, have opened all the roads; and we now take it for granted that the communications at Fort Stanwix are not to be shut up, and that the New England people never will do it. This, Brethren, has been the occasion of some anxiety in the minds of the Six Nations.

"Brothers of the Six Nations, attend; _You also the people of Albany, and you the twelve United Colonies by your commissioners:_--Last spring Col. Johnson informed us that the New England people were near him to take him prisoner. Upon which we, like people intoxicated, took up our guns and ran to assist him, as he was our superintendent. But, Brethren, as it happened in the manner before mentioned, we hope you will look upon it in that light. We, the Six Nations, have now made and renewed our ancient covenants. The proceedings just now mentioned have brought me down. I have made a proper acknowledgment to the Six Nations, and now do the same to you, and I hope you will raise me up again. The news I was just speaking of, came not from a bird, but from your own people.

"Brothers of Albany, farther attend:--I shall only make a short reply to your speech relating to the lands. Many agreeable things are therein. You farther say, that you never heard that any of us were driven from those lands. There is one thing which is not so agreeable. It is the Tskleleli. You, Brothers, know how that matter is, and in case I was to answer that part of your speech, it might perhaps draw us into an argument;--and as you are not, as you say, the proper body to which we ought to have applied, and as you have referred us to former proceedings, we shall close.

"Brothers of Albany:--We the Six Nations now tell you, that it is at your pleasure to call on us, and we will inform you of what passed in the congress at Oswego."

Taking the hint that the Indians would say nothing except in due form, the chairman of the committee immediately said:--

"Brothers of the Six Nations:--We are now ready to hear it, and should be glad you would inform us."

The Mohawk chief then proceeded:--

"Brothers of Albany:--You sent for us to inform you of what passed at Oswego;--but you have not, since we have been down, desired it. We have been always ready; and as you have now asked us, we will now tell you, and think it our duty, as we look upon it that God will punish us should we conceal any thing from you.

"Brothers:--The transactions of that treaty were very public. The Shawanese were there, and some from Detroit. Mr. Johnson told us, that the fire kindled there was a fire of peace, that all the white people were the king's subjects, and that it seemed they were intoxicated. Mr. Johnson also told us, that the white people were all got drunk, and that God's judgment hung over them, but did not know on which side it would fall. Mr. Johnson farther told us, that the council-fire was kindled on account of the present dispute, and desired us not to interfere, as they were Brothers, and begged us to sit still and maintain peace. This is what Colonel Johnson told us at that council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. Kirkland; that he was gone to Philadelphia and along the sea-coast; that he was become a great soldier and a leader. Is this your minister? says he. Do you think your minister minds your souls? No, by the time he comes to Philadelphia, he will be a great warrior, and when he returns he will be the chief of all the Five Nations.

"Brothers:--There were present five people of Detroit, five from Caughnawaga, and two of the Shawanese. Col. Johnson told them, that by the time he returned from Canada, they should have all their men there, and he would then kindle a council-fire; and he would also desire them not to take any part in this dispute, as it was a quarrel between brothers. Mr. Johnson also told them that this council-fire was kindled upon peace, and that it seemed, by reason of the white people's intoxication, that God's judgment hung over them. He also told us that he was going to the Governor of Canada, who was of a different opinion from him, but would talk with him; and he farther said that he would tell the Caughnawaga Indians the same he told us, and for that purpose desired that two of each nation might go along, and hear it. He likewise desired us to consider which way we would have our trade, whether up this river, or from Canada. He at the same time assured us, that we should not suffer for want of goods, as we were not concerned, nor had any hand in the present dispute. He also mentioned something about the council-fires. He said there are two fires which you shall keep your eyes upon, and if they call you down to Albany, do not you go, for they will deceive you, and tell you a great many fine stories. We are very glad that your language and Col. Johnson's so well agrees."

Thus ended this grand council with the Six Nations, and the last council ever held at Albany, with the great aboriginal confederacy which has been denominated the Roman Republic of the Indian world.

* * * * *

No. III.

[Reference from Page 231.]

By Barry St. Leger, Esq.,

Commander-in-chief of a chosen body of troops from the grand army, as well as an extensive corps of Indian allies from all the nations, &c., &c.

The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in concert, and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies and fleets which already display, in every quarter of America, the power, justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the King.

The cause in which the British arms are thus exerted, applies to the most affecting interest of the human heart, and the military servants of the Crown, at first called forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of the constitution, now combine with love of their country and duty to their sovereign, the other extensive incitements which spring from a due sense of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to the breast of suffering thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God in his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution and torture unprecedented in the inquisitions of the Romish Church, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirmative. These are inflicted by Assemblies and Committees, who dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to the government under which they were born, and to which by every tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consummate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason; the consciences of men are set at nought; and multitudes are compelled, not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usurpation they abhor.

Animated by these considerations; at the head of troops in the full powers of health, discipline and valor, determined to strike when necessary, and anxious to spare when possible; I by these presents invite and exhort all persons, in all places where the progress of this army may point, and by the blessing of God I will extend it far, to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting their lands, habitations, and families. The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depredation, to the country.

To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the glorious task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and reestablishing the blessings of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment; and upon the first intelligence of their associations, I will find means to assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants, I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted or destroyed; that they do not break up their bridges or roads; nor by any other acts, directly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy.

Every species of provision brought to my camp will be paid for at an equitable rate and in solid coin. If, notwithstanding these endeavors and sincere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the State against the willful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in the field, and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensable prosecution of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return.

Barry St. Leger.

By order of the Commander-in-chief, Will. Osb. Hamilton, Secretary.

No. IV.

[Reference from Page 241.]

The fury and cruelty of the Indians and Tories at and immediately after the battle of Oriskany, is strongly set forth in the following affidavit, the original of which is now in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany. Dr. Younglove died about fifteen years since in the city of Hudson. He was known to the author as a respectable man, though of strong feelings and prejudices. Any statement of this kind, from a man of his temperament, would be likely to receive a strong coloring, without, however, any designed misstatement of facts.

"Moses Younglove, Surgeon of General Herkimer's brigade of militia, deposeth and saith, that being in the battle of said militia above Oriskany on the 6th of August last, toward the close of said battle he surrendered himself a prisoner to a savage, who immediately gave him up to a sergeant of Sir John Johnson's regiment; soon after which, a Lieutenant in the Indian department came up in company with several other Tories, when said Mr. Grinnis by name, drew his tomahawk at this deponent, and with a deal of persuasion was hardly prevailed on to spare his life. He then plundered him of his watch, buckles, spurs, &c.; and other Tories following his example, stripped him almost naked with a great many threats, while they were stripping and massacring prisoners on every side. That this deponent, on being brought before Mr. Butler, Sen., who demanded of him what he was fighting for; to which this deponent answered, he fought for the liberty that God and Nature gave him, and to defend himself and dearest connexions from the massacre of savages. To which Butler replied, 'you are a damned impudent rebel;' and so saying, immediately turned to the savages, encouraging them to kill him, and if they did not, the deponent and the other prisoners should be hanged on a gallows then preparing. That several prisoners were then taken forward toward the enemy's head-quarters with frequent scenes of horror and massacre, in which Tories were active as well as savages; and in particular one Davis, formerly known in Tryon County on the Mohawk river. That Lieut. Singleton, of Sir John Johnson's regiment, being wounded, entreated the savages to kill the prisoners, which they accordingly did, as nigh as this deponent can judge, about six or seven."

"That Isaac Paris, Esq., was also taken the same road, without receiving from them any remarkable insult except stripping, until some Tories came up, who kicked and abused him; after which the savages, thinking him a notable offender, murdered him barbarously. That those of the prisoners who were delivered up to the provost guards, were kept without victuals for many days, and had neither clothes, blankets, shelter, nor fire; while the guards were ordered not to use any violence in protecting the prisoners from the savages, who came every day in large companies with knives, feeling of the prisoners, to know who were fattest. That they dragged one of the prisoners out of the guard with the most lamentable cries; tortured him for a long time; and this deponent was informed, by both Tories and Indians, that they ate him, as appears they did another on an island in Lake Ontario, by bones found there nearly picked, just after they had crossed the lake with the prisoners. That the prisoners who were not delivered up, were murdered in considerable numbers from day to day round the camp, some of them so nigh that their shrieks were heard. That Capt. Martin, of the batteaux-men, was delivered to the Indians at Oswego, on pretence of his having kept back some useful intelligence. That this deponent during his imprisonment, and his fellows, were kept almost starved for provisions; and what they drew, were of the worst kind, such as spoiled flour, biscuit full of maggots, and mouldy, and no soap allowed, or other method of keeping clean; and were insulted, struck, &c. without mercy by the guards, without any provocation given. That this deponent was informed by several sergeants orderly on Gen. St. Leger, that twenty dollars were offered in general orders for every American scalp.

"MOSES YOUNGLOVE.

"JOHN BARCLAY, _Chairman of Albany Committee._"

* * * * *

No. V.

[Reference from Page 249.]

The following is a copy of the letter addressed to Colonel Gansevoort, while under duress in the camp of General St. Leger, by Colonel Bellinger and Major Frey:--

"9 _o'clock P. M.--Camp before Fort Stanwix,_ 6_th August,_ 1777.

"Sir,

"It is with concern we are to acquaint you that this was the fatal day in which the succors, which were intended for your relief, have been attacked and defeated, with great loss of numbers killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. Our regard for your safety and lives, and our sincere advice to you is, if you will avoid inevitable ruin and destruction, to surrender the fort you pretend to defend against a formidable body of troops and a good train of artillery, which we are witnesses of; when, at the same time, you have no farther support or relief to expect. We are sorry to inform you that most of the principal officers are killed; to wit--Gen. Herkimer, Colonels Cox, Seeber, Isaac Paris, Captain Graves, and many others too tedious to mention. The British army from Canada being now perhaps before Albany, the possession of which place of course includes the conquest of the Mohawk river and this fort."

The following endorsement is on the back of this letter. "Gen. St. Leger, on the day of the date of this letter, made a verbal summons of the fort by his Adjutant General and Colonel Butler, and who then handed this letter; when Colonel Gansevoort refused any answer to a verbal summons, unless made by General St. Leger himself, but at the mouth of his cannon."

* * * * *

{FN} [In regard to the battle of Oriskany, to which the preceding note refers, the author has received an interesting anecdote from Mr. John S. Quackenboss, of Montgomery county, which would have formed a page in the chapter containing an account of that battle had it come to hand in season. The father of the author's correspondent, Abraham D. Quackenboss, resided in the Mohawk country on the south side of the river, at the breaking out of the war. Living as it were among the Indians, bespoke their language as well as he did his own. Among them he had a friend, named Bronkahorse--who, though an Indian, had been his playmate, and they had served in the French war together under Sir William Johnson. When the revolutionary troubles came on, Bronkahorse called upon Quackenboss, and endeavored to persuade him to espouse the cause of the King--assuring him that their Great Father could never be conquered. Quackenboss refused, and they parted--the Indian, however, assuring him that they were parting as friends, although, since they had fought in one war together, he had hoped they might do so in the other. Mr. Q. saw no more of his friend until the battle of Oriskany. During the thickest of the fight, he heard his name called, in the well-known voice of Bronkahorse, from behind a large tree near by. He was himself sheltered by a tree; but in looking out for the warrior, he saw his Indian friend. The latter now importuned Quackenboss to surrender, assuring him of kind treatment and protection, but also assuring him that unless he did so, he would inevitably be killed. Quackenboss refused, and the Indian thereupon attempted to kill him. For a moment they watched each other, each endeavoring to obtain the first and best chance of a shot. The Indian at length fired, and his ball struck the tree, but had nearly been fatal. Springing from his covert upon the Indian, Quackenboss then fired, and his friend Bronkahorse fell dead on the spot. It was the belief of Mr. Quackenboss that the loss of the enemy during that battle equaled that of Herkimer's command. The latter suffered the most severely in the early part of the engagement--the enemy in the latter part]

No. VI.

[Reference from Page 252.]

"_Camp before Fort Stanwix, August_ 9, 1777

"Sir,

"Agreeable to your wishes, I have the honor to give you on paper, the message of yesterday, though I cannot conceive, explicit and humane as it was, how it could admit of more than one construction. After the defeat of the reinforcement and the fate of all your principal leaders, in which, naturally, you built your hopes; and having the strongest reason from verbal intelligence, and the matter contained in the letters which fell into my hands, and knowing thoroughly the situation of General Burgoyne's army, to be confident you are without resource--in my fears and tenderness for your personal safety from the hands of Indians enraged for the loss of some of their principal and most favourite leaders--I called to council the chiefs of all the nations; and after having used every method that humanity could suggest to soften their minds, and lead them patiently to bear their own losses by reflecting on the irretrievable misfortune of their enemies, I at last labored the point my humanity wished for; which the chiefs assured me of the next morning, after a consultation with each nation, that evening, at their fire-places. Their answer, in its fullest extent, they insisted should be carried by Col. Butler, which he has given in the most categorical manner. You are well acquainted that Indians never send messages without accompanying them with menaces on non-compliance, that a civilized enemy would never think of doing; you may rest assured, therefore, that no insult was meant to be offered to your situation, by the king's servants, in the message they peremptorily demanded to be carried by Col. Butler.

"I am now to repeat what has been told you by my Adjutant General; 'That provided you will deliver up your garrison, with every thing as it stood at the moment the first message was sent, your people shall be treated with every attention that a humane and generous enemy can give.'

"I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant, Barry St. Leger, "_Brig. Gen. of his Majesty's forces._

"P. S.--I expect an immediate answer, as the Indians are extremely impatient; and if this proposal is rejected, I am afraid it will be attended with very fatal consequences, not only to you and your garrison, but the whole country down the Mohawk river--such consequences as will be very repugnant to my sentiments of humanity, but after this entirely out of my power to prevent.

"Barry St. Leger.

"Col. Gansevoort, _commanding Fort Stanwix._"

* * * * *

No. VII.

[Reference from Page 253.]

"_Camp before Fort Stanwix. August_ 13, 1777.

"_To the Inhabitants of Tryon County._

"Notwithstanding the many and great injuries we have received in person and property at your hands, and being at the head of victorious troops, we most ardently wish to have peace restored to this once happy country; to obtain which, we are willing and desirous, upon a proper submission on your parts, to bury in oblivion all that is past, and hope that you are, or will be, convinced in the end that we were your friends and good advisers, and not such wicked, designing men, as those who led you into error, and almost total ruin. You have, no doubt, great reason to dread the resentment of the Indians, on account of the loss they sustained in the late action, and the mulish obstinacy of your troops in this garrison, who have no resource but in themselves; for which reasons the Indians declare, that if they do not surrender the garrison without further opposition, they will put every soul to death,--not only the garrison, but the whole country,--without any regard to age, sex, or friends; for which reason it is become your indispensable duty, as you must answer the consequences, to send a deputation of your principal people, to oblige them immediately to what, in a very little time, they must be forced,--the surrender of the garrison; in which case we will engage, on the faith of Christians, to protect you from the violence of the Indians.

"Surrounded as you are by victorious armies, one half (if not the greater part) of the inhabitants friends to government, without any resource, surely you cannot hesitate a moment to accept the terms proposed to you by friends and well-wishers to the country.

"John Johnson, } D. W. Claus, } Superintendents. John Butler, }"

* * * * *

No. VIII.

[Reference from Page 256.]

"_By the Hon._ Benedict Arnold, _Esq. Major-general and Commander-in-chief of the army of the United States of America on the Mohawk River._

"Whereas a certain Barry St. Leger, a Brigadier-general in the service of George of Great Britain, at the head of a banditti of robbers, murderers, and traitors, composed of savages of America, and more savage Britons, (among whom is the noted Sir John Johnson, John Butler, and Daniel Glaus,) have lately appeared in the frontiers of this State, and have threatened ruin and destruction to all the inhabitants of the United States. They have also, by artifice and misrepresentation, induced many of the ignorant and unwary subjects of these States to forfeit their allegiance to the same, and join with them in their atrocious crimes, and parties of treachery and parricide.

"Humanity to those poor deluded wretches, who are hastening blindfold to destruction, induces me to offer them, and all others concerned, (whether Savages, Germans, Americans, or Britons,) PARDON, provided they do, within ten days from the date hereof, come in and lay down their arms, sue for protection, and swear allegiance to the United States of America.

"But if, still blind to their own interest and safety, they obstinately persist in their wicked courses, determined to draw on themselves the just vengeance of heaven and of this exasperated country, they must expect no mercy from either.

"B. Arnold, M. G.

"_Given under my hand, Head-quarters, German Flats,_ 20_th August,_ 1777."

* * * * *

No. IX

[Reference from Page 274.]

_Extracts from Mad. de Riedesel's account of her Residence in America._

When the army broke up, on the 11th of September, 1777, I was at first told that I must remain behind; but on my repeated entreaties, and as other ladies had been permitted to follow the army, the same indulgence was extended to me. We advanced by short journeys, and went through many toils; yet I would have purchased at any price the privilege thus granted to me of seeing daily my husband. I had sent back my baggage, and only kept a small bundle of summer dresses. In the beginning, all went well; we thought that there was little doubt of our being successful, and of reaching "the promised land;" and when, on the passage across the Hudson, general Burgoyne exclaimed, "Britons never retrograde," our spirits rose mightily. I observed, however, with surprise, that the wives of the officers were beforehand informed of all the military plans; and I was so much the more struck with it, as I remembered with how much secrecy all dispositions were made in the armies of Duke Ferdinand during the seven-years' war. [FN] Thus the Americans anticipated our movements, and expected us wherever we arrived; and this of course injured our affairs. On the 19th of September, an action took place, which ended to our advantage; but we were, in consequence, obliged to halt at a place called Freeman's Farm. I witnessed the whole action, and knowing that my husband was among the combatants, I was full of anxiety and care, and trembled at every shot--and nothing escaped my ear. I saw a great number of wounded, and, what was still worse, three of them were brought into the house where I was. One of them was a Major Harnage, whose wife was with us; the second, a lieutenant, whose wife was of our acquaintance; and the third, a young English officer called Young. The Major occupied, with his wife, a room close by to that where I was. He had received a shot through his body, and suffered exquisite pains. A few days after our arrival, I heard groans in another room, and was told that the young officer, whom I have just mentioned, was lying there, and that his recovery was very doubtful. I took much interest in him, as a family of his name had shown me great kindness during my stay in England. He expressed a great desire to see his benefactress, for so he called me. I went into his room, and found him on a thin bed of straw, for he had lost his whole baggage. He was eighteen or nineteen years old, an only son, and the nephew of the same Mr. Young I had known in England. He lamented for his parents' sake, but said nothing of his sufferings. He had lost much blood, and the surgeon advised him to submit to the amputation of his wounded leg; but he would not consent to it, though the limb had become gangrenous. I sent him pillows and blankets, and my maids gave him their mattress. I took more and more care of him, and visited him daily; for which he thanked me a thousand times. At last the amputation took place; but it was too late, and he died a few days afterwards. My room being close to his, and the walls very thin, I heard his last moans.

* * * * *

[FN] Lieutenant Auburey made a similar remark when the army was yet in Canada: "We have more dangerous enemies at home than any we have to encounter abroad; for all the transactions that are to take place, are publicly known long before they are officially given out in orders; and I make no doubt but you will be as much surprised as the General (Burgoyne) was, when I tell you that the whole operations of the ensuing campaign were canvassed for several days before he arrived, who, no doubt, supposed, that in giving out his orders, he was communicating an entire secret."--[Montreal, May 20th, 1777. Vol. i, p. 203.]

Great secrecy, observes the same writer, was, on the contrary, observed in the American army.

I occupied a tolerably good house, and had a large room. The door and the wainscot were of cedar, a sort of wood which is found in abundance here; insects are driven away by the smell of it when it is burned, and it is often used for that purpose; but some people believe that the smoke of it is injurious to the nerves, and principally to females in certain situations.

For our farther march, I had caused a calash to be made for me, in which I could take, not only my children, but also my two female attendants; and thus I followed the army in the midst of the troops, who were in great spirits, and sang and longed for victory. We marched through endless forests, and a beautiful district, though deserted by the inhabitants, who ran away at our approach to reinforce General Gates's army. They are naturally soldiers and excellent marksmen, and the idea of fighting for their country and their liberty increased their innate courage. My husband was encamped with the rest of the army; being myself an hour's ride behind the army, I went every morning to pay him a visit in the camp, and sometimes I dined there with him, but generally he took his dinner in my quarters. There were daily skirmishes with the enemy, generally of little importance. But my husband could never sleep without his clothes. The weather having already grown rougher, Colonel Williams of the artillery thought our mutual visits were rather too fatiguing for us, and proposed to have a house built for me with a chimney, which should not cost more than five or six guineas, and which I could uninterruptedly inhabit. I accepted of his offer; and the building, which was to be about twenty feet square, was begun. Such a dwelling is called a block-house, for which logs nearly of equal diameter are put together; and if the interstices are filled up with clay, it is not only very solid, but very warm. I was to take possession of it on the next day; and I rejoiced in it the more, as the nights were damp and cold, and it being close to the camp, my husband would be able to be with me. But all at once, on the 7th of October, he marched away with the whole staff, and then our misfortunes began. While breakfasting with my husband, I heard that something was under contemplation. General Fraser, and, I believe, Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, were to dine with me on that day. I remarked much movement in the camp. My husband told me that it was a mere reconnaissance; and as this was frequent, I was not much alarmed at it. On my way homeward I met a number of Indians, armed with guns, and clad in their war dresses. Having asked them where they were going, they replied, "War, war;" by which they meant that they were about to fight. This made me very uneasy, and I had scarcely got home before I heard reports of guns; and soon the fire became brisker, till at last the noise grew dreadful, upon which I was more dead than alive. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon, instead of guests whom I had expected to dine with me, I saw one of them, poor General Fraser, brought upon a hand-barrow, mortally wounded. The table, which was already prepared for dinner, was immediately removed, and a bed placed in its stead for the General. I sat, terrified and trembling, in a corner. The noise grew more alarming, and I was in a continual tremor while thinking that my husband might soon also be brought in, wounded like General Fraser. That poor General said to the surgeon, "tell me the truth; is there no hope?" His wound was exactly like that of Major Harnage; the ball had passed through his body, but, unhappily for the General, he had that morning eaten a full breakfast, by which the stomach was distended, and the ball, as the surgeon remarked, passed directly through it. I heard often, amidst his groans, such words as these, "_O bad ambition! poor General Burgoyne! poor Mistress Fraser._" Prayers were read, after which he desired that General Burgoyne should be requested to have him buried the next day, at six o'clock in the evening, on a hill where a breast-work had been constructed. I knew not what to do; the entrance and all the rooms were full of sick, in consequence of the dysentery which prevailed in the camp. At length, toward evening, my husband came; and from that moment my affliction was much soothed, and I breathed thanks to God. He dined with me and the aids-de-camp in great haste, in an open space in the rear of the house. We poor females had been told that our troops had been victorious; but I well saw, by the melancholy countenance of my husband, that it was quite the contrary. On going away, he took me aside to tell me every thing went badly, and that I should prepare myself to depart, but without saying any thing to any body. Under the pretense of removing the next day to my new lodgings, I ordered the baggage to be packed up. Lady Ackland's tent was near ours. She slept there, and spent the day in the camp. On a sudden she received news that her husband was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. She was much distressed; we endeavored to persuade her that the wound was not so dangerous, but advised her to ask permission to join her husband, to take care of him in his sickness. She was much attached to him, though he was rude and intemperate; yet he was a good officer. She was a lovely woman. I divided the night between her whom I wished to comfort, and my children who were asleep, but who, I feared, might disturb the poor dying General. He sent me several messages to beg my pardon for the trouble he thought he gave me. About 3 o'clock I was informed that he could not live much longer, and as I did not wish to be present at his last struggle, I wrapped my children in blankets, and retired into the entrance hall. At 8 o'clock in the morning he expired.

* * * * *

Orders had already been issued that the army should break up immediately after the funeral, and our calashes were ready. I was unwilling to depart sooner. Major Harnage, though hardly able to walk a step, left his bed, that he might not remain in the hospital, upon which a flag of truce had been erected. When he saw me thus in the midst of danger, he drove my children and female attendants into the vehicle, and told me that I had not a moment to lose. I begged to be permitted to remain a little longer. "Do what you please," replied he; "but your children I must at least save." This touched my most tender feelings; I sprang into the carriage, and at 8 o'clock we departed.

Profound silence had been recommended to us; large fires were lighted, and many tents were left untouched, to conceal our movement from the enemy. We proceeded on our way the whole night. Frederica was afraid, and began to cry; I was obliged to press a handkerchief to her mouth.

We were halted at six o'clock in the morning, to our general amazement. General Burgoyne ordered the artillery to be drawn up in a line; and to have it counted. This gave much dissatisfaction, as a few marches more would have ensured our safety. My husband was exhausted by fatigue, and took a seat in the calash, where my maids made room for him; and he slept for three hours upon my shoulder. In the mean time Captain Willoe brought me his pocket-book, containing bank notes, and Captain Geismar, a beautiful watch, a ring, and a well provided purse, requesting me to keep them, which I promised to do to the last. At length we recommenced our march; but scarcely an hour had elapsed before the army was again halted, because the enemy was in sight. They were but two hundred in number, who came to reconnoiter, and who might easily have been taken had not General Burgoyne lost all his presence of mind. The rain fell in torrents. Lady Ackland had caused her tent to be fixed up, I again suggested to her the propriety of rejoining her husband, to whom she might be of great service in his present situation. Yielding to my advice, she sent a message to General Burgoyne, through his aid-de-camp Lord Petersham, to beg his permission to leave the army. I told her that she need only insist upon it, and she would certainly succeed. The Rev. Mr. Brudenel accompanied her, and they went together in a boat, with a flag of truce, to the enemy. There is a well-known and fine engraving of that event. I afterward met with lady Ackland at Albany, when her husband was almost entirely recovered; and both thanked me for my advice. On the 9th, it rained terribly the whole day; nevertheless we kept ourselves ready to march. The savages had lost their courage, and they walked off in all directions. The least untoward event made them dispirited, especially when there was no opportunity for plunder.

* * * * *

We reached Saratoga about dark, which was but half an hour's march from the place where we had spent the day. I was quite wet, and was obliged to remain in that condition for want of a place to change my apparel. I seated myself near the fire, and undressed the children, and we then laid ourselves upon some straw. I asked General Phillips, who came to see how I was, why we did not continue our retreat, my husband having pledged himself to cover the movement, and to bring off the army In safety. "My poor lady," said he, "you astonish me. Though quite wet, you have so much courage as to wish to go farther in this weather. What a pity it is that you are not our commanding general! He complains of fatigue, and has determined upon spending the night here, and giving us a supper." It is very true that General Burgoyne liked to make himself easy, and that he spent half his nights in singing and drinking, and diverting himself with the wife of a commissary, who was his mistress, and who was as fond of Champaign as himself. I refreshed myself at 7 o'clock the next morning, (the 10th of October,) with a cup of tea, and we all expected that we should soon continue our march. General Burgoyne had given orders to set fire to General Schuyler's fine buildings and mills at Saratoga, for the purpose of securing our retreat. An English officer brought me some good soup, and insisted that I should partake of it. After this, we continued our march; but only for a short time. There was much misery and disorder in the army. The commissaries had forgotten to distribute provisions, though we had an abundance of cattle. I saw more than thirty officers, who complained bitterly of hunger. I gave them coffee and tea, and every thing eatable that I had in my calash.

* * * * *

Our calashes remained in readiness to depart. Every body advised a retreat, and my husband pledged himself to effect that movement, if no time was lost. But General Burgoyne, who had been promised an Order, if he should effect his junction with General Howe, could not be persuaded to it, and lost every thing by his dilatoriness. About 2 o'clock we heard again a report of muskets and cannon, and there was much alarm and bustle among our troops. My husband sent me word that I should immediately retire into a house which was not far off. I got into my calash with my children; and when we were near the house, I saw, on the opposite bank of the Hudson, five or six men, who aimed at us with their guns. Without knowing what I did, I threw my children into the back part of the vehicle, and laid myself upon them. At the same moment the fellows fired, and broke the arm of a poor English soldier, who stood behind us, and who, being already wounded, sought a shelter. Soon after our arrival a terrible cannonade began, and the fire was principally directed against the house, where we had hoped to find a refuge, probably because the enemy inferred, from the great number of people who went towards it, that this was the head-quarters of the Generals, while, in reality, none were there except women and crippled soldiers. We were at last obliged to descend into the cellar, where I laid myself in a corner near the door. My children put their heads upon my knees. An abominable smell, the cries of the children, and my own anguish of mind, did not permit me to close my eyes during the whole night. On the next morning the cannonade begun anew, but in a different direction. I advised my fellow-sufferers to withdraw, for a while, from the cellar, in order to give time to clean it, for we should otherwise injure our health. On an inspection of our retreat, I discovered that there were three cellars, spacious and well vaulted. I suggested that one of them should be appropriated to the use of the officers who were most severely wounded, the next to the females, and the third, which was nearest to the staircase, to all the rest of the company. We were just going down, when a new thunder of cannon threw us again into alarm. Many persons, who had no right to enter, threw themselves against the door. My children were already at the bottom of the staircase, and every one of us would probably have been crushed to death, had I not put myself before the entrance and resisted the intruders. Eleven cannon-balls passed through the house, and made a tremendous noise. A poor soldier, who was about to have a leg amputated, lost the other by one of these balls. All his comrades ran away at that moment, and when they returned, they found him in one corner of the room in the agonies of death. I was myself in the deepest distress, not so much on account of my own dangers, as of those to which my husband was exposed, who, however, frequently sent me messages, inquiring after my health. Major Harnage's wife, a Mrs. Reynell, the wife of the good lieutenant who had, on the preceding day, shared his soup with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself, were the only officers' wives at present with the army. We sat together, deploring our situation, when somebody having entered, all my companions exchanged looks of deep sorrow, whispering at the same time to one another. I immediately suspected that my husband had been killed. I shrieked aloud; but was immediately told that nothing had happened to my husband, and was given to understand, by a sidelong glance, that the Lieutenant had been killed. His wife was soon called out, and found that the Lieutenant was yet alive, though one of his arms had been shot off, near the shoulder, by a cannon-ball. We heard his groans and lamentations during the whole night, which were dreadfully re-echoed through the vaulted cellars; and in the morning he expired. My husband came to visit me during the night, which served to diminish my sadness and dejection in some degree. On the next morning we thought of making our cellar a more convenient residence. Major Harnage and his wife, and Mrs. Reynell, took possession of one corner, and transformed it into a kind of closet by means of a curtain. I was also to have a similar retreat; but I preferred to remain near the door, that I might escape more easily in case of fire. I had straw put under my mattresses, and on these I laid myself with my children; and my female servants slept near us. Opposite to us were three officers, who, though wounded, were determined not to remain behind if the army retreated. One of them was Captain Green, aid-de-camp to General Phillips, and a very amiable and worthy gentleman.. All three swore they would not depart without me in case of a sudden retreat, and that each of them would take one of my children on his horse. One of my husband's horses was constantly in readiness for myself. Mr. de Riedesel thought often of sending me to the American camp, to save me from danger; but I declared that nothing would be more painful to me than to live on good terms with those with whom he was fighting; upon which he consented that I should continue to follow the army. However, the apprehension that he might have marched away repeatedly intruded itself into my mind; and I crept up the staircase, more than once, to confirm or dispel my fears; and when I saw our soldiers near their watch-fires, I became more calm, and could even have slept.

* * * * *

The want of water continuing to distress us, we could not but be extremely glad to find a soldier's wife so spirited as to fetch some from the river, an occupation from which the boldest might have shrunk, as the Americans shot every one who approached it. They told us afterwards that they spared her on account of her sex.

I endeavored to dispel my melancholy, by continually attending to the wounded. I made them tea and coffee, for which I received their warmest acknowledgments. I often shared my dinner with them. One day a Canadian officer came creeping into our cellar, and was hardly able to say that he was dying with hunger. I felt happy to offer him my dinner, by eating which he recovered his health and I gained his friendship. On our return to Canada I became acquainted with his family.

I also took care of Major Bloomfield, who was wounded by a musket-ball, which passed through both his cheeks, knocked out his teeth and injured his tongue. He could retain nothing in his mouth, and soup and liquids were his only nourishment. Fortunately we had some Rhenish wine, and in the hope that the acidity would contribute to heal his wound, I gave him a bottle, of which he took a little now and then, and with such effect that he was soon cured. I thus acquired a new friend, and enjoyed some happiness in the midst of cares and sufferings, which otherwise would have weighed heavily upon my spirits. On one of these mournful days, General Phillips, wishing to pay me a visit, accompanied my husband, who came once or twice daily, at the risk of his life; and seeing our situation, and observing the entreaties I made to my husband not to be left behind, in case the army should suddenly break up, and my reluctance to fall into the hands of the enemy, he plead my cause, and said, on retiring "I would not, for ten thousand guineas, see this place again. I am heart-broken with what I have seen."

All our companions, however, did not deserve so much commiseration. We had some in our cellars who ought not to have been there, and who afterwards, when we were prisoners, were in perfect health, and walked about quite erect, and strutted as much as they could. We remained six days in this doleful retreat. At last a capitulation was talked of, in consequence of having lost, by useless delays, the opportunity of effecting our retreat. A cessation of hostilities took place, and my husband, who was quite exhausted by fatigue, could now, for the first time, sleep quietly in a little chamber, while I retired with my children and the maid-servants into the adjoining room. Towards one o'clock a person came and asked to speak with him. I was very reluctant to awaken him at that hour of the night; and I soon observed that the errand did not much please him, for he immediately sent the messenger back to the head-quarters, and laid himself down again, out of humor. Soon after this General Burgoyne sent for all the Generals and field-officers to attend a council of war early next morning, when he proposed to break the capitulation, in consequence of some groundless information he had received. It was, however, decided that this step was neither advisable nor practicable; and this determination was very fortunate for us, as the Americans told us after-wards, that, had we broken the treaty, we should all have been cut to pieces. This they could easily have done, as our army was reduced to four or five thousand men, while we had given them time to raise theirs to twenty thousand. On the morning of the 16th, however, my husband was obliged to repair to his post, and I to my cellar.

On the 17th of October the capitulation was carried into effect. The Generals waited upon the American General Gates, and the troops surrendered themselves prisoners of war, and laid down their arms. The time had now come for the good woman, who had risked her life to supply us with water, to receive the reward of her services. Each of us threw a handful of money into her apron; and she thus received more than twenty guineas. At such a moment at least, if at no other, the heart easily overflows with gratitude.

* * * * *

When I drew near the tents, a good-looking man advanced towards me, and helped the children from the calash, and kissed and caressed them; he then offered me his arm, and tears trembled in his eyes. "You tremble," said he; "do not be alarmed, I pray you." "Sir," cried I, "a countenance so expressive of benevolence, and the kindness which you have evinced towards my children, are sufficient to dispel all apprehension." He then ushered me into the tent of General Gates, whom I found engaged in friendly conversation with Generals Burgoyne and Phillips. General Burgoyne said to me: "You can now be quiet, and free from all apprehension of danger." I replied that I should indeed be reprehensible if I felt any anxiety when our General felt none, and was on such friendly terms with General Gates.

All the Generals remained to dine with General Gates. The gentleman who had received me with so much kindness, came and said to me, "You may find it embarrassing to be the only lady in such a large company of gentlemen; will you come with your children to my tent, and partake of a frugal dinner, offered with the best will?" "By the kindness you show to me," returned I, "you induce me to believe that you have a wife and children." He informed me that he was General Schuyler. He regaled me with smoked tongues, which were excellent, with beefsteaks, potatoes, fresh butter, and bread. Never did a dinner give so much pleasure as this. I was easy, after many months of anxiety; and I read the same happy change in those around me. That my husband was out of danger, was a still greater cause of joy. After our dinner, General Schuyler begged me to pay him a visit at his house near Albany, where he expected that General Burgoyne would also be his guest. I sent to ask my husband's directions, who advised me to accept the invitation. As we were two days' journey from Albany, and it was now near five o'clock in the afternoon, he wished me to endeavor to reach, on that day, a place distant about three hours ride. General Schuyler carried his civilities so far as to solicit a well-bred French officer to accompany me on that first part of my journey.

* * * * *

On the next day, we reached Albany, where we had so often wished ourselves; but we did not enter that city, as we hoped we should, with a victorious army. The reception, however, which we met with from General Schuyler, his wife and daughters, was not like the reception of enemies, but of the most intimate friends. They loaded us with kindness; and they behaved in the same manner towards General Burgoyne, though he had ordered their splendid establishment to be burnt, and without any necessity as it was said. But all their actions proved, that at the sight of the misfortunes of others they quickly forgot their own. General Burgoyne was so much affected by this generous deportment, that he said to General Schuyler, "You are too kind to me, who have done you so much injury." "Such is the fate of war," replied he; "let us not dwell on this subject." We remained three days with that excellent family, and they seemed to regret our departure.

* * * * *

The following account of a visit to the field of Saratoga, on the fiftieth Anniversary of that battle, viz: October 17, 1827, was written immediately afterward for the use of the author of the present work. The writer, the venerable Samuel Woodruff, Esq. of Windsor, (Conn.) it need not be added, was a participator in the battle:--

Windsor, Conn. Oct. 31, 1827.

My Dear Sir,--

You may remember when I had the pleasure to dine with you at New-York, on the 14th inst. I had set out on a tour to Saratoga, to gratify a desire I felt, and which had long been increasing, to view the battle-grounds at that place, and the spot on which the royal army under the command of General Burgoyne surrendered to General Gates on the 17th of October, 1777.

I thought it would add something to the interest of that view to me, to be there on the 17th, exactly half a century after that memorable event took place. You will excuse me for entering a little into the feelings of Uncle Toby respecting Dendermond, in the compressed and hastily written journal I kept of my tour, especially as you will take into consideration that I had the honor to serve as a volunteer under General Gates part of that campaign, and was in the battle of the 7th of October.

I take the liberty to inclose to you an extract of that part of my journal which embraces the principal object of my tour.

Oct. 17th.--After a short stop in Troy, took another stage for Saratoga;--at Lansingburgh, a neat and handsome village, about three miles from Troy, crossed the Hudson on a covered bridge of excellent workmanship, over to Waterford, (Old Half Moon Point,) another rich and flourishing village. Arrived at Fish creek in Saratoga at half past 2 P. M. through a beautiful, well-cultivated interval of alluvial land on the west side of the Hudson--every thing from Albany to this place wears the appearance of wealth and comfort. Put up at Mr. Barker's tavern. After dinner viewed the ruins of the British fortifications and head-quarters of Gen. Burgoyne. He kept his quarters for several days at a house, now standing and in good repair, about a mile north of Fish creek, on the west side of the road, owned by Mr. Busher, an intelligent farmer about seventy-five years of age. While Burgoyne held his head-quarters at this house, Baron Reidesel, of the royal army, obtained leave of the Commander-in-chief to place his lady the Baroness and their three small children under the same protection;--these were also accompanied by lady Ackland and some other ladies, wives of British officers. At that time some of the American troops were stationed on the east bank of the Hudson, opposite the house, in fair view of it, and within cannon-shot distance. Observing considerable moving of persons about the house, the Americans supposed it the _rendezvous_ of the British officers, and commenced a brisk cannonade upon it. Several shot struck and shattered the house. The Baroness with her children fled into the cellar for safety, and placed herself and them at the north-east corner, where they were well protected by the cellar wall. A British surgeon by the name of Jones, having his leg broken by a cannon ball, was at this time brought in, and laid on the floor of the room which the Baroness and the other ladies had just left. A cannon ball entered the house near the north-east corner of the room, a few inches above the floor, and passing through, broke and mangled the other leg of the poor surgeon. Soon after this he expired. Mr. Busher very civilly conducted me into the room, cellar, and other parts of the house, pointing out the places where the balls entered, &c. From hence I proceeded to, and viewed with very great interest, the spot where Gen. Burgoyne, attended by his staff, presented his sword to Gen. Gates; also, the ground on which the arms, &c., of the royal army were stacked and piled. This memorable place is situated on the flat, north side of Fish creek, about forty rods west of its entrance into the Hudson, and through which the Champlain canal now passes.

Contiguous to this spot is the N. W. angle of old Fort Hardy, a military work thrown up and occupied by the French, under Gen. Dieskau, in the year 1755. The lines of intrenchment embrace, as I should judge, about fifteen acres of ground. The outer works yet retain the appearance of a strong fortification, bounded south on the north side of Fish creek, and east on the west bank of the Hudson. Human bones, fragments of fire-arms, swords, balls, tools, implements, broken crockery, &c. &c., are frequently picked up on this ground.

In excavating the earth for the Champlain canal, which passes a few rods west of this fort, such numbers of human skeletons were found as render it highly probable this was the cemetery of the French garrison.

About twenty or thirty rods west of the aqueduct for the canal over Fish creek, stood Gen. Schuyler's mills, which were burned by order of Gen. Burgoyne.

Gen. Schuyler's dwelling-house also, and his other buildings, standing on a beautiful area a little south-east of the mills on the south side of the creek, suffered the same fate. The mills have been rebuilt and are now in operation, at the same place where the former stood. The grandson of Gen. Schuyler now lives in a house erected on the site of the former dwelling of his father--a covered bridge across the creek adjoining the mills.

I cannot, in this place, omit some short notices of Gen. P. Schuyler. It seems he was commander-in-chief of the northern army until the latter part of August, 1777, at which time he was superseded by Gen. Gates.

I remember at that time there was some excitement in the public mind, and much dissatisfaction expressed on account of that measure; and with my limited means of knowledge, I have never been able to learn what good reason induced his removal. Few men in our country at that time ranked higher than Gen. Schuyler in all the essential qualities of the patriot, the gentleman, the soldier, and scholar. True to the cause of liberty, he made sacrifices which few were either able or willing to bear. The nobility of soul he possessed, distinguished him from ordinary men, and pointed him out as one deserving of public confidence.

At the surrender of the royal army, he generously invited Gen. Burgoyne, his suite, and several of the principal officers, with their ladies, to his house at Albany; where, at his own expense, he fed and lodged them for two or three weeks with the kindest hospitality.

This is the man, who, a few days before, had suffered immense loss in his mills and other buildings at Fish creek, burned by order of the same Burgoyne who had now become his guest.

Respecting Gen. Gates, I will only say, _finis coronet opus._

Oct. 18th.--At 7 A. M. started on foot to view some other and equally interesting places connected with the campaign of 1777. Three miles and a half south of Fish creek, called at the house of a Mr. Smith, in which Gen. Fraser died of wounds received in the battle of the 7th October, and near which house, in one of the British redoubts, that officer was buried. This house then stood by the road on the west margin of the intervale, at the foot of the rising ground. A turnpike road having since been constructed, running twenty or thirty rods east of the old road, the latter has been discontinued, and Mr. Smith has drawn the house and placed it on the west side of the turnpike.

Waiving, for the present, any farther notices of this spot, I shall attempt a concise narrative of the two hostile armies for a short period anterior to the great battle of the 7th of October.

The object of the British General was to penetrate as far as Albany, at which place, by concert, he was to meet Sir Henry Clinton, then with a fleet and army lying at New-York. In the early part of September, Gen. Burgoyne had advanced with his army from Fort Edward, and crossed the Hudson with his artillery, baggage wagons, &c., on a bridge of boats, and intrenched the troops on the highlands in Saratoga. On the 19th of September they left their intrenchments, and moved south by a slow and cautious march toward the American camp, which was secured by a line of intrenchments and redoubts on Behmus's heights, running from west to east about half a mile in length, terminating at the east end on the west side of the intervale.

Upon the approach of the royal army, the American forces sallied forth from their camp, and met the British about a mile north of the American lines. A severe conflict ensued, and many brave officers and men fell on both sides. The ground on which this battle was fought was principally covered with standing wood. This circumstance somewhat embarrassed the British troops in the use of their field artillery, and afforded some advantage to the Americans, particularly the riflemen under the command of the brave Col. Morgan, who did great execution. Night, which has so often and so kindly interposed to stop the carnage of conflicting hosts, put an end to the battle. Neither party claimed a victory. The royal army withdrew in the night, leaving the field and their slain, with some of their wounded, in possession of the Americans. The loss of killed and wounded, as near as could be ascertained, was, on the part of the British, 600; and on that of the Americans, about 350. The bravery and firmness of the American forces displayed this day, convinced the British officers of the difficulty, if not utter impossibility of continuing their march to Albany. The season for closing the campaign in that northern region was advancing--the American army was daily augmenting by militia, volunteers, and the "two months men," as they were then called. The fear that the two royal armies might effect their junction at Albany, aroused the neighboring states of New England, and drew from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Vermont, a large body of determined soldiers. Baum's defeat at Bennington had inspired them with new hopes and invigorated their spirits.

Under these circumstances, inauspicious to the hostile army, the British commander-in-chief summoned a council of war; the result of which was to attempt a retreat across the Hudson to Fort Edward. Gen. Gates, apprehending the probability of this measure, seasonably detached a portion of his force to intercept and cut off the retreat, should that be attempted.

Many new and unexpected difficulties now presented themselves. The boats which had served the British army for a bridge, being considered by them as of no further use, had been cut loose, and most of them floated down the river. The construction of rafts sufficient for conveying over their artillery and heavy baggage, would be attended with great danger as well as loss of time. The bridges over the creeks had been destroyed; great quantities of trees had been felled across the roads by order of the American General; and another thing, not of the most trifling nature, Fort Edward was already in possession of the Americans. In this perplexing dilemma the royal army found themselves completely _check-mated._ A retreat, however, was attempted, but soon abandoned. Situated as they now were, between two fires, every motion they made was fraught with danger and loss. They retired to their old entrenched camp.

Several days elapsed without any very active operations on either side. This interval of time was, however, improved by the royal army in preparations to make one desperate effort to force the line of the American camp, and cut their way through on their march to Albany. The American army improved the meantime in strengthening their outer works, arranging their forces, and placing the _Continentals_ on the north side of the intrenchments, where valiant men were expected; thus preparing to defend every point of attack; Morgan, with his riflemen, to form the left flank in the woods.

During these few days of "dreadful preparation," information daily arrived in our camp, by deserters and otherwise, that an attack would soon be made upon the line of our intrenchments at Behmus's heights, near the head-quarters of Gen. Gates.

The expected conflict awakened great anxiety among the American troops, but abated nothing of that sterling intrepidity and firmness which they had uniformly displayed in the hour of danger; all considered that the expected conflict would be decisive of the campaign at least, if not of the war in which we had been so long engaged. Immense interests were at stake. Should Gen. Burgoyne succeed in marching his army to Albany, Gen. Clinton, without any considerable difficulty, would there join him with another powerful English army, and a fleet sufficient to command the Hudson from thence to New-York. Should this junction of force take place, all the states east of the Hudson would be cut off from all efficient communication with the western and southern states.

In addition to this there were other considerations of the deepest concern. The war had already been protracted to a greater length of time than was expected on either side at the commencement. The resources of the country, which were at first but comparatively small in respect to those things necessary for war, began to fail; the term of enlistment of many of the soldiers had expired.

We had no public money, and no government to guarantee the payment of wages to the officers and soldiers, nor to those who furnished supplies for the troops. Under these discouraging circumstances it became extremely difficult to raise recruits for the army. During the year 1776 and the fore part of '77, the Americans suffered greatly by sickness, and were unsuccessful in almost every rencontre with the enemy. Men's hearts, even the stoutest, began to fail. This was indeed the most gloomy period of the war of the revolution.

On the 7th of October, about 10 o'clock, A. M. the royal army commenced their march, and formed their line of battle on our left, near Behmus's heights, with Gen. Fraser at their head. Our pickets were driven in about one o'clock P. M. and were followed by the British troops on a quick march to within fair musket shot distance of the line of our entrenchments. At this moment commenced a tremendous discharge of cannon and musketry, which was returned with equal spirit by the Americans.

For thirty or forty minutes the struggle at the breastworks was maintained with great obstinacy. Several charges with fixed bayonets were made by the English grenadiers with but little effect. Great numbers fell on both sides. The ardor of this bloody conflict continued for some tune without any apparent advantage gained by either party. At length, however, the assailants began to give way, preserving good order in a regular but slow retreat--loading, wheeling, and firing, with considerable effect. The Americans followed up the advantage they had gained, by a brisk and well-directed fire of field-pieces and musketry. Col. Morgan with his riflemen hung upon the left wing of the retreating enemy, and galled them by a most destructive fire. The line of battle now became extensive, and most of the troops of both armies were brought into action. The principal part of the ground on which this hard day's work was done, is known by the name of "Freeman's farms." It was then covered by a thin growth of pitch-pine wood without under brush, excepting one lot of about six or eight acres, which had been cleared and fenced. On this spot the British grenadiers, under the command of the brave Major Ackland, made a stand, and brought together some of their field artillery; this little field soon became literally "the field of blood." These grenadiers, the flower of the royal army, unaccustomed to yield to any opposing force in fair field, fought with that obstinate spirit which borders on madness. Ackland received a ball through both legs, which rendered him unable to walk or stand. This occurrence hastened the retreat of the grenadiers, leaving the ground thickly strewed with their dead and wounded.

The battle was continued by a brisk running fire until dark. The victory was complete; leaving the Americans masters of the field. Thus ended a battle of the highest importance in its consequences, and which added great lustre to the American arms. I have seen no official account of the numbers killed and wounded; but the loss on the part of the British must have been great, and that on the part of the Americans not inconsiderable. The loss of general officers suffered by the royal army was peculiarly severe. But to return to the Smith house. I made known to the Smith family the object of my calling upon them; found them polite and intelligent, and learned from them many interesting particulars respecting the battle of the 7th of October. For several days previous to that time Gen. Burgoyne had made that house his head-quarters, accompanied by several general officers and their ladies, among whom were Gen. Fraser, the Baron and Baroness Reidesel, and their children.

The circumstances attending the fall of this gallant officer have presented a question about which military men are divided in opinion. The facts seem to be agreed, that soon after the commencement of the action, Gen. Arnold, knowing the military character and efficiency of Gen. Fraser, and observing his motions in leading and conducting the attack, said to Col. Morgan, "that officer upon a grey horse is of himself a host, and must be disposed of. Direct the attention of some of the sharp-shooters among your riflemen to him." Morgan, nodding his assent to Arnold, repaired to his riflemen, and made known to them the hint given by Arnold. Immediately upon this, the crupper of the grey horse was cut off by a rifle bullet, and within the next minute another passed through the horse's mane, a little back of his ears. An aid of Fraser noticing this, observed to him, "Sir, it is evident that you are marked out for particular aim; would it not be prudent for you to retire from this place?" Fraser replied, "my duty forbids me to fly from danger;" and immediately received a bullet through his body. A few grenadiers were detached to carry him to the Smith house.

Having introduced the name of Arnold, it may be proper to note here, that although he had no regular command that day, he volunteered his service, was early on the ground, and in the hottest part of the struggle at the redoubts. He behaved, (as I then thought,) more like a madman than a cool and discreet officer. Mounted on a brown horse, he moved incessantly at a full gallop back and forth, until he received a wound in his leg, and his horse was shot under him. I happened to be near him when he fell, and assisted in getting him into a litter to be carried to head-quarters.

Late in the evening Gen. Burgoyne came in, and a tender scene took place between him and Fraser. Gen. Fraser was the idol of the British army, and the officer on whom, of all others, Burgoyne placed the greatest reliance. He languished through the night, and expired at 8 o'clock the next morning. While on his death-bed he advised Burgoyne, without delay, to propose to Gen. Gates terms of capitulation, and prevent the further effusion of blood; that the situation of his army was now hopeless; they could neither advance nor retreat. He also requested that he might be buried in the _great redoubt_--his body to be borne thither between sunset and dark, by a body of the grenadiers, without parade or ceremony. This request was strictly complied with.

After viewing the house to my satisfaction, I walked up to the place of interment. It is situated on an elevated piece of ground, commanding an extensive view of the Hudson, and a great length of the beautiful interval on each side of it. I was alone; the weather was calm and serene. Reflections were awakened in my mind which I am wholly unable to describe. Instead of the bustle and hum of the camp, and _confused_ noise of the battle of the warrior, and the shouts of victory which I here witnessed fifty years ago, all was now silent as the abodes of the dead. And indeed far, far the greatest part of both those armies who were then in active life at and near this spot, are now mouldering in their graves, like that valiant officer whose remains are under my feet,--"their memories and their names lost,"--while God, in his merciful Providence, has preserved my life, and after the lapse of half a century has afforded me an opportunity of once more viewing those places which force upon my mind many interesting recollections of my youthful days.

Oct. 19th.--On my return down the river from Albany to New-York, in the steamboat "North America," I had leisure and opportunity for reflecting upon the immense wealth and resources of the state of New-York--greater I believe, at this time than that of any other two states in the Union. It would be hazarding nothing to say, that this single state possesses more physical power, and more of the "sinews of war," than were employed by the whole thirteen states through the war of the revolution. This, among other considerations, led me to the reflection how honorable it would be to the state, and how deserving of the occasion, that a monument be erected at or near the place where the royal army surrendered by capitulation on the 17th of October, 1777, in commemoration of an event so important in our national history. The battle of the 7th of October may be considered, in its effects and consequences, as the termination of the war, with as much propriety as that of Bunker's Hill was the commencement of it.

I am. Sir, Very respectfully yours, SAMUEL WOODRUFF.

William L. Stone, Esq.

End of vol. I.