did. In particular, they resisted from the beginning the claim of

ecclesiastical supremacy granted to the English monarchs. On the 7th July, 1568, “It was delatit and fund that Thomas Bassinden, printer in Edinburgh, imprintit an buik, intitulat _The Fall of the Roman Kirk_, naming our King and Soverane _Supreme Head of the Primitive Kirk_――The haill assemblie ordaint the said Thomas to call in agane all the foirsaidis buikis yat he hes sauld, and keip the rest unsauld, until he alter the forsaid title. Attour, the assemblie appoyntit Mr Alex. Arburthnot to revise the rest of the forsaid tractat, and report to the kirk quhat doctrine he findis thairin.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 38, 39. The General Assembly were frequently occupied in settling the bounds between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and in March 1570 arranged the objects which pertained to the latter under six heads; including, among other things, the judgment of doctrine, administration of divine ordinances, the election, examination, admission, suspension, &c., of ministers, and all cases of discipline. The following is the concluding article: “And because the conjunction of marriages pertaineth to the ministrie, the causis of adherents and divorcements aucht also to perteine to thame, as naturallie annexit thairto.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 51. Actes of the General Assemblies, prefixed to the First and Second Booke of Discipline, printed in 1621, p. 3, 4.

On occasion of some encroachments made on the liberties of the church in 1571, John Erskine of Dun, superintendent of Angus {347} and Mearns, addressed two letters to the regent Mar. They are written in a clear, spirited, and forcible style, contain an accurate statement of the essential distinction between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and should be read by all who wish to know the early sentiments of the church of Scotland on this subject. See Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 279‒290.

It has always been a principle of the presbyterian church of Scotland, that the ministers of religion ought not to be distracted from the duties of their office by holding civil places. The first General Assembly (Dec. 1560) agreed to petition the Estates, to “remove ministers from civil offices, according to the canon law.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 2. At the request of the regent Mar, the assembly, or convention, which met at Leith in January 1571‒2, allowed Mr Robert Pont, on account of his great knowledge of the laws, to act as a Lord of Session. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 54. But in March 1572‒3, the regent Morton having laid before them a proposal for appointing some ministers Lords of Session, the Assembly “votit throughout that naine was able nor apt to bear the saides twa charges.” They therefore prohibited any minister from accepting the place of a senator; from this inhibition they, however, excepted Pont. Ibid, p. 56. In 1584, Pont resigned his place as a Lord of Session, or rather was deprived of it, in consequence of the act of parliament passed that year, declaring that none of the ministers of God’s word and sacraments――“in time cuming sall in ony waies accept, use, or administrat ony place of judicature, in quhatsumever civil or criminal causes, nocht to be of the Colledge of Justice, Commissioners, Advocates, court Clerkes or Notaris in ony matteris (the making of testamentes onely excepted).” Skene’s Acts, fol. 59, b. Edinburgh, 1597. Lord Hailes’s Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 5, and note 34.

The name of Pont often occurs in the account of ecclesiastical transactions during the remainder of the sixteenth century. The writer of Additional Notes to Lord Hailes’s Catalogue of the Lords of Session, calls him by mistake, “the first presbyterian minister of the West Kirk,” p. 8. Edinburgh, 1798. William Harlaw preceded him in that situation, (Keith, 498,) and continued to hold it in August 1571. See Letter to him from the duke {348} and Huntly, in Bannatyne’s Journal, 217. Pont was also commissioner of Murray, and provost of Trinity College, Edinburgh. Upon the death of the earl of March, James VI. offered him the bishopric of Caithness, but he declined accepting it. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, 129. He was the author of several publications, besides the sermons against Sacrilege, repeatedly mentioned.

The time of his death, and his age, appear from the following inscription on his tombstone, in St Cuthbert’s churchyard:

ILLE EGO, ROBERTꝰ PONTA‑ Nꝰ IN HOC PROPE SACRO CHRISTI QUI FUERA‾‾ PASTOR GREGIS AUSPICE CHRISTO ÆTERNÆ HIC RECUBANS EX‑ SPECTO RESURGERE VITÆ. OBIIT DIE‾‾ ÆT 81, MEN‑ SIS 8 MAII, A. D. 1606.[355]

Note Z, Footnote 272.

_Particulars respecting Knox’s residence at St Andrews._――The following particulars are extracted from the MS. Diary of Mr James Melville. “Ther wer twa in St Androis wha war his aydant heirars, and wraitt his sermons, ane my condiscipule, Mr Andro Young, minister of Dumblane, who translated sum of them into Latin, and read thame in the hall of the collage insteid of his orations.” The other was a servant of Mr Robert Hamilton, but with what view he took notes Melville could not say. Diary, p. 28.――“Mr Knox wald sum tymes cum in, and repast him in our colleage yeard, and call ws schollars unto him and bliss ws, and exhort ws to knaw God, and his wark in our countrey, and stand be the guid caus, to use our tyme weill, and learn the guid instructiones and follow the guid example of our maisters. Our haill collag [St Leonard’s] maisters and schollars war sound and zelus for the {349} guid caus, the uther twa colleges not sa.” p. 23. “This yeir in the moneth of July, Mr Jhone Davidsone, an of our regents, maid a pley at the marriage of Mr Jhone Colvin, quhilk I saw playit in Mr Knox presence, wharin, according to Mr Knox doctrine, the castle of Edinburgh was besieged, takin, and the captin, with ane or twa with him, hangit in effigie.” p. 24. This seems to have been an exercise among the students at the university. The following extract shows that the fine arts were not then uncultivated, and that the professors and students attended to them in their recreations. “I lernit singing and pleying on instrumentis passing weill, and wald gladlie spend tyme, whar the exercise thairof was within the collag; for twa or thrie of our condisciples pleyed fellin weill on the virginals, and another on the lute and githorn. Our regent had also the pinalds in his chalmer, and lernit sum thing, and I efter him.” Melville adds, that his fondness for music was, at one period, in danger of drawing away his attention from more important studies, but that he overcame the temptation, p. 25.

I may add an extract from the same Diary, relating an incident in the life of one who entertained a high respect for Knox, and afterwards became a distinguished minister in the church. “The ordor of four kirks to a minister, then maid by the erle of Morton, now maid regent, against the quilk Mr Johne Davidsone, an of the regents of our collag, made a buik called _The Conference betwix the Clark and the Courtier_; for the quhilk he was summoned befor the Justice Air at Haddington this winter (1573) the lest of our course, and banished the countrey.” p. 24. This dialogue, which is in verse, contains the following lines:

Had gude John Knox not yit bene deid, It had not cum unto this heid: Had thay myndit till sic ane steir, He had maid hevin and eirth to heir.

The General Assembly, in October 1577, presented a supplication to the regent Morton, requesting him to allow Mr Davidson to return home from England. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 70. {350} The editor of Davidson’s Poetical Remains (lately printed) has furnished some interesting information concerning the author. I am indebted to him for correcting a mistake into which I had fallen in the Life of Melville. Davidson returned to Scotland during the lifetime of the regent, though not until his fall. Hume of Godscroft, in his account of Morton’s behaviour before his execution, says, “There he embraced Mr John Davidson, and said to him, you wrote a book, for which I was angry with you; but I never meant any ill to you,――forgive me. Mr Davidson was so moved herewith, that he could not refrain from weeping.” History of the House of Douglas and Angus, ii. 279, 12mo.

Note AA, Footnote 299.

_Verses to the memory of Knox._――Beza has inserted no verses to the memory of our Reformer, in his _Icones, id est, Veræ Imagines Virorum Doctrina simul et Pietate Illustrium_, published by him in Latin, anno 1580. But of this work, a French version was published under the title of _Les Vrais Pourtraits des Hommes Illustres en Pieté et Doctrine_. Geneve, 1581, 4to. In this translation are inserted original verses on Knox, &c. Irving’s Memoirs of Buchanan, 234. Having never seen this translation, I cannot say whether the verses which it contains coincide with those which I am about to quote.

_Jacobus Verheiden_ published “Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, qui Romæ Antichristum oppugnarunt, Effigies, quibus addita eorum Elogia, librorumque Catalogi. Hag. Comit. 1602.” A new edition of this was published by _Fredericus Roth‑Scholtz_, under the title of “Jacobi Verheidenii Hagæ‑Comitis Imagines et Elogia, &c. Hagæ‑Comitum, 1725.” In this work the following lines are placed under the portrait of Knox:――

Scottorum primum te Ecclesia, CNOXE, docentem, Audiit, auspiciis estque redacta tuis. Nam te cælestis pietas super omnia traxit, Atque Reformatæ Religionis amor.

{351} To the account of his life and writings, in the same work, is added an _Epigram_ in Greek and in Latin, which, according to a common practice in such compositions, consists of a play upon his name, and that of his country, in the way of contrast; representing Knox as driving the _nocturnal_ crows, or _scotican_ sophists, from Scotland. As the author informs us that the Batavian youth amused themselves in making these epigrams, and thinks that some of them will amuse the reader, I shall not withhold this specimen in both languages.

Νυκτερίδας, νυκτὸς κόρακας, καὶ νύκτα ἀφεγγῆ, Ἄλλα τε λύγρ’ Ἠὼς φεύγει ἀλεξίκακος· Ὅυτως μὲν ΚΝΟΞΟΣ Σκοτικοὺς δνοφερούς τε σοφιστὰς Ἐν Σκοτίῃ πάτρῃ ἔκβαλε λαμπόμενος.

Nocturnos corvos, noctem obscuramque, volantes Mures, Aurora et cetera dira fugat: Sic CNOXVS Scoticos simul obscurosque sophistas Ex Scotica lucens ejicit hic patria. Verheidenii Imagines et Elogia, p. 69, 70. Hagæ‑Comitum, 1725.

Davidson’s Poem, and Johnston’s Verses, to the memory of Knox, will be found in the Supplement.

Note BB, Footnote 300.

_Popish account of Knox’s death._――The slanders propagated by the popish writers against our Reformer’s character have been stated in Note S. After the specimen there given, it will not be expected that I shall dwell upon the equally extravagant and incredible narratives which they circulated concerning the manner of his death. I shall, however, translate the substance of Archibald Hamilton’s account, the original picture from which so many copies were afterwards taken. “The opening of his mouth,” he says, “was drawn out to such a length of deformity, that his face resembled that of a dog, as his voice also did the barking of that animal. The voice {352} failed from that tongue, which had been the cause of so much mischief, and his death, most grateful to his country, soon followed. In his last sickness, he was occupied not so much in meditating upon death, as in thinking upon civil and worldly affairs. When a number of his friends, who held him in the greatest veneration, were assembled in his chamber, and anxious to hear from him something tending to the confirmation of his former doctrine, and to their comfort, he, perceiving that his death approached, and that he could gain no more advantage by the pretext of religion, disclosed to them the mysteries of that Savoyan art (_Sabaudicæ disciplinæ_, magic) which he had hitherto kept secret; confessed the injustice of that authority which was then defended by arms against the exiled queen; and declared many things concerning her return, and the restoration of religion after his death. One of the company, who had taken the pen to record his dying sayings, thinking that he was in a delirium, desisted from writing, upon which Knox, with a stern countenance, and great asperity of language, began to upbraid him: ‘Thou good‑for‑nothing man! why dost thou leave off writing what my presaging mind foresees as about to happen in this kingdom? Dost thou distrust me? Dost thou not believe that all which I say shall most certainly happen? But that I may attest to thee and others how undoubted the things which I have just spoken are, go out all of you from me, and I will in a moment confirm them by a new and unheard‑of proof.’ They withdrew at length, though reluctantly, leaving only the lighted candles in the chamber, and soon returned, expecting to witness some prodigy, when they found the lights extinguished, and his dead body lying prostrate on the ground.” Hamilton adds, that the spectators, after recovering from their astonishment, replaced the dead body in the bed, and entered into an agreement to conceal what they had witnessed; but God, unwilling that such a document should be unknown, disclosed it, “both by the amanuensis himself, [Robertus Kambel a Pinkincleugh,] soon after taken off by a similar death, and by others who, although unwillingly, made clear confessions.” De Confusione Calvin. Sectæ apud Scotos, fol. 66, 67. Those who have not access to the work itself, will find the original words extracted, although with some slight inaccuracies, by {353} Mackenzie. Lives of Scottish writers, iii, 131, 132. “All the rest of the Romish writers,” says Mackenzie, “insist upon such like ridiculous stories that are altogether improbable.” Hamilton’s fabrications gave occasion, however, to the publication of that minute and satisfactory narrative of the last illness and death of Knox, drawn up by one who waited on him all the time, and added by principal Smeton to the answer which he made to that virulent writer. See above, p. 219. Yet the popish writers continued to retail Hamilton’s story until a late period. It was published by Knot in his _Protestancy Condemned_, Doway 1654; and in _The Politician’s Catechism_, printed at Antwerp, 1658, “_permissu superiorum_.” Those who wish to see the variations which it had undergone by that time, and who have not met with these writings, may be satisfied by looking into Strype’s Life of Archbishop Parker, p. 367.

“The miserable, horrible, detestable, and execrable deaths” of Luther, Calvin, and other heretics of that time, are particularly recorded by James Laing, in the work to which I have repeatedly referred.

Note CC, Footnote 332.

_Knox’s stipend._――The General Assembly held in March 1573, passed the following act:――“The Assemblie, considering that the travels of umqll Johne Knox, merits favourablie to be remembrit in his posteritie, gives to Margaret Stewart, his relict, and hir thrie daughters of the said umqll Johne, the pension qlk he himselfe had in his tyme of the kirk, and that for the year aproachand and following his deceis, of the year of God 1573, to their education and support, extending to five hundreth merks money, twa ch. quhait, sax ch. beir, four ch. aittes.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 56.

On the 25th of May, 1574, in an action “at the instance of Margaret Haldin, relict of umq{ll} Mr Henry Fowlis of Colingtown, takesman and fermorar of the kirk of Haillis, aganis Margaret Stewart, relict of umq{ll} Johnne Knox, minister, and Andro Ker of Fadounsyd, now hir spous for his entress, and Maister Adam Lethame, minister at the kirkis of Currie, Haillis, and Sanct Katherine {354} of the hoppis;” setting forth that both these parties demanded from her, the said Margaret Halden, “the sowme of 1{c} pundis w{t} the kirkland of Currie, viz., the thrid of the personage of Currie, extending to lxiiij{li} viij{s} x{d} and thrid pairt penny, and the rest extending to xxxv{li} xi{s} 1{d} twa pairt penny, furth of the thrid of Dumfermling,――and she aucht not to be compellit to mak dowbill payment thairof.――The lordis of counsale desernis and ordanis the same Margaret Haldin to answer, obey, and mak payment to the said Margaret Stewart, relict foirsaid, and her bairnes, of the dewtie contenit in the said tak of the crop and yeir of God, 1{m} v{c} lxxiiij yeris, as pairtie fundin be the saidis lordis haveand maist ryt thairto, conforme to ane decreit given by the lordis of secreit counsale, of the dait the 25 day of Marche, the yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxxiiij yeris, schawin and produced befoir the saidis lordis,” &c. Reg. of Decreets of Court of Session, vol. lvi. fo. 45.

On the 23d of May, 1569, in an action “at the instance of Allan Couttis, chalmerlain of the abbacy of Dumfermling, aganis Johne Knox, minister of Christes evengell, allegeing that the silver males victuall of certane landis and tiendis of the said abbacy of Dumfermling ar assignit to him in payment of his stipend of the crope and yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxviij yeris,――and that the said complener, as chalmerlane foirsaid, is awand to him the sowme of twa hundreth and fiftie merkis, as for the silver maill of the landis assignit to him as said is, of the terme of Witsonday, the yeir of God foirsaid. The lordis of consale decernis the said Allane Cowtes to answer and obey the said Johne Knox of the said termes payment, as pairtie fundin by the said lordis havand maist right thairto, after the form and tenor of the assignation given and granted to him thairupon, of the dait the 21 day of September the yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxviij yeris,” &c. Reg. of Decreets, vol. xlii. fo. 437.

The following extracts throw light on the subject of his stipend at an earlier period:――

“The Compt of Sir John Wyisharte of Pitarrow, Knycht Comptroller and Collector Generall of the Thredis of the Benefices of the Realme, 1564.

“And upown the first day of August, anno &c. lxiiij, delivered to Johne Knox, minister, at my lord comptrollaris command, in part {355} of payment of his stipend, the soume of ane hundreth pundis, as his acquittance beris, j{c li}.

“And mair deliverit to Margaret Fowles, Johne Knox servand, the x day of October, the soume of twentye pundis, xx{li}.

“And upoune the xvij day of October, ȝeir abonewritten, to John Reid, servand to Johne Knox, the soume of fourtye pundis, xl{li}.

“And mair, the ix day of Januar, ȝeir foirsaid, anno &c. deliverit to Robert Watsone, burges of Edinburgh, for Johnne Knox, the sowme of ane hundrethe pundis, as his acquittance therupoune beris, j{c li}.

“And to Johnne Willock, the xviij day of September, ȝeir, &c. lxiiij, deliverit the soume of fouretye pundis at my lord comptrollaris command, in part of payment of his stipend, as his acquittance beris, xl{li}.

“Alsua the comptare aucht to be discharged of the prices of six chalderis beir at twa merkis the boll, and four chalder aittis at xx{s} the boll, coft be the comptare, and delivered to the said John Knox, minister, for the beir and aits allowit in his stipend of the lxiiij yeiris crop, quherof na allowance is tane be ony of the collectouris of befoir, extending in money to ij{c} xxiiij{li}.

“The Comp{t} of Schir Williame Murray of Tullybardin, knight comptroller and collector generall of the thriddis of the benefices, &c. At Ed{r}. Jan. 2, 1567, of crope 1566.

“And als the comptare aucht to be discharged of the soume of twa hundreth fourescoir twa pundis threttene schillingis four penneis, pait and deliverit be the comptare to Johne Knox, minister, for the half of his stipend of the cropp and ȝeir of God I{m} v{c} lxvj yeiris baith silver and victuall at command of my lord regentis precept, as the same and his acquittance producit upon compt proportis, ij{c} lxxxij {lib} xiij{s} iiij{d}.

“And of the soume of ane hundreth thretty three pundis six schillinges aucht penneis pait be the comptare to William Stewart, Ross Herald, translater of sic werkis in the kirk as ar necessar for edifiing of the people, quherof he hes had allocatioun of ald be the appointment of the Buke of the modificatioun of the ministerie. j{c} xxxiij{li} vi{s} viij{d}.”

{356} Note DD. Footnote 336.

_Of Knox’s descendants._――In the former editions of this work, it was stated that one of our Reformer’s daughters was married to Robert Pont, minister of St Cuthbert’s; but I have since ascertained that her husband was Zachary Pont, one of the sons of that minister. This appears from the following documents:

“Nov. 13. 1599.――Mr Zach. Pont, portioner of Schyresmilne, and Margaret Knox, his spouse,” inhibited by Bessie Colvill.

“11 Feb{y}, 1602.――Said Mr Zach. Pont and spouse inhibited by Mr Johne Velsche, minister of Godis word at our bust of Kirckcudbryt, and Elizabethe Knox his spous.” Pont owes complainers 1000{m}, as per contract between parties at Schyrismylne, 8 Apr. 1596. Reg{d} in books of Session, 17 Nov. 1601. (Particular Register of Inhibitions, vol. v.)

“Marg. Knox, spous to Mr Zach. Pont, minister at Boar in Cathnes, w{t} consent of Mr Jo{n} Ker, minister at Preston, and Mr Ja{s} Knox, ane of the regents of the College of Ed{n},” receives from Andro Lord Stewart of Vchiltrie, 1300 merks. (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol. cvii; 28 May, 1605.) There is a previous deed relating to the same transaction, which is signed by “Mr Jo{n} Ker, sone to umq{ll} Andro Ker of Fadounside, witnes”. (Ibid. vol. civ; 13 Dec. 1664.)

The celebrated Dr Witherspoon, minister of Paisley, and afterwards president of the college of New Jersey, in America, was a descendant of our Reformer: and, according to the information of Dr Samuel Stanhope Smith, his son‑in‑law, and successor in the presidency, traced his line of descent through Mrs Welch.

I have been favoured with the following pedigree from Alexander Thomson, Esq. of Banchory, in Aberdeenshire. “John Knox, the celebrated Reformer, left three daughters, one of whom was married to a Mr Baillie of the Jerviswood family, and by him had a daughter, who was married to a Mr Kirkton of Edinburgh. By this marriage Mr Kirkton had a daughter, Margaret, who was married to Dr Andrew Skene in Aberdeen. Dr Skene left several children, the eldest of whom, Dr Andrew Skene, had by his {357} wife, Miss Lumsden of Cushnie, several sons and daughters. One of these, Mary, was married to Andrew Thomson of Banchory, who had issue by her, Margaret, Andrew, and Alexander. Andrew married Miss Hamilton, daughter of Dr Hamilton, of Marischall College, Aberdeen, and by her had issue, Alexander, born June 21, 1798, and present proprietor of Banchory.” It is not uncommon for persons who happen to be of the same name with an individual who has attained celebrity, to claim a family relation to him upon very slender grounds. But in the present instance, not to mention the particularity of detail in the genealogical table, there is no ground to suspect that the tradition could have such an origin; as the name of Knox occurs only at the earliest stage of the supposed connexion. Perhaps one of the Reformer’s daughters was twice married; or, which I think more probable, it was one of his grand‑daughters who married a Mr Baillie of Jerviswood. Among the pictures at Mellerstain (now the seat of the ancient family of Jerviswood) is a portrait of captain Kirkton, an officer of the Royal Navy. And we know from other authorities, that Robert Baillie of Jerviswood, who was executed at Edinburgh in 1684, was brother‑in‑law to Mr James Kirkton, minister first at Merton, and afterwards in Edinburgh. Burnet’s Hist. of his own Times, ii. 157. Wodrow, i. 422.

Mr Thomson of Banchory possesses from his ancestors an antique watch; and the tradition in the family is, that this watch belonged to the Reformer, and was presented to him by queen Mary, at a time when she was anxious to cajole him into an approbation of her measures. On the brass‑plate of the inner case are the words, _N. Forfaict à Paris_. Professor Leslie, whose extensive acquaintance with the history of inventions is well known, after examining an accurate description of this time‑piece by Dr Knight of Aberdeen, says, “that the watch in question might have been the property of John Knox, is possible, and the tradition is in this case not improbable. At the same time it must be admitted, that pocket watches were extremely rare at that period, and probably confined for the most part to princes and the more opulent nobility.” He adds, “I have had the opportunity of inspecting an antique watch, through the politeness of Mr J. Scot, late chemist in Edinburgh, the lineal descendant of a Frenchman of the name of {358} Massie, who, having attended queen Mary into Scotland, had received the relic from his mistress. It is a small round old watch, scarcely exceeding an inch in diameter, and made by Hubert in Rouen. It is precisely of the same structure, but without carving or other ornament, as the one with which that artful princess is said to have endeavoured to bribe our stern reformer.”

I have only to add, that no notice is taken of this relic and token of royal favour in the testament of John Knox, or in the inventory of his goods presented by his widow after his decease.

Note EE, Footnote 350.

_Of Knox’s History of the Reformation._――When they first formed themselves into an association to advance the reformation of religion, the protestants of Scotland, aware that their conduct would be misrepresented, appointed some of their number to commit their proceedings to writing. This laudable practice was continued by them, and the most important events connected with the progress of the Reformation were registered along with the resolutions adopted at their meetings. After they came to an open breach with the queen regent, and she had accused them of rebellious intentions both to their countrymen and to foreign nations, they resolved that a narrative of their proceedings should be drawn up from these records, and that it should be published to the world for their vindication. Preface to the Gentill Reidare, prefixed to Knox’s Historie, and Præfatio to the Secunde Booke of the Historie, p. 115, edit. 1732. The confusions produced by the civil war prevented them from executing this resolution at the time intended, and the object originally in view was in part answered by occasional proclamations which they had been obliged to make, and by answers which they had published to proclamations issued by the regent. The design was not, however, laid aside; and the person to whom the compilation was committed continued the narrative. The book which is placed second in the printed history was first composed. The third book was next composed, and contains a circumstantial account of the steps taken by the Congregation to obtain assistance from England, which it was judged imprudent to disclose when the {359} former book was drawn up. It brings down the history to queen Mary’s arrival in Scotland. The book which occupies the first place in the printed history was composed after these, and intended as an introduction to them, bringing down the history from the first dawn of the Reformation in Scotland to 1558. See preface to the Gentill Reidare, ut supra. The publication being still delayed, the fourth book was added, which contains the history of ecclesiastical transactions from the arrival of Mary to the end of 1564. The first and fourth books were composed during the years 1566, 1567, and 1568. Historie, p. 86, 108, 282. Some additions were made to the fourth book so late as 1571. Ibid. p. 338. The fifth book in the printed history is not found in any of the ancient MSS. It was added by David Buchanan, but whether he published it from an old MS. or compiled it himself, cannot now be ascertained.

The history was composed by one person, (Preface, ut supra,) and there is no reason for doubting that Knox was the author. In a letter which he wrote on the 23d of October, 1559, he mentions the design of publishing it. Keith, Append. p. 30. The English ambassador, Randolph, says, in a letter to Cecil, dated Edinburgh, 23d September, 1560, “I have tawlked at large with Mr Knox concernynge hys historie. As mykle as ys wrytten thereof shall be sent to your honour, at the comynge of the Lords embassadors by Mr John Woode: He hath wrytten only one booke. If yow lyke that, he shall contynue the same, or adde onie more. He sayethe, that he must have farther helpe than is to be had in this countrie, for more assured knouledge of thyngs passed, than he hath hymself, or can com bye here: yt is a worke not to be neglected, and greatly to be wyshed that yt sholde be well handled.” Life of the Author, p. xliii., prefixed to Knox’s Historie, edit. 1732. From a letter written by Knox to Mr John Wood, and dated Feb. 14, 1568, it appears that he had come to the resolution of withholding the history from the public during his life. See Appendix. The important light in which he considered the work, appears from the way in which he expressed himself in April 1571, when he found that the state of his health would not permit him to finish it. “Lord, provyde for thy flocks trew pastouris; rease thou up the spretis of some to observe thy notable workis, faythfullie to commit {360} the same to writ, that the prosperities [posterities] to come may praise thy holie name, for the great graces plentyfullie powred foorth upon this vnthankfull generatione. Jhone Knox trusting end of trawell.” Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 129. He did not, however, desist altogether from the prosecution of the work. It appears from two letters of Alexander Hay, clerk to the privy council, written in December 1571, that the Reformer had applied to him for papers to assist him in the continuation of his history. The papers which Hay proposed to send him related to the years 1567‒1571, a period which the printed history does not reach. Bannatyne, p. 294‒302.

The following petition, presented by Bannatyne to the first General Assembly which met after our Reformer’s death, with the act of Assembly relating to it, gives the most satisfactory information respecting the history. “Unto your Wisdoms humbly means and shows, I, your servitor Richard Bannatyne, servant to your unquhill most dearest brother John Knox of worthy memory: That where it is not unknown to your wisdoms, that he left to the kirk and town of Edinburgh his history, containing in effect the beginning and progress of Christ’s true religion, now of God’s great mercy established in this realm; wherein he hath continued and perfectly ended at the year of God 1564. So that of things done sinsyne, nothing be him is put in that form and order that he has put the former. Yet not the less there are certain scrolls and papers, and minuts of things left to me by him, to use at my pleasure, whereof a part were written and subscribed by his own hand, and another be mine at his command, which, if they were collected and gathered together, would make a sufficient declaration of the principal things that have occurred since the ending of his former history, at the year foresaid; and so should serve for stuff and matter, to any of understanding and ability in that kinde of exercise, that would apply themselves to make a history, even unto the day of his death. But for so meikle as the said scrolls are so intacked and mixed together, that if they should come in any hands not used nor accustomed with the same, as I have been, they should altogether lose and perish: And seeing also I am not able, on my own costs and expenses, to apply myself and spend my time to put {361} them in order, which would consume a very long time; much less am I able to write them, and put them in register, as they require to be, without your wisdoms make some provision for the same: Wherefore I most humbly request your wisdoms, That I may have some reasonable pension appointed to me by your wisdoms discretion, that thereby I may be more able to await and attend upon the samine; lest these things, done by that servant of God dear to you all, should perish and decay, which they shall do indeed, if they be not put in register, which I will do willinglie, if your wisdoms would provide, as said is. And your wisdoms answer,” &c. To this supplication the Assembly gave the following answer:――“The Assembly accepted the said Richard’s offer, and request the kirk of Edinburgh, to provide and appoint some learned men, to support Richard Bannatyne, to put the said history, that is now in scrolls and papers, in good form, with aid of the said Richard. And because he is not able to await thereon, upon his own expences, appoints to him the sum of forty pounds, to be payed of the 1572 years crope, be the collectors under‑written, viz. the collector of Lothian, Fife, Angus, and the West, Galloway, and Murray, every one of them to pay six pound thirteen shillings four pennies of the said crope; and it shall be allowed to them in count, they bringing the said Richard’s acquittance thereupon.” Life of the Author, p. xliv. xlv. prefixed to Historie, edit. 1732. Book of Univ. Kirk, p. 56.

It is probable that the deficiency of the funds of the church prevented the publication of the history during Morton’s regency; and the change of politics after James assumed the reins of government into his own hands, precluded all hope of its being allowed to be printed in Scotland. An attempt was made to have it printed in England; but after the work had proceeded so far, the press was stopped. This appears from the following extract from Calderwood’s MSS. “February, 1586, Vaultrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr Knox’s History to England, and printed twelve hundred of them; the stationers, at the archbishop’s command, seized them the 18 of February; it was thought that he would get leave to proceed again, because the council perceived that it would bring the queen of Scots in detestation.” Calderwood’s MS. apud Life {362} of Knox, p. 45, prefixed to edition of Historie, Edinburgh, 1732. Bishop Bancroft also mentions it in the following terms, “If you ever meet with the History of the Church of Scotland penned by Mr Knox, and printed by Vaultrollier, read the pages quoted here in the margent.” Bancroft’s Survey, (originally printed in 1593,) republished in 1663, p. 37. Copies of this imperfect edition were allowed to go abroad, and are still to be met with. In 1644, David Buchanan published his edition of Knox’s History at London in folio, which was reprinted the same year at Edinburgh in quarto. The editor prefixed a preface concerning the antiquity of the Scots, and a Life of Knox, both of which were written by himself. He modernised the language of the history; but not satisfied with this, he also altered the narrative, by excluding some parts of it, and by making numerous interpolations. It appears from the passage formerly quoted from Milton, (see vol. i. p. 464,) that attempts were made to suppress, or at least to mutilate, this edition; but the passage is so obscure that we cannot learn from what quarter these attempts were made. At last, a genuine and complete edition of the history was printed in 1732, from a manuscript belonging to the university of Glasgow, compared with several other manuscripts of undoubted antiquity. Those who wish to know the great difference between this edition and that of David Buchanan, may consult Mr Wodrow’s letter, inserted at large in the Life of the Author, p. xlvi‒li. prefixed to the Historie, edit. 1732, and partially inserted in Nicolson’s Scottish Historical Library, p. 132‒141. Lond. 1736. All the editions of the history lately published are mere copies of Buchanan’s spurious and interpolated one.

This deduction of facts may serve to clear the subject of the History from the difficulties in which it has been involved. That Knox was the author of the first four books, as they are printed in the edition 1732, is beyond all reasonable doubt. After the publication of that edition, it is mere perverseness to endeavour to discredit the authenticity or genuineness of the History, by insisting on the alterations and interpolations of David Buchanan. To infer that he was not the author of the History from the difference between its style and that of his undoubted works, is quite conjectural. {363} The historical and the didactic styles are different in themselves; and when we consider the intervals at which the history was composed, the numerous avocations which distracted the author’s attention, and the multiplicity of facts which it was requisite for him to collect and investigate, we will not be surprised to find this work inferior, in point of language and arrangement, to those tracts which he composed on single topics, and which, having the sentiments at his command, he was left at liberty to arrange and to adorn. The facts which I have produced tend also to corroborate the credibility of the History, as they evince that, however negligent as to points of inferior consideration, the author was most active and laborious in searching for materials, and in procuring, when it was at all possible, original and authentic documents. And such was his character for integrity, that I am persuaded there are few, if any, who believe that he would insert as a fact any thing of whose truth he was not fully convinced.

Note FF, Footnote 351.

_Catalogue of Knox’s writings._――The following catalogue of the Reformer’s works will, I trust, be found more correct and complete than any one which has hitherto appeared. The titles have been accurately copied from the books themselves, when I could possibly procure them, and at the end of each I have mentioned where a copy may be seen. For the titles of such as I have not seen, I have had recourse to the best authorities, as marked after each article. I have also noticed those of which there are copies in the MS. volume in my possession.

1. “An admonition, or warning, that the faithfull Christians in London, Newcastel, Berwycke, and others, may avoide God’s vengeance both in thys life and in the life to come. Compyled by the servaunt of God, John Knokes.” A cut of truth, poor woman, handcuffed and fastened in the stocks, with a halter about her neck, held by Tyrannye on the one hand, while Crueltye, with a cornered cap, is threatening her with a rod on the other. Beneath the cut, “The persecuted speaketh,

{364} I fear not death, nor passe not for bands: Only in God put I my whole trust, For God will requyre my blod at your hands, And this I know that once dye I must, Only for Chryst, my lyfe if I give: Death is no death, but a meane for to leyve.”

Under these verses in ancient writing “John Frythe boke Red and send yt agayne.” E, in eights. “From Wittonburge by Nicholas Dorcastor. Anno M.D.LIIII. the viii of May. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.” W. H. (Ames by Herbert, p. 1576,) sixteens. Comp. Tanneri Bibliotheca Britannico‑Hibernica, p. 460. See above, vol. i. p. 136, note.

2. “A faythful admonition made by John Knox, unto the professours of God’s truthe in England, whereby thou mayest learne howe God wyll have his churche exercised with troubles, and how he defendeth it in the same. Esaie ix. After all this shall not the Lordes wrath ceasse, but yet shall hys hande be stretched out styll. Ibidem. Take hede that the Lorde roote thee not out both heade and tayle in one daye.”

On the back of title: “The epistle of a banyshed manne out of Leycestershire sometime one of the preachers of Goddes worde there, to the Christen reader wysheth health, deliveraunce, and felicitie.”

“Imprynted at Kalykow the 20 daye of Julii 1554. Cum gratia et privilegio ad Imprimendum solum.” French black letter, extends to I, and makes 63 leaves. Advocates’ Library. A copy of this in MS. Vol.

3. “A godly letter sent to the faythefull in London, Newcastell, Barwyke, and to all other within the realme of Englande, that love the coming of our Lord Jesus, by Jhon knox. Matth. x. He that continueth unto the ende shall be saved. Imprinted in Rome, before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of July, in the yeare of our Lord 1554.” D, 28 leaves, Fr. black letter. Advocates’ Library. A copy in MS. Vol.

4. “A confession and declaratiō of praiers added thereunto, by Jhon Knox, minister of christes most sacred Evangely, upon the {365} death of that moste famous king Edward the VI. kynge of Englande, Fraunce, and Ireland, in which confession, the sayde Jhon doth accuse no less hys owne offences, than the offences of others, to be the cause of the awaye takinge of that most godly prince, nowe raininge with Chryst whyle we abyde plagues for our unthāfulnesse. Imprinted in Rome, before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of July, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1554.” C, 19 leaves. Fr. black letter. Advocates’ Library.

The “Confession” is inserted in vol. i. Note U. The “Declaration of Praiers” is in MS. Vol. See vol. i. Note N. Another edition was licensed in 1580. See Ames, p. 1146.

5. “The copie of a letter sent to the ladye Mary dowagire, regent of Scotland, by John Knox in the yeare 1556. Here is also a notable sermon, mayde by the sayde John Knox, wherein is evydentlye proved that the masse is and alwayes hath been abhominable before God, and Idolatrye. _Scrutamini Scripturas._” H, extends to 64 leaves, 16mo. Black letter. No year or place of printing. A copy of this rare book, which belonged to the late Duke of Roxburghe, is now in the Advocates’ Library.

Ames (p. 1587) introduces this book as printed in 1556, but without alleging any authority; and (p. 1834) he speaks of the Sermon against the Mass as printed in 1550, for which he quotes T. Baker’s Maunsell, p. 101. Both the tracts contained in this book are in MS. Vol.

6. “Ane Exposition upon the syxth Psalme of Dauid, wherein is declared hys crosse, complayntes and prayers, moste necessarie too be red of all them, for their singular comforte, that vnder the banner of Christe are by Satan assaulted, and feele the heauye burthen of synne, with which they are oppressed. ☞ The paciente abydinge of the sore afflicted was neuer yet confounded.” Ends on the reverse of the last leaf of F. On G begins, “A comfortable Epistell sente to the afflicted church of Chryst, exhortynge thē to beare hys crosse with paciēce, lokyng euery houre for hys commynge agayne to the greate comfort and consolacion of hys chosen, with a prophecy of ye destruction of the wycked. Whereunto is joyned a most wholesome counsell, howe to behaue ourselues in the myddes {366} of thys wycked generacion touching the daily exercise of Gods most holy and sacred worde. Wrytten by the man of God, J. K.”

A copy of this very rare collection of tracts, which also belonged to the late Duke of Roxburghe, is now in the Advocates’ Library. It wants two or three leaves at the close,――ending with I, 5. Black letter, 16mo. (All of these are in MS. Volume. The “wholesome counsell” is inserted in vol. i. Note Z.) In the same volume, and printed with the same type, are two tracts by “Gracious Menewe,” the first on “Auricular Confession,” and the second, “Of the Communion in both kyndes.” It has been conjectured that Knox wrote these under a fictitious name.

7. “The copie of a lettre delivered to the laidie Marie, Regent of Scotland, from Johne Knox minister of Goddes worde, in the yeare of our Lord 1556, and nowe augmented and explained by the author in the yeare of our Lord 1558.” Device: two arches, one narrow, the other broad; over the narrow one is a crown of laurel, over the broad one flames of fire, with this motto about them, “Enter in at the streit gate: for wide is the gate, and brode is the waye, that leadeth to destruction, Matth. vii.” Printed at Geneva, by James Pollain, and Antonie Rebul. M.D.LVIII. D, extends to 28 leaves. Rom. letter, 16mo. Advocates’ Library.

8. “The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regement of Wemen. Veritas temporis filia. M.D.LVIII.” 56 leaves, Rom. letter. Advocates’ Library.

9. “The Appellation of Johne Knoxe from the cruell and most unjust sentence pronounced against him by the false bishoppes and clergie of Scotland, with his supplication and exhortation to the nobilitie, estates and cōmunalitie of the same realme. Printed at Geneva M.D. LVIII.” The appellation is addressed “To the nobilitie, and estates of Scotlād” only; the epistle, “To his beloved brethren the cōmunalitie of Scotlād,” annexed, begins at folio 47, and concludes at folio 59, “Be witnesse to my appellation.――From Geneva the 14 of July, 1558. Your brother to commaunde in godliness, John Knoxe.” On the back of which leaf begins: “An admonition to England and Scotland to call them to repentance, written by Antoni Gilby.” On the back of leaf 78, “Psalme of {367} David xciiii turned into metre by W. Kethe,” ends on first page of folio 80――Rom. letter, 16mo. Advocates’ Library.

It is a mistake to suppose that “Antoni Gilby” was a fictitious name assumed by Knox. Gilby was a member of the English church at Geneva. (See vol. i. p. 187.) Ames mentions several publications by him. See also Tanneri Bibliotheca, p. 318.

10. “The copie of his [John Knox’s] epistle, sent unto Newcastle, and Barwick. [This was, perhaps, another edition of No. 3.] Also a brief exhortatione to Englande for the speedy embracing of Christes gospell, heretofore, by the tyranny of Mary, suppressed. Prin. at Geneva, 1559.” Maunsell, p. 65. With a catalogue of Martyrs, 16mo. Ames, p. 1600. Comp. Tanner, p. 460.

11. “An Answer to a great number of blasphemous cauillations written by an Anabaptist, and Adversarie to Gods eternal Predestination; and confuted by Iohn Knox, minister of Gods worde in Scotland: Wherein the Author so discouereth the craft and falshode of that sect, that the godly knowing that error, may be confirmed in the trueth by the euident worde of God. Prov. xxx. There is a generatiō that are pure in their own cōceit, and yet are not washed from their filthiness. Printed by Iohn Crespin, M.D.LX.” Rom. letter, 454 pages. Advocates’ Library. Another edition was licensed 1580; and it was again printed in 1591. See Ames, p. 1196, 1254, 1263.

12. “Heir followeth the coppie of the ressoning which was betuix the Abbote of Crossraguell and John Knox in Mayboil concerning the Masse, in the yeare of God, a thousand five hundreth thre scoir and two yeares. Apocalips xxii. For I protest, &c. Imprinted at Edinburgh by Robert Lekpreuik, and are to be solde at his hous, at the nether bow. Cum privilegio, 1563.” The running title is “The ressoning betwix Jo. Knox and the abbotte of Crossraguell.” In the library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck. See above, p. 73.

13. “A sermon preached by John Knox, minister of Christ Jesus, in the publique audience of the church of Edenbrough, within the realme of Scotland, upon Sunday the 19 of August, 1565. For the which the said John Knoxe was inhibite preaching for a season, 1 Tim. iv. The time is come that men cannot abyde the sermon {368} of veritie nor holsome doctrine. To this is adjoyned an exortation unto all the faithfull within the sayde realme, for the reliefe of such as faythfully trauayle in the preaching of Gods word. Written by the same John Knoxe, at the commandment of the ministrie aforesaid.” Consists of 49 leaves; and 11 more, “Of the superintendents to the faithful.” No name of place, nor printer. Sixteens. Ames, p. 1488‒89. Tanner, p. 460.

14. “To his loving brethren whome God ones gloriously gathered in the church of Edinburgh, and now are dispersed for tryall of our faith, &c. Johne Knox. Imprented at Striviling be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do. M.D.LXXI.” Rom. letter, 4 leaves, 16mo. Advocates’ Library.

15. “An Answer to a letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie, be Johne Knox. Proverbs xxvi. Answer not a foole according to his foolishness, least thou be lyke him: answer a foole according to his foolishness least he be wise in his owē cōseat.

“The contrarietie appearing at the first sight betwix thir twa sentēcis, stayit for a tyme baith heart to meditate and hand to wryte any thing, cōtrair that blasphemous letter. But when with better mynd, God gave me to considder, that whosoever opponis not him self bouldly to blasphemy and manifest leis, differis lytill fra tratouris: cloking and fostering, so far as in them ly, the treasoun of traitouris, and dampnable impietie of those, against whome Gods just vengeance mon burne without end, unless spedie repentāce follow: To quyet therefore my owne conscience, I put hande to the pen as followeth:――Imprentit at Sanctandrois be Robert Lekpruik, Anno Do. 1572.”

“Jhone Knox, the servand of Jesus Christ, now wearie of the world, and daylie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly tabernakle, to the faithful,” &c. 3 pages. Then a prayer in 3 pages, which concludes, “Now, Lord, put an end to my miserie. At Edinburgh the 12 day of Marche 1565.”――On next page begins “An Answer,” &c. At the end, “Of Edinburgh the 10 day of August, anno do. 1568.” Next, “To the Faithfull Reader”――ends “For as the worlde is wearie of me: so am I of it. Of Sanctandrois the 12 of Julii 1572. Johne Knox”――“Followeth the letter as it past from my hand at Diep the 20 Julii 1554. To his loving {369} mother,” &c. (This letter is in MS. Vol.) In all 45 leaves. Rom. letter. Advocates’ Library.

16. “A Fort for the Afflicted. Wherein are ministred many notable and excellent remedies against the stormes of tribulation: Written chiefly for the comforte of Christes little flocke, which is the small number of the faithfull, by John Knoxe. John xvi. 23.” This is an exposition upon the 6th Psalm. It has prefixed, an epistle “To the Religious Reader, by Abr. Flemming.”――“To his beloved mother, J. K. sendeth greeting in the Lorde.” At the end is “A comfortable epistle sent to the afflicted churche of Christ, exhorting them to bear his crosse with patience, &c. Written at Deepe 31 May, 1554.” F 4, in eights. W. H. (Ames, p. 1118.) Tanner (p. 460) says it was printed “Lond. 1580.” This is another edition of the two first tracts described in No. 6.

17. Sermon on Ezekiel ix. 4, printed anno 1580. See a Catalogue of Writers on O. and N. Testament, p. 107. Lond. 1663.

18. “A Notable and Comfortable exposition of M. John Knoxes upon the fourth of Matthew, concerning the tentations of Christ. First had in the public church, and _afterwards_ written for the comfort of certaine private _friends_, _and now_ published in print for the benefit of all that fear God. At London printed by Robert Waldegrave for Thomas Man, dwelling in Paternoster Row, at the signe of the Talbot.” Advocates’ Library. In MS. Vol.

The words in Italics are supplied, the copy being torn in these places. The book is dedicated by “Johne Fielde,” the publisher, to the “vertuous and my very godly friend Mres Anne Provze of Exeter,” who was the widow of “M. Edward Derring,” a celebrated non‑conformist. Field was also a noted puritan. See Bancroft’s Dangerous Positions, b. iii. chap. 1‒5. Field had received the MS. from Mrs Prouze. At the end of the dedication is, “London the first day of the first moneth in the year 1583.” The book consists of 24 leaves.

19. “The Historie of the Church of Scotland.” Imperfect, beginning with page 17. “BY THESE ARTICLES which God of his merciful providence causeth the enemies of his truth to keep in their registers, &c.” and ending with M m, p. 560. “For we judge it a thing most contrarious to reason, godlynes, and equitie, that {370} the widow of the children and him who in;” being part of “the fift head” of the First Book of Discipline. 8vo. Advocates’ Library. This edition is very rare, and none of the copies which have been seen are more complete than that which has been just described. See above, p. 359.

It is unnecessary to give the title of David Buchanan’s edition, printed in 1644 at London, in folio, and reprinted the same year at Edinburgh in quarto.――The genuine and complete edition of the History was published in folio, under the following title:――

“The Historie of the Reformation of Religioun within the Realm of Scotland, conteining the manner and be quhat persons the lycht of Christis Evangell has bein manifested unto this realme, after that horribill and universal defection from the treuth, whiche has come by the means of that Romane Antichryst. Together with the Life of Johne Knoxe, the author, and several curious pieces wrote by him; particularly that most rare and scarce one entitled, _The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of Women_, and a large Index and Glossary. Taken from the original manuscript in the University Library of Glasgow, and compared with other ancient copies. Edinburgh: Printed by Robert Fleming and Company, 1732.” The life was written by Mr Matthew Crawfurd. See last Note.

Besides the above publications, which were all undoubtedly composed by our Reformer, there are others ascribed to him upon more dubious grounds. Bale, in his Scrip. Maj. Brit. post. pars. art. _Knoxus_, and Verheiden and Melchior Adam, upon his authority, appear, in several instances, to have given different names to the same tract. They mention among his printed works, “In Genesin Conciones.” We know that he preached sermons on Genesis at Franckfort, (see vol. i. 148,) and it is not unlikely that he continued to do so at Geneva. Perhaps Bale, hearing of these, might think that they were published. Bishop Tanner has enumerated among his works, “Exposition on Daniel, Malburg. M.D. XXIX. 8vo.” Bibliotheca, p. 460. As he mentions the place and year of printing, more credit is due to his account: but there is evidently a mistake in the year, for Knox had not at that time begun to write. It may however be an error of the press for a {371} later year. We have seen (vol. ii. p. 192) that he preached on Daniel at St Andrews.

During the reign of queen Mary of England, a book was published, with this title, “The Huntyng of the Romysh Voulfe,” &c. Of this tract a new edition was printed in the beginning of Elizabeth’s reign, under the title of “The Hunting of the Fox and the Wolfe, because they make hauocke of the sheepe of Christ Jesus.” This edition is introduced with a preface by an anonymous author, “To al my faithful Brethren in Christ Jesu, and to all other that labour to weede out the weedes of poperie,” &c. The writer of the preface is very severe against the relics of popery retained in the worship of the church of England by the Act of Uniformity. “My good fathers and deare Brethren, who are first called to ye battel to strive for God’s glory and the edificatiō of his people, againste the Romish reliques, and rags of Antichriste, I doubt not but that you will courageouslye and constātly in Christ, rap at these rages of God’s enemies, and that you will by this occasiō race vp many as great enormities, that we al know and labour to race out al the dregs and remnāts of transformed poperie, that are crept into England, by too much lenitie of thē that will be named the Lords of the clergie,” &c. This preface has been ascribed to our Reformer. “So far,” says Herbert, “as one may be allowed to guess at the author by the style, &c. I am inclined to believe this address was written by John Knox, who for magnanimity, courage, and zeal for God’s glory, was at least equal to any of our reformers.” This surmise is in some measure supported by the cut of Truth, &c. at the end of this tract; the same as prefixed to that author’s Admonition or warning, &c, as p. 1576, except only the name of _Sutleti_ being here given to the figure there inscribed _Crueltye_.” Herbert’s edition of Ames, p. 1605, 1606.

I have not introduced into this catalogue the _Form of Excommunication_, which was wholly, nor the _Treatise of Fasting_, which was chiefly, composed by Knox, nor any other of the public papers in which he had a hand, but which were published in the name of the General Assembly.

In an epistle to the reader, contained in his answer to Tyrie, Knox mentions that he had beside him a collection of letters which {372} he had written to Mrs Bowes, and which the state of his health alone prevented him from publishing. It also appears from Field’s dedication prefixed to Knox’s Exposition of the fourth of Matthew, (see p. 240,) that a number of our Reformer’s manuscripts were in circulation in England as well as Scotland. I have in my possession a manuscript volume, containing tracts and letters written by him between 1550 and 1558. This is unquestionably the identical volume which formerly belonged to the Rev. Mr Wodrow, (author of the History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland,) and described under the name of the _Quarto volume_ of MSS. in Crawfurd’s Life of Knox, p. 53, 54, prefixed to the edition of his Historie published in 1732. It consists of 518 pages, including the contents. On the leaf at the beginning of the volume is this title: “The epistles of Mr John Knox, worthy to be read because of the authority of the wryter, the solidity of the matter, and the comfortable Christian experience to be found therein. Edr. 22 feb. 1683. H. T. m. p.” Below, in a hand considerably older, are these words: “This booke belong’d somtyme to Margaret Stewart, widow to Mr Knox, afterwards married to the knight of fawdonesyde. Sister shee was to James Earl of Arran.” Then follow the six tracts described by Mr Crawfurd, in the place above referred to. At the beginning of the Letters, in a hand older than the former, and the same with that in which the Letters themselves are written, is this title: “Certane epistillis and letters of ye servand of God, Johne Knox, send from dyvers places to his friendis and familiaris in Jesus Chryst.” On the margin of the tracts are several short notes by the transcriber, referring to his own times, such as this, “our case at this day in Scotland, 1603.” This ascertains the date of their transcription; and I think it highly probable that they were copied by Mr John Welsh, a son‑in‑law of the Reformer, one of whose letters is inserted on some blank leaves in the middle of the volume. The letters have evidently been written by the same person (although the hand appears older); and, on the margin of a treatise at the end of them, “1603” occurs. Margaret Stewart, the Reformer’s relict, was alive about the end of the 16th century; but whether the manuscript in my possession belonged to her, or be considered as a transcript from hers, there can be no doubt of its antiquity and {373} genuineness. I have found, upon examination, that all the six tracts in the beginning of the volume have been published; but as the manuscript is more correct than any of the printed editions which I have seen, I have generally followed it in the extracts which I have given from these tracts. The letters are forty‑three in number, besides the letter to the queen regent, the Discourse on the temptation of Christ, and the Additions to the Apology of the Parisian Protestants, which are inserted among them. Three of the letters also have been published, and are noticed in Nos. 6 and 15 of this Catalogue; the remainder, as far as I can learn, never appeared in print. They consist chiefly of religious advices to the friends with whom he corresponded; but a number of facts and allusions to his external circumstances are interspersed. Mr Wodrow possessed another volume of Knox’s MSS., in folio, which is described by Crawfurd, Life, p. 53, ut supra. It contains nothing additional to what I have mentioned in this Note.――In a letter, addressed to Mr Robert Durie, from Sedan, 24th May, 1616, Andrew Melville says: “I left with my lufing and faithful gossep, your father‑in‑law, Mr Knox’s letters. I wish them to be furthcuming.”

{374} APPENDIX,

CONSISTING OF LETTERS WRITTEN BY KNOX, AND OTHER PAPERS, HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED.

[356]Nº I. [From MS. Letters, p. 243.]

The firste letter to his mothir in law, mestres Bowis.

Rycht deirlibelovit mother in oure saviour Jesus Chryst, when I call to mynd and revolve with myself the trubillis and afflictionis of Godis elect frome the begyning (in whiche I do not forget yow) thair is within my hart tuo extreme contraries; a dolour almaist unspeakabill, and a joy and comfort whilk, be mannis sences, can not be comprehendit nor understand. The cheif caussis of dolour be two; the ane is the rememberance of syn, whilk I daylie feill remanyng in this corrupt nature, whilk was and is sa odius and detestabill in the presence of oure hevinlie father, that by na uther sacrifice culd or myght the same be purgeit, except by the blude and deth of the onlie innocent sone of God. When I deiplie do considder the caus of Chrystis deth to haif bene syn, and syn yit to dwell in all flesche, with paule I am compellit to sob and grone as ane man under ane heavie burdene, ye, and sumtymes to cry, O wreachit and miserabill man that I am, wha sall delyver me fra this bodie of syn! The uther caus of my dolour is that sic as maist gladlie wald remane togidder, for mutuall comfort ane of another, can not be sufferit sa to do. Since the first day that it pleasit the providence of God to bring yow and me in familiaritie, I have alwayis delytit in your company; and when labours wald permit, ye knaw I have not spairit houris to talk and commoun with yow, the frute {375} whairof I did not than fullie understand nor perceave. But now absent, and so absent that by corporal presence nather of ws can resave comfort of uther, I call to mynd how that oftymes when, with dolorous hartis, we haif begun our talking, God hath send greit comfort unto baithe, whilk now for my awn part I commounlie want. The exposicioun of your trubillis, and acknawledging of your infirmitie, war first unto me a verie mirrour and glass whairin I beheld my self sa rychtlie payntit furth, that nathing culd be mair evident to my awn eis. And than the searching of the scriptures for Godis sueit promissis, and for his mercies frelie givin unto miserable offenderis, (for his nature delyteth to schew mercie whair maist miserie ringeth), the collectioun and applying of Godis mercies, I say, wer unto me as the breaking and handilling with my awn handis of the maist sweit and delectabill ungumentis, whairof I culd not but receave sum comfort be thair naturall sweit odouris. But now, albeit I never lack the presence and plane image of my awn wreachit infirmitie; yet seing syn sa manifestlie abound in al estaitis, I am compellit to thounder out the threattnyngis of God aganis the obstinat rebellaris, in doing whairof (albeit as God knaweth I am no malicious nor obstinat synner) I sumtymes am woundit, knawing myself criminall and giltie in many, ye in all (malicious obstinacie laid asyd) thingis that in utheris I reprehend. Judge not, mother, that I wrait theis thingis debassing my self otheris wayis than I am: na; I am wors than my pen can expres. In bodie ye think I am no adulterer: lat sa be; but the hart is infectit with foull lustis, and will lust albeit I lament never samekill. Externallie I commit na idolatrie; but my wicked hart luffeth the self, and cannot be refranit fra vane imaginationis, ye, not fra sic as wer the fountane of all idolatrie. I am na mankiller with my handis; but I help not my nedie brother sa liberallie as I may and aucht. I steill not hors, money, nor claithis fra my nychbour; but that small portioun of warldlie substance I bestow not sa rychtlie as his halie law requyreth. I bear na fals witnes aganis my nychbour in judgement or utherwayis befor men; but I speik not the treuth of God sa boldlie as it becumeth his true messinger to do. And thus in conclusioun thair is na vyce repugnyng to Godis halie will, expressit in his law, whairwith my hart is not infectit.

{376} This mekill writtin and dytit befoir the resait of your letteris, whilk I resavit the 21st of June. They war unto my hart sum comfort for dyvers caussis not necessar to be rehersit, but maist (as knaweth God) for that I find ane congruence betwix ws in spreit, being sa fer distant in bodie. ffor when that digestlie I did avys with your letter, I did considder that I myself was complenyng evin the self sam thingis at that verie instant moment that I ressavit your letter. Be my pen ffrome a sorrowfull hart I culd not but brust forth and say, “O Lord, how wonderfull ar thi workis! how dois thou try and prufe thi chosin children as gold by the fyre! how canest thou in maner hyd thi face fra thy awn spous, that thi presence efter may be mair delectabill! how canest thou bring thi sainctis lowe, that thou may carie thame to glorie everlasting! how canest thou suffer thi strang faithful messingeris in many thingis yit to wressill with wreachit infirmitie and febill weaknes, ye and sumtymes permittis thou thame horribillie to fall, partlie that na flesche sall have whairof it may glorie befoir the, and partlie that utheris of smaller estait and meaner giftis in thi kyrk myght resave sum consolatioun, albeit thay find in thame selves wickit motions whilk they are not abill to expell!” My purpois was, befoir I ressavit your letter, to have exhortit you to pacience and to fast, adhering to Godis promisis, albeit that your flesche, the divill, and uther your enemyis, wald persuad you to the contrare; for, by the artis and subteliteis that the adversarie useth aganis me, I not only do conjecture, but also planelie dois sie your assaltis and trubill. And sa lykwys, in the bowellis of Chrystis mercie, maist ernistlie I beseik you, by that infirmitie that ye knaw remaineth in me, (wars I am than I can wryt,) pacientlie to beir, albeit that ye haif not sic perfection as ye wald, and albeit also your motionis be sic as be maist vyle and abominabill, yet not to sorrow abuf measure. Gif I to whom God hes gevin greatter giftis (I wryt to his prais) be yit sa wrappit into miserie, that what I wald I can not do, and what I wald not, that with sainct paule, I say, I daylie ye everie hour and moment I devys to do, and in my hart, ficht I never sa fast in the contrarie I perform and do,――gif sic wreachit wickitnes remane in Godis cheif ministeris, what wonder albeit the same remane in yow? Gif Godis strangest men of war be beattin bak in thair face, {377} that what thay wald they can not destroy nor kill, is it any sic offence to yow to be tossit as ye compleane, that thairfoir ye suld distrust Goddis frie promissis? God forbid, deir mother! the power of God is knawin be oure weaknes, and theis dolouris and infirmiteis be maist profitabill to ws; for by the same is our pryde beattin doun, whilk is not easie utherwayis to be done. By thame ar oure misereis knawn, sa that we, acknawledging oure selves misterfull, seikis the phesitioun. By thame cum we, be the operatioun of the halie spreit, to the hatred of syn, and be thame cum we to the hunger and thrist of justice, and to desyre to be desolued, and sa to ring with oure Chryst Jesus, whilk without this battell and sorrow this flesche culd never do. And sa fra the doloris I proceid to the comfort.

As the caussis of dolour be tuo, whilk ar present syn, and the lack of sic company as in whome we maist culd delyt, sa is the caussis of my comfort not ymaginit of my brane, but pronuncit first be God, and efter graftit in the hartis of Godis children by his halie spreit. Thay ar lykwys tuo; whilk is a justice inviolable offerit be our flesche befoir the trone of our heavinlie father, and ane assureit hoip of that generall assemblie and gathering togither of Godis dispersit flok, in that day when all teairs salbe wipit fra oure eis, when deth salbe vincuisit, and may na mair dissever sic as feiring God this day in the flesche murnis under the burdene of syn. Off oure present justice, notwithstanding syn remane in our mortall bodeis, ar we assureit by the faithfull witnes of Jesus Chryst, Johne the apostill, saying, “gif we confes oure synnis, faithfull and just is God to remit and forgive our synnis.” Mark the wordis of the apostill, gif we confes oure synnis God man forgive thame, becaus hie is faithfull and just. To confessioun of synnis ar theis thingis requisit; ffirst we man acknawledge the syn, and it is to be notit that sumtymes Godis verie elect, albeit they have synnit maist haynouslie, does not acknawledge syn and thairfoir can not at all tymes confes the same; for syn is not knawin unto sictyme as the vale be takin fra the conscience of the offender, that he may sie and behald the filthines of syn, what punishment be Godis just jugenentis is dew for the sam, and then (whilk is the 2 thing requisit to confessioun) begynnis the haitred of syn and of oure selves {378} for contempnying of God and of his halie law; whairof last springis that whilk we call hoip of mercie, whilk is nathing els but a sob fra a trubillit hart, confoundit and aschamit for syn, thristing remissioun and Gods frie mercie, whairupon of necessitie man follow this conclusioun, God hes remittit and frelie forgevin the syn; and why? for “hie is faithfull and just” sayeth the apostill. Comfortabill and mervelous caussis! first, God is faithfull, ergo, hie man forgive syn. A comfortable consequent upon a maist sure ground! for Godis fidelitie can na mair faill nor can him self. Then lat this argument be gatherit for oure comfort; the office of the faithfull is to keip promeis; but God is faithfull, ergo, he man keip promeis. That God hes promissit remissioun of synis to sic as be repentant, I neid not now to recit the places. But let this collectioun of the promissis be maid, God promissis remissioun of synis to all that confessis the same; but I confes my synnis, for I sie the filthines thairof, and how justlie God may condemp me for my iniquities. I sob and I lament for that I can not be quyt and red of syn, I desyre to leif a mair perfyt lyfe. Thir ar infallible signis, seillis, and takinis, that God hes remittit the syn; for God is faithfull that sa hes promissit, and can na mair deceave nor hie can ceis to be God. But what reasone is this, God is just, thairfoir hie man forgive syn? A wonderous caus and reasone in deid! ffor the flesche and naturall man can understand nathing but the contrar, for thus man it reasone: the justice of God is offendit be my synnis, sa God man neidis have a satisfactioun, and requyre ane punissment. Gif we understand of whome God requyris satisfactioun, whether of ws, or of the handis of his onlie sone, and whais punisment is abill to recompens oure synnis, than sall we haif greit cause to rejose, remembering that God is a just God; for the office of the just man is to stand content when hie hes ressavit his dewtie. But God hes ressavit alredie at the handis of his onlie sone all that is dew for our synnis, and sa can not his justice requyre nor craif any mair of ws ather satisfactioun or recompensatioun for our synnis. Advert, mother, the sure pilleris and fundation of oure salvation to be Godis faithfulnes and justice. Hie that is faithful has promissit frie remissioun to all penitent synneris, and hie that is just, hes ressavit alredie a full satisfactioun for the synis of all thais that imbrace Chryst Jesus {379} to be the only saviour of the warld. What restis than to us to be done? nathing but to acknawledge oure miserie and wrechednes, whilk na flesche can do sa unfenidlie as they that daylie feillis the wecht of syn. And uther, mother, caus haif we nane of desperatioun, albeit the divill rage never sa cruellie, and albeit the flesche be never sa fraill, daylie and hourlie lusting aganis Godis halie commandementis, ye, stryving aganis the same. This is not the tyme of justice befoir oure awn eis; we luke for that whilk is promissit, the kingdome everlasting, preparit to ws fra the begynning, whairof we ar maid airis be Godis apoyntment, reabillit [_i.e._ _legitimated_ or _restored_] thairto be Chrystis death, to whom we sall be gatherit, when efter we sall never depart, whilk to remember is my singular comfort, but thairof now I can not wryte. My commendationis to all whom effeiris. I commit you to the protectioun of the omnipotent.

At Londoun the 23d of June, 1553, your sone unfeaned,

Johne Knox.

* * * * *

Nº II. [MS. Letters, p. 333.]

To mariorie bowis wha was his first wyfe.

Deirlibelovit sister in the commoun faith of Jesus our saviour, the place of Johne forbidding ws to salut sic as bringeth not the hailsome doctrine, admonisseth ws what danger cumeth be fals teacheris, evin the destructioun of bodie and saule; whairfoir the spreit of God willeth ws to be sa cairfull to avoyd the company of all that teachis doctrine contrarie to the treuth of Chryst, that we communicat with thame in nathing that may appeir to manteane or defend thame in thair corrupt opinioun, for hie that bidis thame godspeid, communicatis with thair syn, that is, hie that apeiris, be keiping thame company, or assisting unto thame in thair proceidingis, to favour thair doctrine, is giltie befoir God of thair iniquitie, baith becaus hie doith confirme thame in thair error be his silence, and also confirmes utheris to credit thair doctrine, becaus hie opponis not himself thairto: and sa to bid thame godspeid is not to speik unto thame commounlie as we for civill honestie to men unknawn, but it is efter we have hard of heir als doctrine to be conversant {380} with thame, and sa intreat thame as they had not offendit in thair doctrine. The place of Jamis teachis ws, belovit sister, that in Jesus Chryst all that unfeandlie profes him are equall befoir him, and that ryches nor warldlie honouris ar nathing regairdit in his syght; and thairfoir wald the spreit of God, speiking in the apostill, that sic as ar trew christianis suld have mair respect to the spirituall giftis whairwith God had doteth his messingeris, nor to externall ryches, whilk oftymes the wicket possessis, the having whairof makis man nether nobill nor godlie, albeit sa judge the blind affectionis of men. The apostill dampneth sic as preferis a man with a golden chayne to the pure; but heirof will I speik no more. The spreit of God sall instruct your hart what is maist comfortable to the trubillit conscience of your mother, and pray ernistlie that sa may be. Whair the adversarie objectis, sche aucht not think wicket thoughts, answer thairto, that is trew, but seing this oure nature is corruptit with syn whilk entirrit be his suggestioun, it must think and wirk wickitlie be his assaltis, but hie sal beir the condigne punisment thairof, becaus be him syn first entirit, and also be him it doith continew whillis this karkais be resolved. And whair hie inquyris what Chryst is, answer hie is the seid of the woman promissit be God to break down the serpentis heid, whilk hie hath done alreadie in him self appeiring in this oure flesche, subject to all passionis that may fall in this oure nature, onlie syn exceptit; and efter the death sufferit, hie heth, be power of his godheid, rissin agane triumphant victour over deth, hell and syn, not to him self, for thairto was hie na dettour, but for sic as thristis salvatioun be him onlie, whom he may na mair los, nor he may ceas to be the sone of God and the saviour of the warld. And whair hie wald perswade that sche is contrarie the word thairinto, hie leis according to his nature, whairin thair is na treuth; for gif sche wer contrarie the word, or denyit it, to what effect sa ernistlie suld sche desyre the company of sic as teacheth and professeth it? Thair is na dout but hie, as he is the accusatour of all Godis elect, studieth to trubill her conscience, that according to hir desyre, sche may not rest in Jesus oure Lord. Be vigilant in prayer. I think this be the first letter that ever I wrait to you.

In great haist your brother,

Johne Knox.

* * * * *

{381} Nº III. [MS. Letters, p. 283.]

To his Mother‑in‑law, and his Wife.

ffrome the eis of his Sanctis sal the Lord wype away all teiris and murnyng.

Deir mother and spous unfeanidlie belovit in the bowells of oure Saviour Chryst Jesus, with my verie hartlie commendationis. I perusit baith your letteris, not only directit to me, but also it that sorrowfullie compleanis upon the unthankfulnes of your brother as also of myne, that ye suld not have bene equallie maid privie to my coming in the countrie with utheris, whairof the enemy wald persuad yow (ane argument maist fals and untrew) that we judge you not to be of our noumber. Deir mother, be not sa suddanlie moveit, hie is your enemy that sa wald persuad you. God I tak to recorde in my conscience that nane is this day within the realme of Ingland, with whome I wald mair gladlie speik (onlie sche whome God hath offirit unto me, and commandit me to lufe as my awn flesche, exceptit) than with you. For your causis principallie enterprysit I this jurney; for hering my servand to be stayit, and his letteris to be takin, I culd na wys be pacifeit (for the maist part of my letteris was for your instructioun and comfort) till farther knawledge of your estait, and that ye wer na soner advertisit, only want of a faithfull messinger was the caus; for my coming to the countrey was sa sone noysit abrod, that with greit difficultie culd I be convoyit fra a place to another. I knew na sic danger as was suspectit be my brethrene; ffor as for my letteris in them is nathing conteanid, except exhortation to constancie in that treuth whilk God hes opinlie laid befoir our eis, whilk I am not myndit to deny whenever sic questions sal be demandit of me. But the cause moveing me that ffor a tyme I wald have bene clos, was, that I purposit (gif sa had bene possible) to have spokin with my wyfe, whilk now I persave is nathing apeirand, whill God offer sum better occasioun. My brethren, partlie be admonitioun, and partlie by teiris, compellis me to obey sumwhat contrair to my awn mynd; for never can I die in a mair honest quarrell nor to suffer as a witnes of that treuth whairof God hes maid me a messinger, whilk with hart I belive {382} maist assuredlie, (the halie Gaist beiring witnes to my conscience,) and with mouth I trust to God to confes, in presence of the warld, the onlie doctrine of lyfe. Notwithstanding this my mynd, gif God sall prepair the way, I will obey the voces of my brethrene, and will gif place to the furie and rage of Sathan for a tyme. And sa can I not espy how that ether of yow baith I can speik at this tyme. But, gif God pleis preserve me at this tyme, whairof I am not yit resolved, then sal thair lak in me na gud will, that ye may knaw the place of my residence, and farthir of my mynd. But now, deir mother, haif we cause to rejois, for our heavinlie Father, wha callit us be grace to wryt in our hartis the signis and seallis of our election in Chryst Jesus his sone, begynnis now to correct our crukedness, and to mak us lyke in suffering afflictionis, schame and rebuke of the warld, to the greit bischope of our saullis, wha by mekill tribulation did enter in his glorie, as of necessitie man everie ane to whome that kingdome is apoyntit. And thairfor, mother, be nathing abasched of theis maist dolorous dayis, whilk schortlie sal have end to oure everlasting comfort. Thay ar not cropin upon ws without knawledge and foirsight; how oft have ye heard theis dayis foirspokin? thairfoir now grudge not, but pacientlie abyd the Lords delyverance. Hie that foirspak the trubill, promissis everlasting pleasure by the same word; albeit the flesche complene, dispair nathing, for it must follow the awn nature, and it is not dampnabill in the syght of oure Father; albeit the corrupt fraill flesche draw bak and refuse the croce, ffor that is as naturall to the flesche, as in hunger and thirst to covet reasonable sustenance. Onlie follow not the affectionis of the flesche to cōmit iniquytie; neither for feir of deth, nor for love of lyf, cōmit ye idolatrie; neither yit gif your presence whair the same is committit, but hait it, avoid it, and flee frome it. But your leter makis mention that ye haif pleasure and delyt in it: na, mother, I espy the contrarie, for ye compleane and lament that sic motionis ar within you; this is na sign that ye delyt in thame, for na man compleanis of that whairin hie delytis. Ye ar in na wors cas, tuiching that poynt, nor yet tuiching any uther whairof ye desyre to be red, than was the apostil, when with gronyng and angusche of hart he did cry, “O unhappie man that I am, wha sal delyver me fra this bodie of syn:” reid the haill chapter, and {383} gif glorie to God that lattis you knaw your awn infirmitie, that from Chryst allone ye may be content to resave that whilk never remanit in corruptibill flesche, that is, the justice whilk is acceptabill befoir God, the justice by faith and not by workis, that ye may glorie in him wha frelie gives that whilk we deserve not. And thus nether feir that, nor uther assaltis of the divill, sa lang as in bodie ye obey not his persuasionis. Schortnes of tyme, and multitude of cairis, will not lat me wryt at this present sa plentifullie as I wald. Ye will me to charge you in suche thingis as I mister, God grant that ye may be abill to relief the nedie. Ye may be sure that I wald be bold upon you, for of your gude hart I am persuadit, but of your power and abilitie I greitlie dout. I will not mak you privie how ryche I am, but off Loundoun I departit with les money then ten grottis, but God hes sence provydit, and will provyd I dout not, heirefter abundantlie for this lyfe. Ather the quenis majestie, or sum thesaurer will be XL pounds rycher by me for samekill lack I of dewtie of my patentis. But that litill trubillis me. Rest in Chryst Jesus, your sone,

1553. Johne Knox.

* * * * *

Nº IV. [MS. Letters, p. 303.]

To his mother‑in‑law, Mrs Bowis.

Blissit be thais that mourne for ryghteousnes sake, &c.

Belovit mother with my hartlie commendatioun in the Lord. Let not your present dulnes discorage yow above measure: the wisdome of our God knawis what is maist expedient for our fraill nature, gif the bodie suld alwayis be in travell, it suld faynt and be unabill to continew in labour, the spreit hes his travell, whilk is a sobbing and murnyng for syn, fra whilk unles it sumtymes suld rest, it suddanlie suld be consumit. It doith na mair offend Godis maiestie that the spreit sumtyme lye as it were asleip, nether hauing sence of greit dolour nor greit comfort, mair than it doith offend him that the bodie use the natural rest, ceassing fra all externall exercis. Ye sall consider, mother, that the eis of God dois pers mair deiplie than {384} we be war of; we, according to the blind ignorance whilk lurketh within ws, do judge but as we do feil for the present, but hie, according to his eternall wisdome, dois judge thingis lang befoir thay cum to pas. We judge that caldnes and angusche of spreit ar hurtfull, becaus we sie not the end whairfoir God dois suffer ws to be trubillit with sic temptationis; but his maiestie, wha onlie knawis the mass whairof man is maid, and causeth all thingis to work to the profit of his elect, knawis also how necessarie sic trubillis ar to dantoun the pryd of oure corrupt nature. Thair is a spirituall pryd whilk is not haistelie suppressit in Godis verie elect children, as witnesses sanct paule. God hath wroth greit thingis be yow in the syght of uthir men, with whilk (unless the mell of inward angusche did beat them doun) ye myght be steirit up to sum vane glorie, whilk is a vennoume mair subtil than ony man do espy. I can wryt to you be my awn experience. I have sumtymes bene in that securitie that I felt not dolour for syn, nether yit displeasure aganis myself for any iniquitie in whilk I did offend; but rather my vane hart did this flatter myself, (I wryt the treuth to my awn confusioun, and to the glorie of my heavenlie father through Jesus Christ,) ‘Thou hes sufferit great troubill for professing of Chrystis treuth, God hes done great thingis for the, delyvering the fra that maist cruell bondage, [_galleis_: on the margin], hie has placeit the in a maist honourabill vocatioun, and thy labours ar not without frute; thairfoir thou aucht rejos and gif prais unto God.’ O mother this was a suptill serpent wha this culd pour in vennoume, I not perceaving it; but blissit be my God wha permittit me not to sleip lang in that estait. I drank schortlie efter this flatterie of myself a cupe of contra poysone, the bitternes whairof doith yit sa remane in my breist, that whatever I have sufferit, or presentlie dois I reput as doung, yea, and my self worthie of dampnation for my ingratitude towardis my God. The lyke, mother, my{t} have cumin to yow, gif the secreit brydall of afflictioun did not refrane vane cogitationis; but of this I have written to yow mair planelie in my other letteris. And this I commit you to the protectioun of the omnipotent for ever.

Yours at his power,

Johnne Knox.

* * * * *

{385} Nº V. [MS. Letters, p. 335‒6.]

To his Sister.

The spreit of God the father, be Jesus Chryst, comfort and assist yow to the end. Amen.

Touching the sonis of Jacob, who cruellie, contrar to thair solempned promeis and othe, did murther and slay the citisens of Sichem; whasa ryghtlie marketh the scriptures of God sall easelie espy thame maist grevouslie to have offendit. ffor albeit the transgression of the young man was haynous befoir God, yit wer thay na civill maiestratis, and thairfoir had na autoritie to punis. And farther, thay committit treasone, and in sa fer as in thame was blasphemit God and his halie name, making it odious to the nationis about, seing thay under pretence of religioun, and of ressaving them in leage with God and with the pepill, did disceatfullie as also cruellie destroy the haill citie suspecting na danger. Albeit sum laboureth to excus thair syn be the zeall thay had that thay myght not suffer thair sister to be abusit lyke ane harlot, yit the spreit of God speiking in thair awn father, efter lang advysement, in the extreamitie of his deth, utterlie dampneth thair wickit act, saying, “Semioun and Levi, brethren, &c., lat not my saule entir in thair consall, nor yit my glorie into thair company, for in thair furie thay killit a man, and for thair lust destroyit the citie, cursit is thair heit or rage, for it is vehement, and thair indignatioun, for it is intractable, I sall dispers thame in Jacob, and scatter thame abrod in Israell.” Heir may ye espy, sister, that God dampneth thair het displeasure and cruell act, as maist wickit and worthie of punisment. But perchance it may be inquyrit, why did God suffer the men that had professit his name be ressaving the sign of circumsitioun sa unmercifullie to be entreatit? I myght answer, God sufferis his awn in all ageis be the ungodlie to be cruellie tormentit. But sic was not the case of thir men, whom na doubt the justice of God faund cryminall and worthie the deth. ffor thay did abus his sacramentall signe, receaving it nether at God’s commandement, nor having any respect to his honour, nor {386} to the advancement of his name, nor yit trusting in his promissis, nor desyreing the incres or multiplicatioun of Godis pepill, but onlie for a warldie purpois, thinking thairby to have attaynit ryches and ease, be joynyng thameselves to Godis pepill. And sa the justice of God faund thame worthie of punisment, and sa permittit thame justlie on his part to be afflictit and destroyit be the ungodlie, whilk is a terribill exempill to sic as in caus of religioun mair seikis the profit of the warld nor eternall salvatioun. But hereof na mair. Thus brieflie and rudlie have I writtin unto yow, becaus I remember myself anis to have maid yow a promeis sa to do, and everie word of the mouth of the faithfull (yf sa impeid not God) aught to be keipit. And now rest in Chryst. After this I think ye sall rasave na mair of my handis. In haist with sair trubillit hart.

Yours as ever in godlines,

[Anno 1553.] Johne Knox.

* * * * *

Nº VI. LETTER OF JOHN KNOX TO JOHN FOX.

(See vol. i. p. 219.)

[British Museum. Harl. MSS. 416, 34. § 70.]

An Original.

Indorsed “To his louinge brother master fox be these delyuered at Basill.”

The mightie comforth of the holie ghost for salutation.

Dearlie beloued brother, albeit at the deꝓture of this our brother from whom I receaved yo{r} loving and frendlie lr̄e, my selue could writ nothing be reason of the euill disposition of my bodie, yit becaus I could not suffer him to depert without som remembrance of my deutie to you, I vsed the help of my left hand, that is of my wief, in scribbling these fewe lynes vnto you, as touching my purpose and mynd in the publishing the first blast of the trompet.

When the secreates of all hartes shalbe disclosed, that shalbe knowē w{ch} now by manye can not be perswaded, to wit, that therin I nether haue sought my selue, nether yit the vain prase of men. my rude veheraencie and inconsidered affirmations w{ch} may appear {387} rather to procead from coler then of zeal and reason, I do not excuse, but to haue vsed anye other tytle more plausible, therby to haue allured the world by any art as I never purposed so do I not yit purpose. to me it is ynewgh to say that black is not whit, and mans tyrannye and foolishnes is not goddes perfite ordinance, w{ch} thinge I do not so much to correct comon welthes as to delyuer my own conscience, and to instruct the consciences of som semple who yit I fear be ignorant in that matter, but ferther of this I delay to better opportunytie. Salut yo{r} wief and dowghter hartlie in my nam. the grace of our lord Jesus Christ rest w{t} you now and euer. from geneva the 18 of May, 1558.

Your brother to power,

Johne Knox.

I yo{r} sister the writer herof saluteth you and yo{r} wief most hartlie thanking hir of hir loving tokens w{ch} my mother and I receaued from Mrs Kent.

* * * * *

Nº VII. [Cald. MS. Vol. I. p. 427.][357]

Extract of a letter from John Knox to Mrs Anne Locke. (See vol. i. p. 268.)

―――― The queen and her counsell made promise that no person within Sanct Johnston, neither yet of these that assisted them, should be troubled for any thing done either in religion, either yet in down casting of places, till the sentence of the estates in Parliament had decided the controversie, and that no bands of French souldiers should be left behind the queen and counsell in the town, and that no idolatrie should be erected, nor alteration made within the town. But after she had obtained her desire, all godlie promises were forgotten; for the Sunday next after her entering, mess was said upon a dyeing table (for ye shall understand all the alters were prophaned); the poor professors were oppressed; when children {388} were slain, she did but smile, excusing the fact be the chance of fortune; and at her departure, she left 400 souldiers, Scottismen, but paid by France, to dantoun the town. She changed the provist, and exiled all godlie men. This crueltie and deceit displeased many that before assisted her with their presence and counsell; and among others, the earl of Argyle and the prior of Sanct Andrews left [her], and joined themselves to the congregation openly, whilk as it was displeasing to her and to the shavellings, so it was most comfortable and joyfull to us, for by their presence were the hearts of many erected from desperation. At their commandment I repaired to them at St Andrewis, wher consultation being had, it was concluded that Christ Jesus should there be openlie preached, that the places and monuments of idolatrie should be removed, and superstitious habits changed. This reformation was begun the 14th of June. In the meantime came the bishop of St Andrewis to the towne, accompanied with a great band of warriours, and gave a strate commandement, that no preaching should be made by me, who was both brunt in figure and horned, assuring the lords that if they suffered me to preach that twelve haquebuts should lyght upon my nose at once. O burning charitie of a bloodie bishop! But as that boast did litle affray me, so did it more incense and inflamme with courage the harts of the godlie, who with one voyce proclaimed that Christ Jesus should be preached in despite of Sathan, and so that Sabbath and three dayes after I did occupy the publike place in the midst of the doctors who this day are even as dumbe as their idols which wer brunt in their presence. The bishop departed to the Queene, frustrat of his intent, for he had promised to bring me to her either alyve or dead: and incontinent was a new army assembled, and forward they marched against St Andrews. It was not thought expedient that we should abide them lurking in a town, and so we past to the fields and met them at Couper, where lodging was appointed for the camp, but we prevented them: where we remained upon their coming till the nixt day, when both armies were in sight of other within shot of cannon, and we looked for nothing but the extremitie of batle: not that we intended to pursue, but only to stand in camp where our field was pitched for defence of ourselves. There came from our adversaries ane ambassador {389} desiring speech and communing of the lords, which gladlie of us being granted, after long reasoning the queene offered a free remission of all crimes bypast, sua that they would no furder proceed against friars and abbayes, and that no more preaching should be used publicklie. But the lords and the brethren refused such appointment, declaring that the fear of no mortal creature should cause them betray the veritie known and professed, neither yet to suffer idolatrie to be maintained in the bounds committed to their charge. The adversaries perceiving that neither threatening, flatterie, nor deceit, could break the bold constancie and godlie purpose of the lords, barons, gentlemen, and commons, who were there assembled to the number of 3000 in on days warning, they were content to tak assurance for 8 days, permitting unto us freedom of religion in the meantime. In the whilk the abbay of Lindores, a place of black monkes, distant from St Andrewis twelve myles, we reformed, their altars overthrew we, their idols, vestments of idolatrie, and mass books, we burnt in their presence, and commanded them to cast away their monkish habits. Divers chanons of St Andrewis have given notable confessions, and have declared themselves manifest enemies to the pope, to the mass, and to all superstition. [_Then follows what is inserted_, vol. i. p. 280‒1.]――We fear that the tyrannie of France shall, under the cloak of religion, seek a plain conquest of us; but potent is God to confound their counsell and to break their force. God move the hearts of such as profes Christ Jesus with us, to have respect to our infancie, and open their eyes to see that our ruin shall be their destruction. Communicat the contents herof (which I write to you, least by divers rumours ye should be troubled and wee slandered) with all faithfull, but especiallie with the afflicted of that little flock, now dispersed and destitute of these pleasant pastures in which some tyme they fed abundantlie. If any remain at Geneva, let either this same or the double of it be sent unto them, and likeways unto my dear brother Mr Goodman, whose presence I more thirst for than she that is my own flesh. Will him therefor in the name of the Lord Jesus (all delay and excuse set apart) to visit me; for the necessity is great here. If he come be sea, let him be addressed unto Dundie, and let him ask for George Levell, for George Rollock, or Wm. Carmichael. {390} If he come to Leith, let him repair to Edinburgh, and enquire for James Baron, Edward Hope, Adam Fullertoun, or for John Johnston writer, be whom he will get knowledge of me. If my mother and my wife come be you, will them to make the expedition that goodly they can to visit me, or at least to come to the north parts, where they shall know my mind, which now I can not write, being oppressed with hourly cares. This bearer is a poor man unknown in the country, to whom I beseech you shew reasonable favour and tenderness, touching his merchandize and the just selling thereof. Thus, with hearty commendations to all faithfull, I heartily commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent. From Sanct Andrewes the 23d of June 1559.

* * * * *

Nº VIII. [Cald. I. 522.]

To the same. (See vol. i. 312.)

Lest that the rumours of our troubles trouble you above measure, dear sister, I thought good in these few words to signifie unto you that our esperance is yet good in our God, that he for his great names sake will give such success to this enterprise as nether shall these whom he hath appointed to sigh in this be utterlie confounded, neither yet that our enemies shall have occasion to blaspheme the verity, nor yet triumph over us in the end. We trusted too much, dear sister, in our owne strenth, and speciallie since the erle of Arran and his friends were joyned to our number. Amongst us also were such as more sought the purse than Christ’s glory. Wee by this overthrow are brought to acknowledge, what is a multitude without the present help of God! and the hollow hearts of many are now revealled. God make us humble in his eyes, and then I fear not the furie of the adversaries, who, be ye assured, doe sore rage, so as yet their crueltie must neids crave vengeance from him whose members they persecute. Our dear brethren and sisters in Edinburgh and Lothian who lay nearest these bloode thirsty tyrants, are so troubled and vexed that it is a pity to remember their estate. Our God comfort them. We stand universally in great fear, and yet we hope deliverance. I wrote to you before to be suitor to {391} some faithfull, that they would move such as have abundance to consider our estate, and to make for us some provision of money to keep soldiers and our company together. And herein yet again I cannot cease to move you. I can not well write to any other, because the action may seem to appertaine to my own country onlie. But because I trust ye suspect me not of avarice, I am bold to say to you that if we perish in this our enterprise, the limits of London will be straiter than they are now within few years. Many things I have which I would have required for myself, namely Calvin on Isaiah, and his Institutions revised. But common troubles cause me to neglect all private business. If ye can find the means to send me the books before written, or any other that be new and profitable, I will provide that ye shall receive the prices upon your advertisement. My wife saluteth you. Salute all faithfull heartilie in my name, especiallie those of familiar acquaintance, of whom I crave pardon that I write not, being not so quiet as ye would wish. My onlie comfort is that our troubles shall pass sooner, peradventure, than our enemies look. Grace be with you. From St Andrews, in haste, the 18th November, 1559. Yours known,

John Knox.

Mr Gudeman is in the west country in Ayr, who willed me to salute you in his name as oft as I wrote you.

* * * * *

Nº IX. [Cald. I. 524.]

To the same. (See vol. i. 315.)

We shall meet when death shall not dissever.

Two letters I have received from you, dear sister, both almost at one time, the one is dated at London the 28th of November, the other of the same place the 2d of December. The letter of the last date I first read, which made mention of your trouble be reason of a suddan fire in a lodging near to you; that you had sought all means for our support, as well of those of high as of low degree; but that it was not needfull that any thing should be sent unto us, because it was supposed that the highest would support us; and {392} last, that ye had not received the answer of your doubts. In your other letters, after your most comfortable discourse of God’s providence for his people in their greatest necessitie, ye godlie and trulie conclude that neither could their unworthiness, neither yet their want of things judged necessarie for their preservation, stop his majestie’s mercie from them. Thereafter ye will me to avoid danger, and rather to fight by prayer in some place removed from danger than expose my self to the hazard of battell, and so ye conclude by praising God’s mercie as did Jeremy in his greatest anguish, &c.

What support should come to us be consent of counsell and authoritie I am uncertain. But suppose it shall be greater than yet is bruted, that ought not to stay the liberall hands of the godlie to support us privatelie. For the public support of an army shall not make such as now be superexpended able to serve without private support. I will make the matter more plain be one example. I know one man that since the 10th of May hath spent in this action thirteen thousand crowns of the summe [sonne], besydes his victuals and other fruits of the ground. His treasure being now consumed, he cannot, without support, susteane the number which before he brought to the field. If he and such others that are in lyke condition with him shall be absent, or yet if numbers shall decay, our enemies shall seem to prevail in the field, and therfor desired I some collection to be made, to the end that the present necessitie of some might have been relieved. If the matter pertained not to my native country, I would be more vehement in persuasion, but God shall support even how, when, and by whom it shall please his blessed majestie. Sorry I am that ye have not received my answer unto your doubts, not so much that I think that ye greatlie need them, as that I would not put you in suspicion that I contemned your requests. The rest of my wife hath been so unrestful since her arrival here, that scarcelie could she tell upon the morrow what she wrote at night. She cannot find my first extract. And therfor, if any scruple remaine in your conscience, put pen again to paper, and look for ane answer, as God shall give opportunitie. God make yourself participant of the same comfort which you wrote unto me: and in very deed, dear sister, I have no less {393} need of comfort, notwithstanding that I am not altogether ignorant, than hath the bound man to be fed, albeit in store he hath great substance. I have read the cares and tentations of Moses, and sometymes I have supposed myself to be well practised in such dangerous battells. But, alace! I now perceive that all my practice before was but mere speculation, for one day of troubles since my last arrival in Scotland hath more pierced my heart than all the torments of the galleys did the space of 19 months. For that torment, for the most part, did touch the bodie, but this pierceth the soul and inward affections. Then was I assuredlie persuaded that I should not die untill I had preached Christ Jesus even where I now am, and yet having now my heart’s desyre, I am nothing satisfied, neither yet rejoice. My God remove my unthankfulness. From Sanct Andrews, the last of December 1559.

Yours known in Christ,

John Knox.

* * * * *

Nº X. [Cald. I. 533.]

To the same. (See vol. i. 317.)

The eternal our God shall shortly put an end to all our troubles.

Lest that sinister rumours should trouble you above measure, dear sister, I can not but certify you of our estate as often as convenient messengers occur. The French, as before I wrote unto you, have pursued us with great furie, but God hath so bridled them, that since the 5th day when they put to flight the men of Kinghorn, Kircaldy, and Dysart, they have had of us (all praise be to our God) no advantage. They lost in a morning a lieutenant, the boldest of their company, and fourty of their bravest soldiers, diverse of them having been taken and diverse slain in skirmishing. They have done greatest harm to such as did best entertain them; for from them they have taken sheep, horse, and plenishing. Our friends, and foes to them, did continually remove from their way all moveables that to them appertained. They have casten to the ground the laird of Grange’s principal house, called the Grange, and {394} have spoiled his other places. God will recompense him, I doubt not, for in this cause, and since the beginning of this last trouble especially, he hath behaved himself so boldly as never man of our realm hath deserved more praise. He hath been in many dangers, and yet God hath delivered him above mens expectations. He was shot at Lundie, right under the left pape, thorrow the jacket, doublet, and shirt, and the bullet did stick in one of his ribs. Mr Whitelaw hath gotten a fall, by which he is unable to bear arms. But God be praised both their lives be saved. I remained all this time in St Andrews with sorrowful heart, and yet as God did minister his spirit comforting the afflicted, who, albeit they quaked for a time, yet do now praise God who suddenly averted from them that terrible plague devised for them by the ungodly. The French men approached, within 6 miles, yet at the sight of certain of your ships, they retired more in one day than they advanced in ten. We have had wonderful experience of God’s merciful providence, and for my own part I were more than unthankful if I should not confess that God hath heard the sobs of my wretched heart, and hath not deceived me of that little spark of hope which his holy spirit did kindle and foster in my heart. God give me grace to acknowledge his benefit received, and to make such fruit of it as becometh his servant. If ye can find a messenger, I heartily pray you to send me the books for which I wrote before. I must be bold over your liberality not only in that, but in greater things as I shall need. Please you cause this other letter inclosed be surely conveyed to Miles Coverdale. Salute all faithful acquaintance, Mr Hickman and his bedfellow, your husband, Mr Michael and his spouse as unacquainted, especially remembered. I know not what of our brethren at Geneva be with you. But to such as be there, I beseech you to say, that I think that I myself do now find the truth of that which oft I have said in their audience, to wit, that after our departure from Geneva should our dolour beginne. But my good hope is in God that it shall end to his glory and our comfort. Rest in Christ Jesus. From Sanct Andrews, the 4th of February 1559.

Your brother.

John Knox.

* * * * *

{395} Nº XI. [Cald. II. 89.]

John Knox to Mr John Wood, Secretary to the Regent. 14th Feb. 1568.

My purpose, beloved in the Lord, concerning that which oft and now last ye crave, I wrote to you before, from which I can not be moved, and, therefore, of my friends I will ask pardon, howbeit on that one head I play the churle, retaining to myself that which will rather hurt me than profit them, during my days, which I hope in God shall not be long, and then it shall be in the opinion of others whether it shall be suppressed, or come to light.[358] God for his great mercies sake put such end to the troubles of France, as the purity of his evangell may have free passage within that realme; and idolatry, with the maintainers of the same, may once be overthrown by order of justice, or other ways as his godly wisdom hath appointed. In my opinion England and Scotland have both no less cause to fear than the faithful in France, for what they suffer in present action is laid up in store, let us be assured, for both countries. The ground of my assurance is not the determination of the council of Trent, for that decree is but the utterance of their own malice; but the justice of God is my assurance, for it cannot spare to punish all realmes and nations that is or shall be like to Jerusalem, against whose iniquity God long cried be his servants the prophets, but found no repentance. The truth of God hath been now of some years manifested to both, but what obedience, the words, works, and behaviour of men give sufficient testimony. God grant Mr Gudman a prosperous and happy success in the acceptation of his charge, and in all his other enterprises to God’s glory and the comfort of his kirk; and so will I the more patiently bear his absence, weaning myself from all comfort that I looked to have received be his presence and familiarity. Because I have the testimony of a good conscience, that in writing of that treatise, against which so many worldly men have stormed, and yet storm, I neither sought {396} myself nor worldly promotion, and because as yet I have neither heard nor seen law nor scripture to overthrow my ground,[359] I may appeal to a more indifferent judge than Dr Jewell. I would most gladly pass through the course that God hath appointed to my labours, in meditation with my God, and giving thanks to his holy name, for that it hath pleased his mercy to make me not a lord bishop, but a painful preacher of his blessed evangell, in the function whereof it hath pleased his majesty for Christ his son’s sake to deliver me from the contradiction of moe enemies than one or two, which maketh me the more slow and less careful to revenge be word or writ whatever injury hath been done against me in my own particular. But if that men will not cease to impugne the truth, the faithfull will pardon me if I offend such as for pleasure of flesh fear not to offend God. The defence and maintenance of superstitious trifles produced never better fruit in the end than I perceive is budding amongst you, schisme, which no doubt is a forerunner of greater desolation, unless there be speedy repentance.――[_Then follows what has been already quoted in_ vol. ii. p. 162.]――The faithfull of your acquaintance here salute you. The grace of the Lord rest with you.

* * * * *

Nº XII. [Cald. II. 107.]

The same to the same. (See above, p. 165.)

I thank you heartily, dearly beloved in the Lord Jesus, that ye had such remembrance of me as to certify of that part which not a little troubled and yet troubleth me. What I have done or am able to do in that behalf I will not trouble you at this present, this only excepted, that it will please you to travel as in the end of your letter ye write ye would do, to wit, that my sons might be Denezans there. I am informed both be letter and be tongue, besides conjectures that probably may be gathered, that the Duke and his friends are inflamed against me. Ofter than once I have called to mind your words to me that day that I had been more {397} than vehement, as some men thought, in the end of the ―――― chapter of John’s Evangell, concerning the treasonable departure of Judas from Christ, and of the causes thereof. Before that I came forth of the preaching place, ye said, Before my God I think your eyes shal see performed that which your mouth hath pronounced. My words were these, I fear that such as have entered with us in professing of the Evangell, as Judas did with Christ, shall depart and follow Judas, how soon the expectation of gain and worldly promotion faileth them. Time will try farther, and we shall see overmuch. We look daily for the arrival of the duke and his Frenchmen, sent to restore Satan to his kingdome, in the person of his dearest lieutenant, sent, I say, to repress religion, not from the king of France, but from the Cardinall of Lorrane in favour of his dearest nice. Lett England take heed, for surely their neighbours houses are on fire. I would, dear brother, that ye should travell with zealous men, that they may consider our estate. What I would say, ye may easily conjecture. Without support we are not able to resist the force of the domesticall enemies, (unless God work miraculously,) much less are we able to stand against the puissance of France, the substance of the Pope, and the malice of the house of Guise, unless we be comforted be others than by ourselves. Ye know our estate, and therefore I will not insist to deplore our poverty. The whole comfort of the enemies is this, that be treason or other means they may cutt off the Regent, and then cutt the throat of the innocent king. How narrowly hath the regent escaped once, I suppose ye have heard. As their malice is not quenched, so ceaseth not the practice of the wicked, to put in execution the cruelty devised. I live as a man already dead from all affairs civil, and therefore I praise my God; for so I have some quietness in spirit, and time to meditate on death, and upon the troubles I have long feared and foreseeth. The Lord assist you with his holy spirit, and put an end to my travells, to his own glory, and to the comfort of his kirk; for assuredly, brother, this miserable life is bitter unto me. Salute your bedfellow in my name, and the rest in Christ Jesus. The faithfull here salute you. The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with you for ever.

Of Edinburgh the 10 of September 1568.

* * * * *

{398} Nº XIII. [Cald. MS. I. 380.]

Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs Anne Locke, dated 6th April, 1559. (See above, p. 253.)

―――― Your letters, dear sister, dated at Geneva the 17th of February, received I in Deepe the 17th of March. Touching my negligence in writing to you, at other times I fear it shall be little amended, except that better occasions than yet I know be offered. For oft to write when few messingers can be found is but foolishness. My remembrance of you is not yet so dead, but I trust it shall be fresh enough, albeit it be renewed be no outward tokin for one year. Of nature I am churlish, and in conditions different from many. Yet one thing I ashame not to affirme that familiarity once thoroughly contracted was never yet broken be my default. The cause may be that I have rather need of all than that any have need of me.――

* * * * *

Extract of a Letter from John Knox “To a friend in England.” [Cald. II. 144.]

Of Edinburgh, 19th August, 1569.

―――― If from day to day thir seven years bypast, I had not looked for an end of my travells, I could have no excuse of my obstinate fault toward you, beloved in the Lord, be whom I have received, besides commendations and letters, divers tokens of your unfained friendship, yet have negligently pretermitted all office of humanity toward you, whereinto I acknowledge my offence, for albeit I have been tossed with many storms all the time before expressed, yet might I have gratified you and others faithfull with some remembrance of my estate, if that this my churlish nature, for the most part oppressed with melancholy, had not stayed tongue and pen from doing of their duty. Yea, even now, when that I could somewhat satisfy your desire, I find within myself no small repugnance, for this I find objected to my wretched heart, ‘Foolish {399} man! what seeks thou in writing of missives in this corruptible age? Hath thou not a full satiety of all the vanities under the sun? Hath not thy eldest and stoutest acquaintance buried thee in oblivion, and art not thou in that estate be age, that nature itself calleth thee from the pleasures of things temporall? Is it not then more than foolishness unto thee to hunt for acquaintance on the earth, of what estate or condition whatsomever the person be?’ To these objections I could answer nothing, (much more I think than is written,) but that I would write with what imperfections I little regard.――――

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Nº XIV. Letter to Sir William Douglas of Lochleven, 31 Mar. 1570.

[The original is among the papers of the family, at Dalmahoy.]

After harty commendatioun of my service unto you, rycht wyrshippfull, I receaved your missive this last of March, perceaving tharby the bruite that ye hear of the purpose of some to tak the castell of Sanctandrois, quhilk bruite I easely beleve be not all togidder vane, for men will not faill to hurt what thei can the quietnes of this realme, and to reenter in thare usurped possessioun and injust uplifting of the fruitis that never did justlie apperteane to sick idill bellies. How sick trublaris may be stayed of thare interpryses I remitt to God, to whose counsall I committ you in that and all other cases worldly; for I have tacken my gude nycht of it, and therfor bear with me gude S{r}, albeit I write not to the superintendent of Fyff in the actioun that ye desyr as concernyng the excuse of the tua ministeris, to our superintendent I shall do the best that I can when I meitt with him; and thus with my harty commendatioun I committ you to the protectioun of the omnipotent. Of Edinburghe the sam hour I receaved yours this Friday att 5 afternone 1570.

Yours to power in God trubled in body,

Johne Knox.

(In dorso) To the Rycht Worshepful the Lard of Lochlevin.

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{400} Nº XV. [Cald. II. 269.]

John Knox to Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow. (See above, p. 201.)

The end of all worldly trouble and pleasure both approacheth. Blessed are they that patiently abide in the truth, not joining hands nor heart with impiety, how that ever it triumph.

Right worshipfull, after hearty commendations, your letter, dated at Pittarrow the 14th of July, received I in Sanct Andrews, the 15th of the same. The brute and armour of Adam Gordon and his doings, and preparations made to resist him was diverse, but nothing that I heard moved me, for I perceive the cup of iniquity is not yet full. Of one thing I am assured, that God of his mercy will not suffer his own to be tempted above measure, neither will he suffer iniquity to be ever unpunished. From me can come no other counsel than ye have heard from the beginning of our acquaintance, to wit, that not only action defileth and maketh guilty before God, but also consent of heart, and all paction with the wicked. Out of bed, and from my book, I come not but once in the week, and so few tidings come to me. What order God shall put into the mind of the authority to take for staying of their present troubles, I know not, but ever still my dull heart feareth the worst, and that because no appearance of right conversion unto God, but both the parties stands as it were fighting against God himself in justification of their wickedness. The murderers assembled in the castle of Edinburgh, and their assisters, justify all that they have done to be well and rightly done; and the contrar party as little repenteth the troubling and oppressing of the poor kirk of God as ever they did; for if they can have the kirk‑lands to be annexed to their houses, they appear to take no more care of the instruction of the ignorant, and of the feeding of the flock of Jesus Christ, than ever did the Papists, whom we have condemned, and yet are worse ourselves in that behalf: for they according to their blind zeal spared nothing that either might have maintained or holden up that which they took for God’s service; but we, alace! in the midds of the light forgett the heaven and draw to the earth. Dayly looking for an end of my {401} battel, I have set forth ane answer to a Jesuit who long hath railed against our religion, as the reading of this tractat will more plainly let you understand. The letter in the end of it, if it serve not for the estate of Scotland, yet it will serve a troubled conscience, so long as the kirk of God remaineth in either realme. With my hearty commendations to your bedfellow, and to my Lord Marshall, the Master, and to the faithfull in your company. Deliver to them the book according to their directions, and pray the faithfull in my name to recommend me to God in their prayers, for my battel is strong, and yet without great corporal pain. The Lord Jesus, who hath once redeemed us, who hath also of his mercy given unto us the light of his blessed countenance, continue us in that light that once we have received externally, and at his good pleasure put an end to all the troubles of his own spouse, the kirk, which now sobbeth and crieth, Come Lord Jesus, come Lord Jesus; whose omnipotent Spirit conduct you to the end. Amen.

At Sanct Andrews, 19th of July. [1572.]

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Nº XVI. [Cald. II. 270.]

John Knox to Mr Goodman.

Written about the same time with the preceding.

Beloved brother, I can not praise God of your trouble; but that of his mercie he hath made you one against whom Satan bendeth all his engines, therof unfainedlie I praise my God, beseeching him to strengthen you to fight your battell lawfully to the end. That we shall meet in this life there is no hope; for to my bodie it is impossible to be carried from countrie to countrie, and of your comfortable presence where I am I have small, yea no esperance. The name of God be praised, who of his mercie hath left me so great comfort of you in this life. That ye may understand that my heart is pierced with the present troubles, from the castle of Edinburgh hath sprung all the murthers first and last committed in this realme, yea, and all the troubles and treasons conspired in England, God confound the wicked devisers with their wicked devises. So long as it pleased God to continue unto me any strength, I ceased {402} not to forwarn these dayes publickly, as Edinburgh can witness, and secretlie, as Mr Randolph and others of that nation with whom I secretlie conferred, can testifie. Remedy now on earth resteth none, but onlie that both England and Scotland humbly submit themselves to the correcting hand of God, with humble confession of their former inobedience, that blood was not punished, when he be his servants publicly craved justice according to his law; in which head your realme is no less guilty than we, who now drink the bitter part of the cup, which God of his mercie avert from you. And thus weary of the world, with my hearty commendations to all faithful acquaintance, Mr Bodlih and his bedfellow especially remembered, I commit you to the protection of the omnipotent. Off Sanct Andrews.

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Nº XVII. [Calderwood’s MS. ad an. 1570. Advocates’ Library.]

Prayer used by John Knox after the Regent’s death.

O Lord, what shall we add to the former petitions we know not; yea, alace, O Lord, our owne consciences bear us record that we are unworthie that thou should either encreass or yet continue thy graces with us, be reason of our horrible ingratitude. In our extreme miseries we called, and thou in the multitude of thy mercies heard us; and first thou delivered us from the tyrannie of mercieless strangers, next from the bondage of idolatry, and last from the yoak of that wretched woman, the mother of all mischief, and in her place thou didst erect her sonne, and to supply his infancie thou didst appoynt a regent endued with such graces as the divell himself cannot accuse or justly convict him, this only excepted that foolish pity did so farre prevaill in him, concerning execution and punishment which thou commanded to have been executed upon her, and upon her complices, the murtherers of her husband. O Lord, in what miserie and confusion found he this realme! To what rest and quietnesse now be his labours suddanlie he brought the same, all estates, but speciallie the poor commons, can witness. Thy image, Lord, did so clearlie shyne in that personage, that the {403} divell, and the wicked to whom he is prince, could not abyde it. And so to punish our sinnes and ingratitude, who did not ryghtlie esteem so pretious a gift, thou hes permitted him to fall, to our great griefe, in the hands of cruell and traterous murtherers. He is at rest, O Lord, and we are left in extreme miserie! Be mercifull to us, and suffer not Satan to prevaill against thy little flocke within this realme, neither yet, O Lord, let bloode thirsty men come to the end of their wicked enterprises. Preserve, O Lord, our young king, although he be ane infant; give unto him the spirit of sanctification, with encreasse of the same as he groweth in yeares. Let his raigne, O Lord, be such as thou may be glorified, and thy little flock comforted by it. Seeing that we are now left as a flock without a pastor in civill policie, and as a shippe without a rudder in the midst of the storm, let thy providence watch, Lord, and defend us in these dangerous dayes, that the wicked of the world may see that as weill without the help of man, as with it, thou art able to rule, maintain, and defend the little flock that dependeth upon thee. And because, O Lord, the shedding of innocent bloode hes ever been, and yet is odious in thy presence, yea, that it defyleth the whole land where it is shed and not punished, we crave of thee, for Christ thy sonnes sake, that thou wilt so try and punish the two treasonable and cruell murthers latelie committed, that the inventars, devysers, authors, and maintainers of treasonable crueltie, may be either thoroughlie converted or confounded. O Lord, if thy mercie prevent us not, we cannot escape just condemnation, for that Scotland hath spared, and England hath maintained, the lyfe of that most wicked woman. Oppose thy power, O Lord, to the pryde of that cruell murtherer of her owne husband; confound her faction and their subtile enterprises of what estate and condition soever they be; and let them and the world know, that thou art a God that can deprehend the wise in their own wisdome, and the proud in the imagination of their wicked hearts, to their everlasting confusioun. Lord, retain us that call upon thee in thy true fear. Let us grow in the same. Give thou strength to us to fight our battell, yea, Lord, to fight it lawfullie, and to end our lives in the sanctification of thy holy name.

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{404} Nº XVIII. [Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 45. Advocates’ Library.]

My Lord Regent’s letter to the Assembly.

After our maist heartie commendationes, seing we are not able to [be] present [at] the assembly now approachand, as our intentioun was, we thoght it convenient brieflie to give you significatioun of our meaning in wryte, of the qlk we pray you take good consideration, and accordinglie to give you advertisement. Ye are not ignorant, as we suppose, what hes bene the estate of the kirk of God within this realme, baith before we accepted the burdein of regment, and sensyne. How first the thrids of benefices were grantit and the ministrie thereby partly releivit and sustainit in sick sort, that nothing inlaikit that our travells could procure. The first ordour indeed was diverse ways interruptit and broken, bot chieflie in that yeir when we were exylit in Ingland, quherthrough the haill ministers that year were frustrate of their living; shortlie the estate of government altering at Gods pleasure, and the king our soveraine being inaugurate with the crowne of this kingdom, the first thing y{t} we were carefull of was, that the trew religioun might be established, and the ministers of the evangell made certaine of their livings and sustentation in tyme comeing. Ye knaw, at the parliament we war maist willing that the kirk should have been put in full possession of the proper patrimonie. And toward the thrids, we exped in our travels, and inlaikit only a consent to the dissolution of the prelacies, whereunto althogh we were earnestly bent, yet the estates delayit, and wald not agrie therunto. And sen that tyme to this houre, we trust ye will affirme, that we have pretermittit nothing that may advance the religione, and put the professors thereof in suretie, whereanent the haill and only inlaik hes been in the civill troubles that God hes suffered the countrey to be plaguet with: now the matter being after so great rage brocht to some stay and quyetnes, it was convenient that we return where matters left, and prease to reduce them to the estate they stood in. Ane thing we man call to remembrance, that at sick time as we travellit in the parliament to cause the estates to grie that the thrids should be discernit to pertaine to the ministrie, they plainly opponit {405} them to us in respect of the first act, alledgand that with the sustentation of the ministrie, there was also regard to be had to the support of the prince, in sustaining of the publick chairges, quhilks if they had not some reliefe be that meines, the revenue of the crown being so diminischit, and the ordinar chairges cume to sic grytnes, on force they wold be burdenit with exactionis, and so this dangerous argument compellit us to promitt to the estates, That we wald take upon us, the act being grantit to the kirk, they should satisfy and agrie to any thing suld be thocht reasonable for supporting of the publick chairges of the prince, and according to this the commissioner deput for the affairs of the kirk agreit to certaine assignations of the thrids for supporting of the king and us bearing authoritie. Quhilk order had been sufficient for the haill, if the civill trouble had not occurit, yet the disobedience growand so universallie, we ar content to sustain our part of the inlaik and loss for the tyme bypast, but because there hes been murmure and grudge for that thing assignit to the kings houss and ours, and some other needful things in the state, as that thereby the ministers were frustrate of their appointit stipendis, some communicatione was had at St Androes, and nothing yet concludit, quhill the general assembly of the kirk; quhilk now moves us to wreit to you in this forme, prayand you rychtly to consider the necessitie of the cause, and how the same hes proceeded fra the beginning, haveing respect that the kirk will [not] be very well obeyit without the king’s authoritie and power, and that now the propertie of the crowne is not able to sustaine the ordinarie chairges. how in the beginning the thrids had not been grantit, if the necessitie of the prince had not been ane of the chiefe caussis, and at the parliament the estates, as we before have written, stack to consent that the haill thrids sould be declareit to pertaine to the ministrie, whill first we tooke in hand, that they being made without conditione in favours of the kirk, the same wald againe condescend to sa meikle as wold be sufficient to the support of the public affaires, in foorth setting of the kings authoritie, and that therefore ye will now aggrie, and condescend to ane certaine and speciall assignatione of it that sal be imployit in this use. The quantity whereof diverse of yourselves, and the beirer Mr John Wood our servant, can informe you, that after ye {406} may distribute to everie man having chairge in the kirk of God, his stipend, according to the conditione of the place he serves in, according to your w. discretione. Hereby all confusione that lang has troublit the estate of the kirk toward the stipend sal be avoydit, and some special provisione being made for sustaining of their publick chairges, we may the better hald hand to sie the kirk obeyit of that whereon the ministers sould live, as we [_sic_] sall report, that dureing our travells in the north countrey, have found our effectuous good will, and travellis in their furtherance. farther, we man put you in mind brieflie, of ane matter that occurit at our late being in Elgin. Ane Nicoll Sudderland in ffores, was put to the knawledge of ane assyse for incest, and with him the woman; the assyse hes convict him of the fault, but the question is, whether the same be incest or not, so that we behoovit to delay the executione whill we behoovit to have your resolution at this assemblie. The case is, that the woman was harlot of before to the said Nicholl’s mother’s brother, herein Mr Ro{t} Pont can informe you more amplie, to whais sufficiencie we remitt the rest. Moreover, at our coming at Ab{d} y{r} came ane nameit Portfeild, minister provydit of before to the viccarage of Ardrossane, and requyrit also of vs, that he might have the viccarage of Stevinsone, seing both was ane matter meane enough to sustaine him, and because the kirks were neir, he might discharge the cure of both. We haveing him comendit be diverse great men to the same, but thocht gude to advertyse you, y{t} this preparative induce not evill example and corruption: alwayes in cace sick things occurre heireafter, let vs vnderstand what ye wald have vs to doe, as in lyke maner towards the chaplenries y{t} sall happin to vaike, q{r} anent because there is no certaine ordour, and prescryvit [_sic_] some confusion stands, some desyreand them for lyfetime, some for infants that are of the schooles, and some for vii zeirs, we are sometyme preasit to receive or confirme assignatiouns or demissioun of benefices, the preparative whereof apperis to bring with it corruptioun, and so we wold be resolvit how to proceid, befor our coming fra fyfe. and sensyne we have been very willing to doe justice on all suspectit persons of witchcraft, as also vpon adulterers, incestuous persons, and abusers of y{e} sacrament, q{r}in we could not have sick expeditioun as we wold have wischet, because {407} we have no uther probabilitie whereby to try and convict y{m}, but ane generall delation of names, y{e} persons suspect not being for the most part tryit and convict be ordour of the kirk of befoir. This hindrit many things q{lk} utherwayes might have bein done, and y{r} fore we pray you appoint and prescryve how the judgement of the kirk may proceid and be execute against all sick trespassors, befor complaint be made to vs, that when we come to the cuntrey, we may cause execute y{e} law, and be releivit of the triall of inquisition heiranent. We thoght expedient to give you this to advertisement, and so remitts the haill to your care and diligence, committis you in the protection of eternall God. aberd. y{e} last day of Junii 1569.

Your assurit friend,

James Regent.

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Nº XIX. PEDIGREE OF BOWES OF STREATLAM. (See Vol. I. p. 89.)

[For the information contained in this article, I am indebted to Robert Surtees of Mainsforth, Esq.]

“Richard Bowes (of Aske in Yorkshire) youngest sonne of S{r} Raph Bowes of Streatlam Knight (& of his wife Marjory daughter & one of ye heirs of S{r} Richard Conyers of South Cowton Knt). He married Elizabeth ye daughter & one of ye co‑heirs of S{r} Roger Aske of Aske K{t} & by hir had issue S{r} George Bowes ye Knight Marshall & at length heire maile of the whole family of Bowes: Robert Bowes 2{d} sonne: and ten daughters: viz. 1. Bridgit married to Thomas Hussey Esq{r}. ye next heire maile to ye Lord Hussey. 2. Eliz. mar{d} John Bainbrigge of Snotterton Esq. 3. Anne mar{d} Marmaduke Vincent Esq. Muriall mar. to ―― Jackson of Bedale Esq. _Marjory † to Mr Knoxes § a Devine in Scotland._ Margaret to Thomas Middleton Esq. & after to Ambrose Burbeck. Margery Lucy Agnes & Jane all died unmarried.”

[On the margin, in a different hand,] “† sometime _called Joane_ to {408} distinguish her from her sister of the same name. § Knox the famouse Reformer.”

The above is extracted verbatim from a narrative Pedigree compiled about 1640 by Thomas Bowes, whose autograph is on the last page, and which is now in the possession of Mr Surtees, having been purchased by him at the sale of Counsellor Gill’s Library several years ago.

The Pedigree in the Herald’s office stands on the opposite page. It notices only four of the daughters, entirely omitting Mrs Knox and the four unmarried maidens mentioned above. This is from the Visitation of Durham, by Flower, Norroy, 1575.

The Visitation by St George, 1615, is still less full; it names only Ralph, Robert, and Richard, omitting all the daughters.――A modern Pedigree of less authority amongst Mr Allan’s collections at Grange, states Knox’s wife to be Joan――but is answered by the old narrative statement, which is far the fullest, and by the marginal note affixed to it. It was very common at that time to have two children of the same Christian name.

The Knight Marshall had two wives. From the first, a Mallory of Studley, descends Thomas Bowes, now of Bradley, Esq. Co. Pal. who is the male heir of the whole family; but the issue of the second match, a Talbot of Grafton, got the chief estate, now in the Earl of Strathmore by heirs general.

{409} Radulphus Bowes ╤ Margeria filia et coheres Miles (4th son but │ Richardi Conyers Militis at last heir) made │ his will 1482, 8 Jul. │ ────┬──────────────────────┬──────┴────────────┬───────┐ Radulphus ╤ Eliz. Robert ╤ Alicia John Richard ╤ Eliz. Bowes │ filia Bowes │ filia s.p. Bowes │ fil. & Miles │ Domini Miles │ Jacobi 4 filias │ una her. │ Clifford Magister │ Medcalfi │ Roger │ Rotulorum │ Militis │ Aske de │ ──────────────┴────────── │ Aske. │ 4 filii omnes obier. s.p. │ │ │ ────┬─────┘ │ Georgius ╤ Muriella │ Bowes de │ filia │ Stretlam │ Willimi │ Miles │ Domini │ │ Eure │ ┌─────┴────┬────────────┬─────────┐ ┌────────────┬──┴──────┐ Radulphs Eliz. Uxor Dorothea Anna ╤ Robert 2. Georgius │ ob. Johannis Uxor │ Bowes Bowes de │ juvenis Blaxton de Cuthberti │ 5 fil. Stretlam │ Blaxton arm. Collingwood │ Miles & │ ─────────────┘ heres │ Rads Bowes de masculus │ Barnes arm. totius │ Com. Pal 1615 nominis │ ⫛ Miles │ Marescallus │ &c. &c. │ │ ┌─────────────────────────┬─────────────────┬─────────┘ Anna uxor Brigetta uxor 1 Ralph Marmad. Vincent. Tho. Hussey Arm. 5 Francis Murrella ux. 4 Christops. Joh. Jackson. obier. Eliz. ux. infant. Georgii Bainbrigg.

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{410} Nº XX. THE TESTAMENT OF JOHN KNOX.

[From the Commissary Records of Edinburgh.]

Ye testament testamentare & Inventare of the guids geir sowmes of money & dettis ꝓtenīg to vmqle Johnne Knox mīister of ye evangell of Christ Jesus the tyme of his deceis quha deceissit vpoun ye xxiiii day of november The zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris ffaithfullie maid & gevin vp be him self vpoun ye xiii day of May the zeir of God foirsaid And ꝓtlie be m̅garet Stewart his relict quhome w{t} Martha m̅garet & Elizabeth Knoxis his dochteris he vpoun ye xiii day of Maii in his Lattir will vnderwrittin nōīate his executors testamētaris as the samē of the dait foirsaid beiris.

Johnne Knox xiii Ja{rii} 1572.

In the first the said vmqle Jhonne grantit him to haif had the tyme foirsaid Tua sylver drinking coupis m̅kit with J. K. M. on ye ane syde and on the vthir syde with E. B. N. cōtening xxv vnces or thairby Tua salt fattis of syluer of xiiii vnces vecht and ane half Auchtene sylver spvnes contening xx vnce wecht & a quarter price of the vnce xxvi s. viii d. Summa ffoureskoir punds of the qlk syluer work abonewritten the airschip is to be deducit and takin of. Item the said m̅garet ane of the saids executours grantit that the said vmqle Johne had the tyme of his deceis foirsaid in pois ane hundē{t} pundes. Item his buikis alsweill vpoun the Scriptures as vyer ꝓphane authors wor{t} vi{xx} and x li. Item in vtensile & domicile the airschip being deducit to the avail of xxx li.

Sūma Inventarii.――――ii{c} lxxxxvi li. vi. s. viii d.

ffollowis the dettis awing to the deid.

Item yair wes awing to the said umqle Johnne ye tyme of his deceis foirsaid be Andro lord Stewart of Vchiltree his guidfather the sowme of lxxx li. of Lent money. Item be W{m} Fiddes baxter xli. restand awand to the said vmqle Johnne of quheit qlk he ressavit to gif breid for. Item be Agnes Weymes relict of vmqle Andro Mernis cietener of St Androis xix li. xi s. 1 d. 1 ob. for the rest of beir qlk scho ressauit fra ye said vmqle Johnne to mak aill {411} of. Item be m̅garet Spens Spous to Mr Robert Glen xviii li. xv s. iii d. for beir qlk scho ressauit fra the said vmqle to delyuer aill of. Item restand awand to the said vmqle Johnne the tyme foirsaid for ane pairt of his pensioun qlk he had furth of the kirk of Haddingtoun be the ꝓsones following the victualles underwritten of the zeiris and cropes res{ive} underspecifeit viz. of the crope and zeir of god i{m} v{c} lxxi zeiris be James Fiddes for ane pairt of his teyndis of the Nūland liand in the parochin of Haddingtoun Ane boll of quheit ane boll ane firlote beir vii bollis aitts. be Adame Ethingtoun in Quhitrig ane boll of quheit sex bollis aitts price of the boll of quheit the said zeir 1 s. price of the boll of beir the said zeir twa m̅kis and price of the boll of aittis the same zeir xx s. Sūma xix li. xiii s. iiii d. Item be the said James Fiddes for his teyndis of the saids lands of Nūland of the crope & zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris ane boll of quheit ane boll ane firlote beir sevin bollis aittis. Be James Oliphant & Robert Hepburne for yair teyndis of the landis of Stenestoun liand within the said parochin ye said zeir sex bollis quheit sex bollis beir and xx bollis aittis. be ye said Adame Ethingtoun in Quhitrig for his teyndis of the saidis lands the said zeir ane boll of quheit ane boll of beir & sex bollis aittis. Be Johnne gulanis wyfe in Auldersoun for hir teyndis y{r}of of ye zeir foirsaid twa bollis quheit twa bollis beir and viii bollis aittis Price of ye boll of quheit the said zeir 1 s. price of the boll beir ye said zeir twa m̅kis and price of the boll aittis ye same zeir xx s. Summa lxxix li. xiii s. iiii d. Item restand awand to the said umqle Johnne the tyme of his deceis foirsaid be the ꝓsons following the sowmes of money & victuale underwrittin as for ane ꝓt of his stipende assignit to him for s̃uīg in the mīistrie of the said crope & zeir of God, i{m} v{c} lxxi zeiris in the first be Margaret Haldane Lady Colingtoun for the lambes term in the said zeir xxxiii li. vi s. viii d. Be Mr Robert Wynrahame collector of Fyfe xxxii li. xvii s. for ye said vmqle John̄is victuale of the said pensioun sauld be him the said zeir. Be Robert Bennet thre firlottis quheit ꝓce of the boll 1 s. Summa xxxii s. vi d. Item restand awand to the said vmqle Jhonne the victuale and underspecifeit as for ane ꝓt of his said stipend the crop & zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris. In the first be Williame m̅chingstoun in Inneresk thre bollis tua firlottis tua peckis quheit. Be {412} Williame Vernor yair tua bollis tua firlottis thre peckis quheit. Be George Formā yair thre bollis tua firlottis tua pectis quheit. Be Robert Dowglas thre bollis tua firlotis tua pectis quheit. Be Johnne Cranistoun in Monktounhall thre bollis thre firlottis quheit. Be Johne Kerss yair thre bollis ane firlot tua pectis quheit. Be Thomas Thomsoun yair tua bollis tua firlottis tua pectis quheit. Be Adame wricht tua bollis ane firlit quheit. Be Williame Johnestoun foure bollis ane firlot quheit. Be Dauid Hill in Inneresk ane boll thre firlotts thre pectis quheit. extenden̄ to tua chalder quheit price of ye boll of quheit the said zeir 1 s. Sūma lxxx li. Be helene Cowtis relict of umqle Richard Prestoun of quhithill ane chalder beir. Be Jonet Betoun in Litill Monktoun ellevin bollis beir. Be Williame Wauchop of Nudry m̅schell for the teyndis of the lands of Calcoittis thre bollis beir. Be Johnne Hill of that ilk tua bollis beir. Be the tennentis of the parochin of Kynglassie fo{r} chalderis beir as followis. Be Johnne Boswall in Gaitmylk ane chalder beir. Williame Swyne yair viii bollis beir. George Tod in Kyninmonth ane chalder beir. Helene Mertyne in Kynglassie and W{m} Boswall hir sone tuelf bollis beir. W{m} Boswall in Stintoun xii bollis beir extenden̄ in ye haill to sex chalderis beir price of the boll ōrheid tua m̅kis. Sūa ane hundret twentie aucht pundis. Be the tennētis of the parochin of Newbirnshyre in Fyffe foure chalderis aittis as follows viz{t} Williame Dishingtoun in Ranelery fourtene bollis aittis. Thome Alcheur yair xiiii bollis beir. Johnne Zoung in the Coittis sex bollis aittis. Be David Sympsoun yair sex bollis aittis and be Andro . . . . . . . . yair sex bollis aittis. Be David Johnesoun in Moncturpie aucht bollis aittis. Be . . . . . . . . Sympsoun foure bollis aittis price of the boll ouerheid xx s. Summa lxiiii li. Item restand awand to ye said umqle Johnne, the sowmes underspecifeit as for ane ꝓt of ye sylver of his said stipend of the said zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris. In the first be James Rig of Carberry for the half teynd of Cowsland xxxiii li. vi s. viii d. Be . . . . . . lady Edmestoun Spous to Andro Ker of hirsell kny{t}, for the vy{r} half of the teyndis of the lands foirsaids xxxiii li. vi s. viii d. Be the said m̅garet Haldane lady Colyngtoun for the teynd of Hailis lxvi li. xiii s. viii d. Be Robert Bennet xxxiii li. vi s. viii d. Be Mr James Macgill of Rankelor, {413} neyer for his males of the lands of Pinkie for the t̃mes of Witsonday and m̅tymes In the said zeir of god i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris li lib. vi s. viii d. And als resting be him of the males of the landis foirsaids of the zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxx zeiris xlv s. viii d. Be the executirs of vmqle Gilbert Edmestoun for the males of the lands of Wowmet of the t̃me of m̅tymes the said zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris xxii li. viii s. Be Jonet betoun for the males of Litill Monktoun Nyne pundis. Be the said . . . . . . . Lady Edmestone and Archibald Prestoun of Wallefeild for the males of Netoun xiiii li. xi s. vi d. Be James Rig of Carberry for the Maill y{r}of xx li. Item be . . . . . . . of Nudry for the Males of Calcottes thre pundes. Be Robert Douglas in Inneresk for his males iii lib. xix s. iiii d. Be W{m} m̅chinston thair for his few maill xxvii s. x d.

Summa of the detis abone writtin } viii{c} xxx li. xix s. vi d. awing to ye deid }

Na detis awing be the deid

Summa of ye Inventare w{t} ye } i{m} v{c} xxvi li. xix s. vi d. detis awing to the deid }

To be Diuidit in thre ꝓtis ye } iii{c} lxxv li. xiii s. ii d. deidis pairt y{r}of extends to }

ffollowis the latter will and legacie.

Lord Jesus I ǫmend my trublit spreit in thy ꝓtectioun and defence and thy troublit kirk to thy m̅cie. Becaus I haif had to do w{t} dyuers ꝓsonages of the mīistrie q{r}unto god of his m̅cie erectit me w{t} in this realme my dewetie cravis that I sall leve unto thaim now ane testimony of my mynd. And first unto the papistis and to the vnthankfull warld I say that althocht my lyfe hes bene vnto thaim odious and that oftintimes yai haif socht my destruction & ye destructioun of ye kirk qlk god of his mercie hes plantit within this realme & hes alwayis preservit & kepit the samin fra thair crewale Int̃prysis zet to yaim I am ǫpellit to say that onles thai spedele repent my departing of this lyfe salbe to yaim the greatest calamitie that evir zet hes apprehendit yaim. sum small apperance yai may zit haife in my lyfe gif thai haif grace to se ane deid man haif I bene almaist yir tua zeiris last bypast And zet I wald that {414} yai suld rypelie considder in quhat bettir estait yai and yair materis stands in yan it hes done befoir and thai haif hard of lang tyme befoir threatnit. bot becaus yai will nocht admit me for ane adminiser, I gif yaī ouir to the Judgement of him quha knawis ye hartis of all and will disclose the secretis yairof in dew tyme. And yis far to the papistis. To the faithfull God befoir his sone Jesus christ and befoir his halie Angellis I ꝓtest yat God be my mouth, be I nevir sa abiect, hes schawin to zow his trewth in all simplicitie. Nane I haif corrupted, nane haif I defraudit, m̅chandise haif I nocht maide (to godis glorie I write) of the glorious evangell of Jesus Christ, bot according to the measr of the grace graunted unto me, I haif dividit the sermont of trewth in just ꝓtis, beatin doun the pryde of the proude In all that did declare y{r} rebellioun aganis God, according as God in his law gevis to me zit testimonie, & raising vp the ǫsciences trublit with the knawledge of y{r} awin synnis be the declaring of Jesus Christ the strength of his death & the michtie operatioun of his resurrectioun. In the hartis of the faithfull off yis I say I haif ane testimony yis day in my conscience befoir God, how yat evir ye warld rage. Be cōstant y{r} foir in doctrine that anis publictlie ze have professit, lat nocht sclandrous dayis draw zow away fra Jesus Christ, nayir lat the prosperitie of the wickit move zow to follow it nor yame. ffor howsoeuer it be yat God appeiris to neglect his awin for ane seasoun, zit he remanis ane Just Juge quha nathir can nor will justifie the wickit. I am nocht ignorant yat mony wald that I suld enter in particulare determinatioun of thir ꝓn̄t trubles, to quhome I planelie and simplie āswer yat as I neuir excedit ye boundis of Goddis scriptures, sua will I nocht do in yis pairt by Godis grace. Bot heirof I am assurit be him quha nathair can dissave nor be dissavit yat the castell of Edinbur{t}, in the qlk all the murthour all the truble & the haill destructioun of yis puir commounweill was Inventit, as our awin eis may witness, by yaim & by yair mātenaris was put in executioun, sall cum to destructioun mantene it quhasa list, The destructioun I say of body & saull, except yai repent. I luik not to the momētary prosperitie of ye wicked, ze not althot yai suld remane conquerors to the cūing of o{r} lord Jesus, bot I luik to this sentence, that quhasaeuir scheddis Innocent bluid defyles the land and provoikis Godis wrath aganis {415} himself & the land, vntill his bluid be sched agane be ordor of law to satisfie gods anger. This is nocht the first tyme that ze haif hard this sentence. althot yat mony at all tymes sturrit at sik severitie I zit afferme the same being reddy to entir to gif compt befoir his Maiestie of the stewartship he committit vnto me. I knaw in my death the rumours salbe strange, bot be ze nocht trublit abone measor, belouit in the Lord Jesus. Bot zit agane I say, remane cōstāt in ye trewt, & he quha of his m̅cie send me, conductit me, and prosperet ye work in my hand aganis Sathan will provide for zow abundantlie, quhen yat athir my bluid sall wattir the doctrine taucht be me, or he of his mercie vtherwayis provide to put ane end to yis my battell. My executors I mak constitute & ordane m̅garet Stewart my spous, Martha Margaret & Elizabeth knoxis my dochteris, and the faithfull to be ōrsmen. To my tua sones Nathaneell & Eleazare Knoxis I unfeignedlie leif ye same benedictioun yat yair dairest mider Mariorie Bowss left vnto yaim To wit that God for his sone christ Jesus saik wald of his mercie mak yaim his trew fereris and als vpricht worschippers of him as ony yat euer sprang out of Abrahames loynes, quhairto now as than I fra my trublit hart say amen. ffurther I have delyuerit be Maister Randulphe to Mr Robert Bowss schereff of the bischoprik & bruder to ye said Mariorie my vmqle dairest spous ye sowme of fyve hundreth punds of scottis money to ye vtilitie and proffett of my saidis tua sonis, The qlk money is yat pairt of substāce yat fell or pertenit to yaim be the deces of Mariorie Bowss yair moder of blissit memory, And augmētit be me as I my{t} or may spair to mak out the said sowme, for I ressavit of y{r}is bot ane hundre{t} merkis sterling, qlk I of my povirtie extendit to fyve hundre{t} punds scottis, and yat in contentatioun of yair bairns pairt of geir qlkis may fall to yaī by my deces. Item I leif to my saids tua sones Tua sylver drinking cowpis the ane of thaī is m̅ket J. K. M. on ye ane syde, and on ye vther syde w{t} E. B. N. And in like mnner ye toyir w{t} ye same m̅k and lēres, The wecht of ye saidis tua cuipis contenand xxii vnce, or y{r}by, Tua salt fattis of sylver and xviii sylver spvnes, weyand xxxiiii z. and ane q{r} vnces, price of ye vnce ōrheid xxvi s. viii d. The qlks cuipis salt fattis & spvnes I leif in keping to ye said Margaret my spous qll my saidis sones be of the aige of xxi zeiris At ye qlk tyme {416} I ordane & commandis hir to delyver the samī to my saidis sones, or to ony ane of yaim, gif be deces ye vthir faillis. Item I leif also to my saids sones ane pairt of my saidis buikis of ye availl of xxx li And failzeing of my saids sones & thair airis I ordane the foirsaidis fyve hundre{t} punds w{t} ye syluer cuips spvnes saltfattis and buikis to return agane as eftir followis, That is to say, ye ane equale half y{r}of to ye said Margaret my spous & my saids thrie dochteris, And ye vyir half of ye samī to my bruder Williame Knox & his airis quhatsumevir. Item I leif to my said spous Margaret Stewart ye Aucht hundre{t} merkis qlkis ar laid vpoun the landis of pennymoir quhairin scho is infeft be Andro lord Stewart of vchiltree my fader of law, and failzeing of ye said Margaret I leif ye samē to my saids thre dochters & failzeing of thaim I leif the samin to ye said Andro lord Stewart of vchiltrie & his airis quhatsūeuir, chairgeing & requyring my said fader of law & his airis, as yai will āsuer befoir yat incorruptible Judge ye lord Jesus, yat yai suffer not my said spous & children to be defraudit or evill payit of the males & ānual rent of the saids lands during the nonredemptioun of ye samī. Item I leif to paule knox my bruder sonne ane hundreth pundis qlk lyis in wodset upoun Robert Campbellis landis in Kinzeanclew{t} & quhairin the said paule is ellis infeft, and yat to be ane help to hald him at ye scuilis. And as concerning ye rest of my haill guids quhatsumeuir I leif to be dividit betuix my said spous & my saids thre dochteris, and becaus my said spous man tak the cair of my saidis dochteris & faithfullie travell for thair guid nurischment & upbringing, Thairfoir I leif my said spous ye use of y{r} geir qll yaibe mareit or cum to perfite aige, at qlk tyme I ordane thaim every ane as the tyme approches to haif yair awin yat to yaim appertenis

sic subscribitur Johne Knox.

Johne Adamesoun witness

Ro{t} Watsoun witness

Johne Johnesstoun witness

Quotta gratis.

The quote of yis testament is given gratis be spēale command of my lords Commissaris.

* * * * *

{417} Nº XXI. THE TESTAMENT OF MRS WELSH.

[Glasgow Testament Register.]

The Testament testamentar and Inventar of the guidis, geir, debtis and soumes of money quhilkis pertenit to vmquhile Elizabeth Knox, relict of vmquhile Mr Johnne Welsche, sumtyme minister at Air, within the parochin yairof, the tyme of hir deceis Quha deceist In the moneth of Januar, the zeir of God I{m}vj{c} tuentie fyve zeiris, ffaythfullie maid and gevin vp be hir awin mouthe Insafar as concernes the nominatioun of hir executouris nominat be hir and legacie vnderwrittin, and pairtlie maid and gevin vp be Mr James Inglis, minister at Daylie, Mr Josias Welsche hir sone, twa of the executouris nominat be the defunct Insafar as concernes the vpgeving of the Inuentar of hir guidis, geir, debtis awand In and Out, As hir latterwill and testament of the daite vnderwrittin mair fullie proportis.

Inuentar.

Item, the defunct had the tyme foirsaid the guidis and geir vnderwrittin of the availlis, quantities and pryces eftirspecifeit, viz{t} the Insycht of the hous in vtincillis and domicillis with the abuilzement of the defunctis bodie estimat to iij{c} lxxx{li}.

Summa of the Inuentar iij{c} lxxx{li}

Debtis awand In.

Item, thair was awand to the defunct the tyme foirsaid, the sowmes of money following: Be the persones eftirspecifeit, viz. Be Robert Wallace, burges of Air, and his cautionneris ij{m} iij{c} xxxiij{li} vj{s} viij{d}. Be Johnne Stewart burges yair vj{c} lxvj{li} xiij{m} iiij{d}. Be the Lady Cesnokis and hir sone the laird of Cesnok, vj{c} lxvj{li} xiij{s} iiij{d}. Be Archibald Dumbar, j{c} xxxiij{li} vj{s} viij{d}. Be Vchtred M{c}Dowgall of Mondork lxvj{li} xiij{s} iiij{d}. Be Johnne Stewart j{c} xxxiij{li} vj{s} viij{d}.

Summa of the debtis in, iiij{m li}

Summa of the inuentar and debtis, iiij{m} iij{c} lxxx{li}

Debtis awand out.

Item, thair was awand be the defunct, the tyme foirsaid, the {418} sowmes of money following:――To the persones eftir specifeit, viz. To Jonet Kennedy of fie, xx{li}; to Bessie Ingrahame of fie, x{li}; to Allan Cathcart, hir servand, of fie, xxx{li}.

Summa of the debtis out, lx{li}

Restis frie geir, debtis deducit, iiij{m} iij{c} xx{li}

Na diuisioune.

Quota be compositioune, ij{c} xix merkis.

Legacie.

At Air, the aucht day of Januar, the zeir of God I{m} vj{c} tuentie fyve zeiris, I, Elizabeth, relict of vmq{le} Mr Johnne Welsche, sumtyme minister at Air, being, at the pleasour of the Lord, now viseit with seiknes and infirmitie of bodye, vncertane of the hore of my daithe, hes thairfoir, for setting in ordour of my wordlie effairis, maid my testament and latterwill, as followis: Be the quhilk I nominat, mak, and constitute Mr James Inglis, minister at Daylie, Mr Josias Welsche, my sone, and Nathaniell Welsche, also my sonne, my onlie executouris; and willis and requestis Mr Jo{nn} Ker, minister at Prestounepannis; Williame Stewart, brother‑german to Josias Stewart of Bonytoune; Alexander Schaw of Keirhill, and Johnne Stewart, lait bailzie of Air, to be ouerismen and ouersearis of the weill of my bairnes; and referris the vpgeving of the inuentar of my guidis, geir, debtis and sowmes of money belanging vnto me to the saidis Mr James Inglis, Mr Josias Welsche, and Nathaniell Welsche, my executouris foirsaidis, quhilk I declair salbe als sufficient as gif I had gevin vp the samyne myself. Item, I leif to the puir and hospitalitie of Air ffourtie pundis money of this realme; and I leiff the haill rest and remanent of my guidis, geir, debtis, sowmes of money, and vtheris quhatsumever belanging vnto me, or quhairvnto I haue richt and title in ony sort, to the said Mr Josias Welsche, Nathaniell Welsche, my sones, and to Luyse Welsche, my dochter, equallie amangis thame thrie, be equall diuisioun. Item, I leif to the said Mr Josias Welsche, twa gold ringis. Item, to the said Nathaniell Welsche, ane gold ring; and I leif ane pair of golden̄ bracelettis and ane chinze of gold, ane taffatie gowne, and dames wyliecoitt, and ane taffatie wyliecoitt, with my sylwir belt; and with sex gold ringis, ane lang stalkit {419} sylwir coup, twa sylwir spwnes, to the said Lwyse Welsche, my dochter. Item, I leif to the said Mr Josias Welsche ane marmet sylwir pott, with the cover yairof and twa sylwir spunes; and I leif to the said Nathaniell Welsche, twa sylwir spunes. In witnes of the quhilk thing, to this my present testament, writtin be George Masoune, notar, I haue subscryvit the samyne with my hand, at Air, the aucht day of Januar, the zeir of God I{m} vj{c} tuentie fyve zeiris; befoir thir witnesses, James Will, merchand burges of Edinburgh, the saidis William Stewart, and Allexander Schaw, with Allane Cathcart, my servitor, and the said George Masoune, writter heerof. Sic subscribitur, Elizabethe Knox. Williame Stewart, witnes; James Will, witnes; George Masoune, notar, witnes.

I, Mr James Hammiltoune, of Westport, commissar of Glasgow, &c., be the tennor heirof, ratifeis, approvis, and confermis this present testament and inuentar, insafar as the samyne is dewlie and lauchfullie maid and gevin vp, nathing omittit furth of the samyne, nor set within the just availl yairincontenit, and gevis and committis full power and intromissioun with the guidis and geir abonewrittin to the saidis Mr James Inglis and Mr Johne Welsche, twa of the executouris abonespecifeit allanerlie, with power to yame to call and persew yairfoir. Becaus twa of the executouris foirsaid hes maid fayth, as vse is, in respect of the said Nathaniell Welsch, the vther executouris minoritie, and hes fund cautioun, as law will, as ane act maid yairvpoune at lenth beiris. At Glasgow, the xxiij day of Maij, 1625 zeiris.

* * * * *

Nº XXII.

Extracts from “A Historie of the Estate of Scotland from the year 1559 to the year 1566.”――MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq.

[This is the MS. to which I have frequently referred in the account which I have given of the differences between the queen regent and the Protestants, in the years 1558 and 1559. At the beginning of it is the date “7th January, 1663,” most probably the day on which the writing was begun. It is undoubtedly a transcript from a more ancient MS., and the transcriber has not been well {420} acquainted with the old hand. Accordingly, he has sometimes left blanks, and at other times has evidently given a false reading. Only a small part of the original MS. seems to have been transcribed by him. In making the following extracts from it, I have endeavoured to select such passages as contain facts or circumstances not mentioned in other histories; and I am not without hopes that the publication of these may contribute to the discovery of the original MS., which may be preserved in some public library or private repository.]

In the moneth of Julij anno 1558, conveened in Edenburgh a certen number of the professours of Christ’s Evangell. The cause of their meeting wes partly to assist certen brethren of Dundie who wer summoned to vnderly the law by instigation of the bishops. And after consultation ād advice taken, the presented a suplication in the palace of Halyrud house to the queene regent, conteining in effect thes articles ffollowing. In the first desyring that it might be lawfull to all such as pleased to meete publiquely _that_ in any part within this realme of Scotland to read comon prayers in the mother tongue. Secondly, that it should be lawfull to all persons haveing knowledge to preach the word of God without the leaven of mens traditions. Thirdly, that it should be lawfull for the sayd persons, ministers of God’s word, to minister the sacraments, to witt, of baptisme and the lords supper, according to the true institution commanded by Christ and his apostels, and to the faithfull to receave the same. The which supplication the said queene regent receaved with a joyfull countenance forth of the hands of the Laird of Cadder in the presence of a great part of the nobilitie, the Papist Bishops also being present. And at that tyme shee gave an indifferent answere, saying always shoe would advise in the matter. But soone after shoe delyvered the sayd supplication to the Bpp of St Andrewes to be advised with him _that_ wes to be done, as the yssue of the said matter did declare. Alwayes the faithfull reioiced and gave condigne thanks to the eternall our God, for that it had pleased him to give them the boldness to vtter themselves to be such as desyred the advancem{t} of his glory notwithstanding the multitude of their enemies. At the same meeting ther wer certen {421} brethren of Dundie, who were summoned to vnderly the law for the cause of religion. They wer releived vpon securitie to enter vpon eight dayes warning. Finally departing from Edenbrugh, everie man in their owne shyrs and townes they beganne to proceed according to the effect of the said articles privatly and publickly where they might without occasion of sedition or greate trouble: the greatest fervencie apeared in the Mearns and Angus, and Kyle and Fife or Lothian; but chiefly the faithfull in Dundie exceeded all the rest in zeall and boldnes, preferring the true religion to all things temporall. But in Edenburgh their meeting wes but in private houses.――――

In October the minister of Gods word John Willock came into this countrie, by whose godly sermons the brethren were strengthened in all places where the faithfull came, and the number increased dayly; bot Sathan never ceases to suppress by all meanes the truth where he perceaves the same truely to increase. In the end of September following the Bpp of St Andrews caused summone the preachers, viz. John Willok, John Douglas, William Harlaw, Paul Meffan, and John to appeare before him at St Andrews the second of February following; wherof the brethren being advertised, advised what wes to be done, and after consultation taken in the matter, caused informe the queene regent that the said preachers would appear with such multitudes of men professing their doctrine as wes never seen befor in such like cases in this countrie. Then the queene fearing some vproare or sedition, desyred the Bishopp to continue the matter, and declared that shee would send for the nobilitie and estates of the realme to advise for some reformation in religion, and for the same purpose assigned the seventh of March following for a convention to be holden at Edenburgh. bot the Bpp of St Andrews caused warne all the sects of the Papists to the said day to hold a provincial counsell at Edenburgh, wher they being mett after some commoneing by the principall Bpps with the nobles, whereof nothing in effect followed; then the sayd Bpps after their old manner offered themselves to the queene, to doe all that shee would command them, proveiding that they might be maintained in their dignitie for the suppressing of the truth, and after they were agreed with her vpon the summe which wes within {422} 15000_l._ they sate them downe in the Blackfryers of Edenburgh in their vsuall councell. Where the 7th day wes devised, and the next sunday the 15th of March the said Bpp sang a magnifick mass of the holy spirit, as they tearmed it, for a beginning of the deformation. On the other part the cōmissioners of the faithfull met by themselves at the same tyme in Edenburgh, and everie day consulted for the furtherance of the gospell; and finally perceaving that the queene regent and the Papists were agreed by reasone of the said summe promised by them to her, they departed, leaving the Papists still at their provinciall councell; Where, amongst others of the statutes, the 23d of March the queene regent caused proclame this at the markett crosses at Ed{r} and other places, conteining in effect, that no manner of persone should take vpon hands to preach or minister the sacraments, except they were therto admitted by the ordinarie or Bishopp vnder no less paine then death. And because they vnderstood perfectly of the afore said proclamation that it wes disobeyed and contemned by the preachers, in April following,[360] for contravening of the said acts and proclamations vnder the paine of Rebellion and putting to the horne, which thing was done express agt. the laws and practice of the Countrie. In the end of this moneth of Aprill the minister of Gods word John Knox arrived at Leith,[361] and on the next day after his commeing, which wes called Phillipp and Jacobs day, the Papists meeting at the Councell being well sett downe in the Blackfryers of Edenbrugh, one came in and assured them that John Knox wes now come out of ffrance, [and] had bene all that night in the Towne: at the wch newes they being all astonished, leaving the councell rose suddenly from the board where they satt, and passing forth to the yeard altogether abashed, fearing the thing which came suddenly to pass. In the mean time that court wes cast so that they never mett there again to this day. Nevertherless they sent incontinent a post to Glasgow to the queene, acquainting her of the matter, who caused him to be blowne loud to the horne the third day after. Bot in the mean time the {423} faithfull being informed of his commeing and thirwith encouraged ceased not to give praise to God, and finally he being convoyed to Dundie incontinent preached the word publicquely.――――

Alwayes when they [the Lords of the Congregation] had purged the kirks in Sterling, and ordered the Friers as they had done with them in St Johnstone and St Andrewes, destroying the Altars and Idolls, caused the Evangell to be publicquely preached in the Parish Kirk, then they came to Edenbrugh the penult day of June not above 1000 horse in companie, at the first commeing, with some men of warr about 300 men. But before their commeing to Edenbrugh, the Friers takeing the fray, for their master the Lord Seyton then Provost who wes appointed them, wes wearie of his office, the ffriers then begane to dispose amongst their acquaintance the best of their goods which were left at that tyme, which thing the Rascall people perceiving went in finding the yates open and suddenly fell to work and sacked all. So that before the arriving of the Congregation neither Altars, nor Idolls, nor any thing pertaining to Idolatrie in the friers, wes left standing: soe that the whole Churches about Edenburgh, as well as within the Towne being purged, the faithfull reioiced giving condigne thanks to the Eternall God who of his mercie had wrought so great things without the expectation of all men. The minister of Gods word John Knox the same day that the Congregation came to Edenbrugh, made a Sermone in St Giles Church, and the next day in the Abbay, so that the dumbe Idolls and all darkness being taken away, the clear Ligh‑shineing of Gods word was truely preached. The third day after the arriveing of the Congregation at Edenburgh, My Lord of Glenkarne with the Gent. of the west countrie came _to her_ [there?] after that they had _purchased_ [purged] the churches in Glasgow of Idolatrie. The names of the Lords of the congregation wes the Earle of Argyle, the Lord James, the Earle of Glencarne, the Earle of Menteeth, the Earle Rothes. The same day after their comeing to Edr. the Lords and Principalls of the Congregation send to the Queene Regent, being at Dumbarr, my Lord of Glencarne, the lairds of Cunninghamhead and Pittaro, declaring to her that the whole prætence wes for the suppressing of Idolatrie and advancement of the glory of God, desyring her to release the Preachers from the horne, {424} so that they might publicquely preach the word of God. The Lords in that cause offered to doe obedience and service, protesting that they meant nothing but the setting furth of true religion, and suppressing Idolatrie and superstition, and advancing the glory of God by preaching of the word. Att that tyme they obtined of the Queene that the Preachers should be released from the horne so that they might preach freely to all such as pleased to heare them, which wes put in execution the nixt day after when they were released.[362] After this there were divers commeings [communings] for appointment in Haddington and other places, the Earl of Huntley being present for the Queene and others such as shee pleased to appoint. The things that the Lords demanded consisted only of these two heads, that the word of God might be publiquely preached, and the frenchmen sent forth of the countrie; but her mind was to drive tyme with them as well appeared. For shee had sent alreadie to france for more men of warr. During this tyme the Congregation of Edinburgh elected and chose John Knox publiquely in the Tolbooth of Edr. for their minister the 7th of July.――――

At length shee [the Queen Regent] took purpose at Dumbarr, by conclusion of the Councell, the 22th of Julij, being assuredly informed that the number of the Congregation wes verie small, _should_ come to Edr. and compell the Congregation to dislodge. And for this purpose they made all readie that night to depart in the morning following. The Lords of the Congregation being advertised hereof (not withstanding their small number) resolved constantly to resist their [the] violence of their adversaries putting their trust in God whose cause they meantyned, preferring the equitie of their cause before the power and strenght of men. In the mean tyme there wes greate feare in the Towne everie man wundering what end and successe the matter should take. Shortly so shoone as the Lords were advertised that the men of warr commeing from Dumbar drew neere the Towne, the 25th of June airly in the morning at the sound of the Common Bell where forth of Ed{r}. {425} with soe muney as God had moved their herts to assist them. The whole number of the Congregation exceeded not 1500 men. Which small number being putt in order in the East side of Graigingate, incontinent the horse men being with my Lord Duke and Monsieur D’ossell appeared to them vpon the sands of Leith north west from Lestellrigg moveing towards Leith. And as soone as they come neere the East part of Gouburnes house that wes, they shott from the said place a peece of ordinance which dispersed the said horsemen, but soone after they yielded [_i.e._ the Lords of the Congregation retired] themselves, perceaving the whole number approaching, which were about 5000 men, horse and foote. The Congregation stood still in order on the east side of the Craig, and perceaving the adversaries within half a mile they prepared themselvis to battell, not mynding [_i.e._ meaning] to remove out of that place. And albeit the Lordis had desyred the Captaine of the Castell, the Lord Erskin, to be on their side, nevertheless they could not persuade him to shew them any favour, yet after the Principall Lords had spoken with him, they sent from the Craigs desyring him that in respect in his conscience he favored the Evangell, and that the matter depended fully here vpon, that he would assist them with such help as he might, which thing he refused vtterly, assuring them that, if they would now [not?] take such appointment as they might have, he would declare himselve their enemie, as he had promised to the Queene in Dumbarr. In the mean tyme rideing on either side, they began to speake to appoint the matter which wes agreed vpon.――――

[Anno 1560.] it wes printed that the English men would be In Scottland the 25th of March by land. After my Lord James had finally agreed with the Duke of Norfolke vpon all things, he arrived againe at Pittenweeme the 9th day after his departing. In the meane tyme the Princippalls of the ffrenchmen being informed that the Queenes Armie wes not in readiness to come in before the said day, they tooke a high enterpryse. For the 7th of March, they departed forth of Leith and other places where they had beine in garrisone to the greate destruction and loss of the Countrie, the number of 2000 souldiers of the most able and best equipeit, beside 300 Horsemen and marched towards Lithgow, where they remained the firs {426} night. All the Countrie wes in a fray, not knowing their purpose vntill the nixt day at night they came to Monebeth, and some of them lodged in Kirk in Tillock. The Duke being surely advertised that their purpose wes to come to Glasgow, he departed with small company the night before their arriving. There wes in my Lord Duke’s Company, the Earles of Arrane, Argyle, and Glencarne, with their howsholds only, ffor they suspected not nor would not have thought that the ffrenchmen durst at that tyme have taken such an enterprice. Imediately there wes proclamation made through Cliddesdale and other shires, and likewise privie writings sent by my Lord Duke and the other Lords to their friends and servants, That they should incontinently cume to him in Hamilton for their defence, and resistance of the ffrenchmen, and _because warr_ [beacons were] brunt upon the highest hills for the same effect. But indeed they gather slowly, so that it appeared planly, if God would have suffered it, the ffrenchmen might easily and without any resistance have come vp Clyde, and had done whatever it had pleased them throughout all that Countrie. Not with standing after that they had taken by force the Bpps Castle, and had cruelly hanged a part of the souldiers (Scotts men) that were therein, and had chased the rest that made resistance in the Towne, the second day after ther comeing to Glasgow there came a writing to him [them] from the Queene, containing in effect that shee wes surely informed that the English armie was alreadie come from Barwick and within Scotland; wherefore shee wiled them with all possible expedition to returne againe, which they did imediately. The damage which they did wes not so greate as men supposed for they had no tyme sufficient. When the Lords that were at Hamilton were advertised of their departing, my Lord of Arrane with soe many horsemen as were readie, past fordward to follow the ffrenchmen, pretending that if they had seen sufficient occasione to have midled with them. The next day they showed themselves as the ffrenchmen past by the Callender, but there wes no appearance, ffor there wes no partie. Alwayes they kept them closs together, for they exceeded not 800 men. Soe the ffrenchmen came to Lithgow, where they lay the space of 8 dayes, and made continuall spoile in all the Countrie about within the space of viii miles. The {427} damage which they did of all especially of cattle, sheepe, and horse wes exceeding great, and likewise killed and tooke diverse men prisoners. Dureing this tyme the Congregation prepared themselves to meet the English armie, and for the same purpose there wes proclamation made in Cliddesdall, ffyfe, Angus, Mernes, and Strathearne. The ffrenchmen being surely advertised that the English armie wes in readinesse they came to Leith the 29 of March, where all things were prepared that were necessare for their defence, and every day they made spoil in the Countrie.――――

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Nº XXIII. Letter, James V., concerning the progress of the Lutheran opinions in the diocese of Aberdeen, anno 1525.[363]

[Extracted from the Burgh Records of Aberdeen.]

Curia ballivorum burgi de Abirden̄, tenta xviijº die mensis Augusti 1525.

Our Soueranis lr̄es in contrar Luthyr.

James, be the grace of God, kinge of Scottis, to our Schereff of Aberdene, and his deput, and to our louitts, Schyr Johne ruderfurd kny{t}, and thomas mēzeis of Petfothellis, our scherefys in that part coniunctlie and seuerallie specialie constitut, greting, fforsamekill as it is humelie menyt and schewin to ws be ane Reuerend fader in god, and our truist consalour, gawyne, bischop of Aberdene, yat quhar syndry strangers ande otheris w{t}in his diocesy of Aberdene, has bukys of that heretick luthyr and favors his errorys and fals opinionys, incontrar our act of parliament laitlie mayd in o{r} last parliament, Oure will is heirfor, ande we charge zow straitle and commandis yat incontynent thir our lr̄es sayne ze [make] publick ye sayde act at all places neydfull and tak inquisition̄e gyfe ony personys be fundin w{t}in the sayde diocesy of Aberdene, that hes sic bukys, or fauorys sic arorys of the said luthyr, and that ze confisk y{r} gudes and inbring ye samyn to our wss and profict, efter the forme of the said act, as ze will ansuer y{r}upoun, ye quhilk to do, we commyt to you coniunctlie and seu{r}lie oure full power be thyr oure {428} lr̄es deliuering yame to zow deulie execut ande indorset agane to the berar. Geuin vnder our signet, at Edinburgh, ye sevint day of August, and of our regne ye xij zēyr.

Ex deliberacione dominor̄ consilii, &c.

CHEPMAN.

{429} SUPPLEMENT.

The first Poem inserted in the Supplement is so exceedingly rare, that the copy from which I have printed, is supposed to be unique. It is valuable as the principal events in our Reformer’s life are commemorated in it, and the leading features of his character delineated, by the pen of one who was personally acquainted with him. As a curious specimen of the Scottish language and versification at the period in which it was composed, the old orthography has been carefully retained. The serious reader will be pleased in tracing the vein of piety which runs through rhymes which must appear to him rude, and sometimes almost unintelligible.――Its author, John Davidson, was a regent, or teacher, in the University of St Andrews, and afterwards successively minister of Libberton, and of Salt‑Preston, now called Prestonpans. I have already referred to several of his other writings. Vol. i. p. 354. Vol. ii. p. 241, 349. He also published a Catechism, entitled, “Some Helpes for Young Schollers in Christianity,” printed at Edinburgh, by Robert Waldegrave in 1602. And he died about 1608. Note subjoined to Jameson’s edition of his Catechism, in 1708. Life of Davidson, in Wodrow’s MSS. vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas.

The Latin Poems which follow are taken from a manuscript in the Advocates’ Library, and exhibit traits in the characters of the principal Scottish Martyrs and Reformers, with allusions to several events in their lives, which I have not met with elsewhere. On this account, and also as a specimen of Scottish literature, I have published a selection from the MS., which appears to have been written about the beginning of the seventeenth century. From the corrections with which it abounds, there is reason to think that the copy in the Library had belonged to the author. It likewise contains Latin Poems, entitled, “Icones Regum Judæ et Israelis.”――The {430} author, John Johnston, was a professor of St Mary’s College, in the University of St Andrews, at the close of the sixteenth, and commencement of the seventeenth, century; and was the intimate friend and associate of Andrew Melville, the learned principal of that College. He published, “Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi. Lugduni Batavorum, 1603.” 4to. And also “Inscriptiones Heroicæ Regum Scotorum,” which were reprinted in “Deliciæ Poetarum Scotorum.” His verses on Buchanan are inserted in “Poetarum Scotorum Musæ Sacræ,” tom. ii. p. 500. It is said that he also published a book on the government of the church by bishops; but this I have not seen. There is a Life of Johnston, in Wodrow’s MSS. vol. ii. Bibl. Coll. Glas.

{431} ANE BREIF COM- MENDATIOVN OF VPRICHT- nes, in respect of the surenes of the same, to all that walk in it, amplifyit chiefly be that notabill docu- ment of Goddis michtie protectioun, in preser- uing his maist vpricht seruand, and feruent Messinger of Christis Euangell, Iohne Knox. Set furth in Inglis meter be M. Iohne Dauidsone, Regent in S. Leonards College.

¶ Quhairunto is addit in the end ane short discurs of the Estaitis quha hes cause to deploir the deith of this Excellent seruand of God.

¶ PSALME. XXXVII.

¶ Mark the vpricht man, and behauld the Iust, for the end of that man is peace.

¶ IMPRENTIT AT SANCTAN- drois be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno. 1573.

{432} TO THE MAIST GODLIE, ANCIENT, AND WORTHIE Schir Iohne Wischart of Pittarrow Knicht, M. Johne Dauid- sone wissis the continuall assistance of the Spreit of God, to the end, and in the end.

CONSIDERING with my self (maist worthie Knicht) the greit frailtie and vnsureness of all strenthis eirthly quhatsūeuer, quharin mā lefing god, vsis to put his traist on the ane part, and the sure fortres and saifgaird of vprichtnes, howbeit destitute of all aide warldly on the vther part: I culd not withhald my pen frō vttering of that praise and commendation of vprichtnes, quhilk in my mynde I had consauit of the same. Being chiefly mouit heirunto be the Miraculous (as I may weill call it) and maist wonderfull preseruatioun of that maist notabill seruand of God, and sinceir Preicheour of Christis Euangell, Iohne Knox. Quha being bot of small estimatioun befoir the eyis of the warld, (zit greit befoir God,) was hatit vnto the deith. And that euin be Kingis, Queenis, Princes, and greit men of the warld, and finally be all the rabill of Sathanis suddartis[364], in Scotland, Ingland, and France. Zea, not only was he hatit, and raillit on, bot also persecutit maist scharply, and huntit from place to place as ane vnworthie of ony societie with man. And althocht thay wer michtie and potent, zea, and wantit na euill will, and he on the vther syde ane pure man, alane, and oft tymes without help, or assistance of ye warld, zit was he michtely preseruit, and as in a maist sure saifgard (all the wickits attentis quha thristit nathing mair than his blude being frustrat) conducted to an maist quyet, peaciabill and happy end, to the greit aduancement of Goddis glorie, and singulare comfort of his Kirk, and to the confusioun of Sathan and discōfort of all his wickit instrumētis. Thairfoir that this sa notabil and euidēt ane documēt of the louing cair of our god towardis his seruāds svld not with him be buryit bot abyde recent in memorie till all the inhabitantis of this Realme in all ages to cum. I haue preissit[365] schortly in this lytill paper to {433} mak, as it wer, ane memoriall of the same, and yat in that lāguage quhilk is maist cōmoun to this hail Realme, to the intent that asweill vnleirnit as lernit may be partakeirs of the same. Not that I think my self abill to handill sa worthie ane mater worthelie in ony toung, bot that partly I may schaw my gude will in this matter, and partly to gif occasioun to vtheris, that baith hes mair dexteritie in sic thingis, and greiter opportunitie of tyme, to intreit the same at greiter lenth. That be calling to mynd this notabill exēpill of Godis louing cair towardis vs, we in all thir feirfull dayis (quharin he that seis not tryall approaching neir is destitute of Iudgement) may be strenthnit and encourageit to ga fordwart vprichtly, eurie ane in our awin vocatioun, without declyning outher to the richt hand or the left. And principally that our watche men faint not, nor begin to iouk[366], or flatter with the world for feir of Tyrānis, bot that thay may haue brasin facis, and foirheidis of Iron againis the threitnings of the wickit, cōdempning impietie of all persounis in plane termis, following the ensāpill of this maist zelous seruād of God, of quhōe heirtofoir we hau maid mentioun, and that being assurit gif sa thay walk vprichtly in dischargeing of thair office, that thay ar in ye protectioun of the Almichtie.

¶ And this small frute of my sober trauellis, I haue thocht gude to offer and present to zow (maist worthie Knicht) not sa mekill for that, that I thocht it worthie to be presentit til ony: as that I wald let my gude will and grate[367] mynd, be the same appeir towardis zow, throw quhais procurement I obteinit the benefite of that godly and faithfull (thocht mockit and falsly traducit of the warld) societie, quhairof presently I am participant. For the quhilk I acknawledge me, and my humbill seruice alwayis addettit to zour honour. And howbeit (as I mon confes) na thing can proceid of me that may in ony wayis correspond to zour meritis towardis me: zit sal the thankfulnes of mynd at na tyme (God willing) be deficient. Quhilk is to be acceptit quhair vther thingis are lacking, in place of greit rewaird. And the rather haue I takin bauldness to dedicate this lytill Treateis vnto zour honour, baith becaus I vnderstude, zow euer to haue bene sen zour Chyldheid, ane vnfenzeit {434} fauourar, and mantenar to zour power of vprichtnes, quhais praise in this lytill Volume is intreatit. And also, that this notabill seruand of God (quhais michtie preseruatioun, notwithstanding the wickitis rage, to ane quyet end, chiefly mufit me to this busines) was maist belufit of zow quhile he leuit, and yat for yat greit vprightness quhilk ze saw from tyme to tyme maist viuely expres the self in him. And finally, that your honour may be mufit heirby, as ze haue begunne and continewit to this day ane zelous professour of Goddis word, mantenar of the samin, and lufer of his seruandis: sa ze may perseuer to the end of zour lyfe, without sclander to zour professioun, euer approuing the treuth, and haitting impietie in all persounis, not leaning to warldly wisdome, nor louking for the pleasure of greit men in the warld: Sen nane of thir thingis, but only vprichtnes, can outher mak ane pleasand to God, or zit sure in this warld. And sa traisting that zour honour will accept this my sober offer (till God grant better occasioun of greter) intill gude part, I commit zow to the protectioun of the Almichtie, that quhen it sall pleis God to tak zow furth of this miserie, ze may end zour lyfe in the sanctificatioun of his haly name. To whom be praise and Glorie, for euer. Amen. From Sanct‑ androis the XVIII. of February.

* * * * *

{435} ANE BREIF COMMENDATIOVN OF VPRICHTNES

SEN that we se men till haue studyit ay Into this eirth sic strengthis to prepair, As micht be saifgaird to thame nicht and day, Quhen ony danger dang thame in dispair, Wald thow gude Reider haue ane strenth preclair[368], Prouer. 10, Maist strang and stark to rin to in distres, 12, 13, 18. This lytill schedull schortly sall declair Ecclesi. 9. How that the surest Towre is vprichtnes. Ps. 25, 27, 91.

Quhilk vprichtnes we may descriue to be: Ane traid of lyfe conforme to Godds command, Iob. 31. Without all poysoun of Hypocrisie, Or turning to and fra, from hand to hand. Bot stoutly at the word of God to stand, Prouer. 5. Eschewing alwayis it for to transgres, Psalm 18. Not bowing back for thame that contramand. This wayis we may descriue this vprichtnes.

For first thair is na Castell, Towre, nor Toun, Nor naturall strenth, as Alexander sayis, Q. Curt. li. 7. Bot mānis Ingyne may vincous and ding doun, As that he had experience in his dayis, Na strenth was sure to theme that was his fais: The Craig in Asia did beir witnes, Q. Curt. li. 7. Howbeit in hicht vnto the sky it rais, It was ouercum for laik of vprichtnes.

Euin sa that bailful Bour of Babilone, Q. Curt. li. 5. Na saifgaird was to Darius we reid, Ieremi. 51. Suppois it was ane maist strang Dongeone, And mony ma I micht declair in deid {436} Bot sic exempellis Foraine nane we neid; Quhat surenes fand the Bischopis halynes, Into Dumbartane quhair he pat his Creid? It was not half sa sure as vprichtnes.

The force of men gif ony will obtend, Ps. 33. 40. 60. Kinred, or friends to be ane gaird maist strang, Esai. 31. All is bot vane, they can not man defend, Jeremi. 17. For quha mair surely into Royat[369] rang, Nor the greit Conquerour his friendis amang, Q. Curt. lib. Zit was he poysonit, as sum dois express, 10. Intill his Camp quhilk he had led sa lang: Than quhat is force of man till vprichtnes.

Riches and rent we ken dois not abyde, Prouer. 11. Bot flitts and fochis[370] euer to and fra; Eccles. 5. Than vane it is in thame for to confyde, Job. 11. Sen that we se thame asweill cum as ga: Psalm. 49. Thairfoir my friendis sen that the case is sa, 1. Timot. 6. That warldly strenth can haue na sickernes, Zephan. 1. Sum vther saifgaird surely we mon ha, Ecclesi. 2. Quhilk is nocht ellis bot only vprichtnes. Nahum. 3.

Bot sum perchance that winks mair wylelie, Will say thay wait ane wyle[371] that I na wist, With iouking thay will jangil[372] craftelie, And on thair feit will ay licht quhen thay list, Thinking all surenes thairin to consist: Hypocrisie is quent[373] with quyetnes, Bot all begylit thay ar into the mist; For nathing can be sure but vprichtnes.

For quhat become of fals Achitophell, For als far as he saw before his neis, 2. Sam. 17. {437} The Scriptures schawis I neid not heir to tell. The lyke of this in mony Historeis, I micht bring furth that to my purpois greis, Psalm. 7. How Hypocrites into thair craftynes, Ester. 7. Thame selfis hes trappit with greit misereis, Becaus thay did eschew all vprichtnes.

Bot quha sa euer on the vther syde Hes preissit peirtly to leif vprichtlie, Ester. 6. And be the treuth bound bauldly till abyde, Dani. 6. Hes euer had the maist securitie. For thay had God thair buckler for to be, Quhome we mon grant to be ane strang fortres, Psalm. 76. Of quhome the Deuill can not get victorie, Psalm. 89. Nor all the enemies of vprichtnes.

Think weill my friendis this is na fenzeit 1 Sam. 17. 18. fair,[374] 19. 20. 21. For quha sa list of Dauid for to reid, 22. 29. 33. May se quhat enemies he had alquhair, And zit how surely he did ay proceid; 2. Sam. 2. 3. Becaus he walkit vprichtly in deid. 5. 8. 15. 16. He was mair sure from Saulis cruelnes, 18. 20. Nor gif ten thousand men intill his neid, 1 Sam. 23. Had with him bene syne lackit vprichtnes.

Of sic exempills we micht bring anew, Bot ane thair is that preifis our purpois plane, Of Daniell that Propheit wyse and trew, Dani. 6. How oft was he in danger to be slane! Into the Lyonis Den he fand na pane: The three Children the fyre did not oppres. Dani. 3. I think this only Historie might gane, To preif how sure a Towre is vprichtnes.

Bot zit becaus exempills fetchit far, Mufis not so muche as thay thingis quhilk we se, {438} I purpois schortly now for to cum nar, Vnto the but[375] quhair chiefly I wald be: That is to schaw the prufe befoir zour ee Of thir premissis, as all mon confes That hes sene God wirking in this countrie, How ane hes bene perseruit in vprichtnes.

It is Iohne Knox in deid quhome of I mene, That feruent faithfull seruand of the Lord, Quhome I dar bauldly byde at till haue bene, Ane maist trew Preichour of the Lordis word. I rak nathing quhat Rebalds[376] heir record, Quha neuer culd speik gude of godlynes. This man I say eschaipit fyre and sword, And deit in peace, in praise of vprichtnes.

Bot that this may be maid mair manifest: I will discurs sum thing in speciall, Tuiching this Lamp, on lyfe quhill he did lest. First he descendit bot of linage small; As commaunly God vsis for to call Amos. i. 7. The sempil sort his summoundis til expres. Mark. 1. Sa calling him, he gaue him giftis with all 1. Cor. 1. Maist excellent, besyde his vprichtnes. Iaco. 2.

For weill I wait that Scotland neuer bure, In Scottis leid[377] ane man mair Eloquent. Into perswading also I am sure, Was nane in Europe that was more potent. In Greik and Hebrew he was excellent, And als in Latine toung his propernes, Was tryit trym quhen scollers wer present. Bot thir wer nathing till his vprichtnes.

{439} For fra the tyme that God anis did him call, To bring thay joyfull newis vnto this land, Quhilk hes illuminat baith greit and small, He maid na stop but passit to fra hand, Idolatrie maist stoutly to ganestand: And chiefly that great Idoll of the Mes. Howbeit maist michtie enemies he fand, Zit schrinkit he na quhit from vprichtnes.

The greuous Galayis maid him not agast, Althocht the Prelats gold in greit did geif, Ouir schipburd in the sey him for to cast, He fand sic grace they sufferit him to leif. Zea mairatour thay did him not mischeif, As thay did his Companzeounis mair and les, With pynefull panis quhen thay thair pythis did preif, God sa prouydit for his vprichtnes.

In Ingland syne he did eschaip the Ire, Of Iesabell, that Monstour of Mahoun,[378] In Scotland nixt with terrour him to tyre, Thay brint his picture in Edinburgh Toun. Bot sen to Scotland last he maid him boun,[379] Quhat battell he hes bidden ze may ges, Sen Dagon and thay Deuillis he gart ding doun, In spite of thame that hatit vprichtnes.

Thay that hes bene cheif in Authoritie, For the maist part had him at deidly feid, Zit he eschaipit all their crueltie, Howbeit oftymes thay did deuyse his deid, Zea, sum wer knawin perfitely be the heid Quha vndertuke his Dirige for to dres, Zit bauldly be hes baner he abaid, And did not iouk ane ioit from vprichtnes.

{440} Bot cheifly anis he was put to ane preace,[380] Quhen that the Quene of tressoun did accuse him Befoir hir Lords in haly Rudehous place. Quhair clawbacks of the Court thocht till abuse him Sa prudētly this Propheit yair did vse him, Into refuting of thair fulischenes, That all the haill Nobilitie did ruse[381] him And praisit God for his greit vprichtnes.

Quhen Quene and Court could not get him cōuict, Bot sa wer disappointit of thair pray, Thay fryit in furie that he schaipit quick, Zit at the leist to get thair wills sum way, Thay wald haue had him wardit for ane day, In Dauois Towre, zea, for ane hour or les, It was denyit for ocht the Quene culd say. Thair micht be sene how sure was vprichtnes.

Bot in quhat perrell trow ze he was last, Quhen Edinburgh he left with hart full sair, Doubtles na les nor ony that hes past, In spyte thay spak that him thay suld not spair Thay suld him schuit into the pulpit thair Becaus he did rebuke their fylthenes, And mischant[382] murther that infects the air, Zit God preseruit him in vprichtnes.

Mony may dangers nor I can declair, Be sey and land this Propheit did sustene, In France and Ingland, Scotland, heir and thair, Quhilk I refer to thame that mair hes bene Intill his company and sic things sene, Bot this far schortly I haue maid progress, To preif how God maist surely dois mantene, Sic as continew intil vprichtnes.

{441} For this Excellent seruand of the Lord, Vnto the deith was hatit as we knaw, For sinceir preiching of the Lordis word With Kingis, Princes, hie estait and law, Zit in thair Ire him micht thay not ouirthraw, He did depart in peace and plesandnes: For all the troublis that ze hard vs schaw That he sustenit for lufe of vprichtnes.

And this is merwell gif we will consider, Ane sempill man but[383] warldly force or aide, Aganis quhome Kings and Princes did confidder[384] How he suld fend[385] from furie and thair fead,[386] Syne leaue this lyfe with list for all thair plaid,[387] He had ane surer gaird we mon confes, Nor ony warldly strength that can be maid, Quhilk was nathing but only vprichtnes.

Bot sum may say quhairto suld thow prefer This vprichtnes quhilk thow extolls sa hie Vntil all warldly strenthis that euer wer? Sen that the contrair daylie we may se, How upricht men ar murtherit mischantlie, Gene. 4. As first was Abell with greit cruelnes, Matth. 14. Gude Iohne the Baptist, and als Zacharie, 2. Chro. 24. Zea, Christ him self for all his vprichtnes. Matth. 27.

Peter and Paull with mony may sensyne. Euseb. To. 4. And of lat zeiris in Ingland as we knaw, fol. 7. How mony piteously was put to pyne. Vide Sleidanum. And now in France that schame is for to schaw. Iames our gude Regent rakkin in that raw,[388] Quha had rung zit wer not his richteousnes. {442} Sa, I can se nathing sa sone ouirthraw Man in this eirth as dois this vprichtnes.

To this I answer into termis schort, Quhen warldly strenth is vincust and maid waist, Prouer. 11. With it man tynis baith courage and comfort, Quhen it is tynt quhairin he pat his traist: Bot quho that deith in vprichtnes dois taist, Prouer. 11. Sall haue the lyfe that lests with joyfulnes, Matth. 16. Sa they ar sure, becaus they ar imbraist Be the Eternall for thair vprichtnes.

Bot this sa lichtly we may not pass by: I grant indeed quha preissis vprichtlie To serue the Lord mon first themselfis deny, Matth. 16. And na wayis dres to daut[389] thame daintelie Bot thame prepair for troublis Identlie[390], 2 Timo. 3. For troublis ar the bage they mon posses, Psalm. 34. Sen Sathan ceisis not continuallie 1 Pet. 5. To troubill thame that followi vprichtnes. Iob 1.

Quhylis harling[391] thame befoir Princes and Kings, Luc. 21. As rauing Rebalds rudelie to be rent, 1. Reg. 10. Accusing thame of troubling of all things, 1. Reg. 17. As cankerit Carlis that can not be content, Except all things be done be thair consent: Now scornit, now scurgeit, now bād with bitternes, Matth. 27. Imprissonit, and sindrie fassiounis schent[392], Ieremi. 38. And sum tymes dreuin to deith for vprichtnes. Act. 12.

This is thair lote oftymes I will not lane[393] Into this eirth that vse to be vpricht, Bot quhat of this? my purpois zit is plane: That is, that they are surer day, and nicht, Psalm. 91. {443} For all this wo, nor ony warldly wicht: Psalm. 118. For in thair conscience is mair quyetnes In greitest troublis, nor the men of micht Hes in thair Castells, without vprichtnes.

For quhen Belshazzer greit King of the Eist, Dani. 5. Ane thousand of his Princes had gart call, Drinkand the wyne befoir thame at the Feist, Intill his prydefull Pomp Imperiall: Euin in the middis of this his mirrie hall He saw ane sicht that sank him in sadnes, Quhen he persauit the fingers on the wall, Wryting his wrak for his vnvprichtnes.

Quhat sall I say? I neid not till insist, To schaw how thay to God that dois Rebell, In thair maist micht can not be haldin blist, For in this warld they do begin thair hell, As Cain did that slew the iust Abell: Gene. 4. Within thair breist thay beir sic bailfulnes, Esai. 66. That toung of men can not the teynd part tell, Prouer. 15. Of inwart torments for vnvprichtnes.

Bot thay that walks vprichtly with the Lord, Prouer. 14. In greitest troublis wantis not inwart rest, As the Apostillis doung[394] for Godds word, Act. 5. Reioysit that for Christ sa thay were drest; Peter in prisone sleipit but molest; Act. 12. Paull in the stocks and Sylas with glaidnes, Act. 16. Did sing ane Psalme at midnicht, sa the best Surenes that man can haue, is vprichtnes.

Sa be this surenes now I do not mene, That Godds seruands ar neuer tane away, Be cruell men, for the contrair is sene, For God oftymes of his Iudgements I say, {444} Letts thame so fall, as thocht befoir the day: To plague the warld for thair vnthankfulnes, Quhilk is not worthie of sic men as thay. Esai. 3. Bot I mene this be strenth of vprichtnes. Heb. 11.

That quhen it plesis God to let thame fall, Thay haue sic inwart comfort without cair, Act. 7. That thay depart with ioy Angelicall, 2 Timot. 4. Of lyfe assurit that lestis for euer mair. And zit sum tyme he dois his seruands spair, Esai. 41. To let the Tyrannis se his michtines, Ierem. 1. 4. 5. In spyte of thame, that he can his alquhair, Preserue maist surely intill vprichtnes.

Quhilk we haue sene as we can not deny, Into Iohne Knoxis michtie preseruation, Quhilk till our comfort we suld all apply, I mene that ar the Faithfull Congregatioun. Sen he departit with sic consolatioun Euen as he leuit, he deit in Faithfulnes, Being assurit in Christ of his Saluatioun, As in the end he schew with vprichtnes.

Sa is he past from pane to plesure ay, And till greit eis doubtles vntill him sell, Bot for ane plague till vs I dair weill say, As sair I feir we sall heir schortly tell, Schir wink at vice[395] beginnis to tune his bell. Bot on this heid na mair I will digres, That gude men hes mair rest in all perrell Nor wickit in thair welth bot vprichtnes.

Then sen alwayis we se that men ar sure Throw vprichtnes quhidder thay liue or die, Psalm. 37. Let all gud Cristianes Imploy thair cure, In thair vocatioun to leif vprichtlie; {445} And cheifly let all preicheouris warnit be, That this day God and the gude caus profes, Na wayis to wink at sic Impietie As cheifly dois withstand all vprichtnes. Tit. 1.

Taking exempill of this Propheit plane, Quhome heir befoir we breuit in this bill[396], Quha Godds reuelit will wald neuer lane, Quhen men begouth for to delyte in ill, He wald not wane ane wy[397] for na mānis will For to rebuke Erle, Barrone, or Burges, Quhen in thair wickit wayis thay walkit still. Follow this Lamp I say of vprichtnes.

Let nouther lufe of friend, nor feir of fais, Mufe zow to mank[398] zour Message, or hald bak Ane iot of zour Commission ony wayis: Psalm 40. Call ay quhite, quhite, and blak, that quhilk is blak, Esai. 5. Ane Gallimafray[399] neuer of them mak: Bot ane gud caus distingue from wickitnes, 2. Timot. 2. This kynd of phrais sumtymes this Propheit spak, Quhen he saw sum not vsing vprichtnes.

In generall do not all things inuolue, Thinking zour selfis dischargeit than to be, 2. Timot. 2. Thocht na manis mynd in maters ze resolue: For (zit till vse this same manis Elogie) To speik the treuth, and speik the treuth trewlie, Num. 23. 24. Is not a thing[400] (said he) brethren doutles. Thairfoir speik trewly but Hypocrisie, Gif ze wald haue the praise of vprichtnes.

Let vice ay in the awin cullouris be kend, 2 Timot. 4. But beiring with, or zit extenuatioun, {446} Schawing how heichly God it dois offend, Act. 17. Spairing na stait that maks preuaricatioun: Esai. 58. Let it be sene till all the Congregatioun, 1 Timot. 5. That ze sic haitrent haue at wicketnes, That ze mon dampne their greit abhominatioun, Quha planely fechtis aganis all vprichtnes.

Quhilk tred of doctrine gif ze anis begin Psalm. 38. I grant the Deuill and warld will be agane zow; Psalm. 41. The feid of fremmit, and craibing of zour kin,[401] First ze sall find, syne terrour to constraine zow To syle the suith[402], and sunze[403], I will plane[404] zow. The Zock is not sa licht as sum dois ges; Nahum. 1. Bot zit haue ze na dreid quha do disdane zow, Psalm. 31. Sen that zour fortres sure is vprichtnes. Psalm. 34.

For pleis it God zour lyfe to lenthen heir, Thocht all the warld aganis zow wald conspyre, Thay sall not haue the power zow to deir[405], Albeit thay rage and rin wod[406] in thair Ire, And gif that God thinks gude be sword or fyre To let zow fall, be ay in reddynes: Being assurit that heuin salbe zour hyre, 2 Timot. 4. Because ze endit sa in vprichtnes.

Let not the lufe of this lyfe temporall, Quhilk ze mon lose, but let, quhen ze leist wene[407], Stay zow to cois[408] with lyfe Celestiall. Quhen euer that the chois cumis thame betwene, Christis sentence in zour garden keip ay grene, Quha sauis his lyfe shall lois it not the les. Matth. 16. {447} Quhilk euin into this warld hes oft bene sene, Quhat gaine is than to deny vprichtnes?

Than to conclude, sen in thir dangerous dayis Sa mony terrours Tyranis casts befoir zow, Call vpon God to strenthen zow alwayis, That with his haly Spreit he will decoir zow, As he hes done his seruands ay befoir zow, That ze may neuer wink at wickitnes, Esai. 51. With Gun & Gainze[409] thocht thay boist to gor zow, Sen that zour Towre sa sure is vprichtnes.

¶ FINIS. M. I. D.

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ANE SCHORT DISCVRS OF THE ESTAITIS quha hes caus to deploir the deith of this Excellent seruand of God.

THOW pure contempnit Kirk of God, In Scotland scatterit far abrod, Quhat leid[410] may let the to lament: Sen baith the Tyger and the Tod, Maist cruellie cummis the to rent. Thow wants ane watcheman that tuke tent, Baith nicht and day that nocht suld noy the, Allace thow wants the Instrument, That was thy Lanterne to conuoy the.

Thy lemand[411] Lamp that schew sic licht, Was gude Iohne Knox, ane man vpricht, Quhais deith thow daylie may deploir. His presence maid thy bewtie bricht, {448} And all thy doings did decoir: He did him haillie indeuoir, Thy richteous actioun to mantene, And libertie to the restoir, Pleading thy caus with King and Quene.

He neuer huntit benefice, Nor catchit was with Couatice, Thocht he had offers mony one And was als meit for sic office As outher gellie[412] Iok or Iohne, His mynd was ay sa the vpon, Thy only weilfair was his welth; Thairfoir lament sen he is gone, That huikit nathing[413] for thy helth.

Lament Assemblie Generall, At thy Conuentionis, ane and all, For thou wilt mis ane Moderatour, Quhais presence mufit greit and small, And terrifeit baith theif and tratour, With all vnrewlie Rubiatour,[414] Thair ionkers durst not kyth thair cure, For feir of fasting in the frateur,[415] And tynsall of the charge thay bure.

But now I feir that thow sall se Greit missing of that man to be, Quhen craftie heidis sall na mair hyde The hurde[416] of thair hypocrisie, Bot all sinceirnes set asyde, With policie will all things gyde, {449} Thir Balamis birds sair may thow feir: Thairfoir be Godds buke abyde, And to sic bablers giue na eir.

Giue strange opiniounis enteris in, Tak tent quha sic thingis dois begin, And with sic matteris mynts to mell;[417] For Sathan ceisis not fra sin, The Kirk of Christ seiking to quell. Sic foly faill not to refell: For when the reik[418] beginnis to ryse, The fyre will follow as thay tell, Be it not quencheit be the wyse.

Bot cheifly murne and mak thy mane, Thou Kirk of Edinburgh allane, For thow may rew by[419] all the rest, That this day thow wants sickin ane, Thy speciall Pastour, and the best That ony Kirk had eist or west. He did comfort the in all cair, And the foirwairnd of thy molest, Quhairby thow micht thyself prepair.

There was na troubill come to the, Bot he foirspak it oppinlie, Thocht sum the mater than did mock, Gif he spak suith now thow may se, This day thy held is in the zock, God send the blyithnes of this block, And freith the from thy fais aboue the; For thow art the maist feruent flock That Scotland beiris, as deid dois proue the.

{450} And giue God sa handills the best, Allace what sall cum of the rest, Except repentance rin and red: It is ane mirrour manifest, Of dule and dolour to be dred, To fall on thame this barret[420] bred. Bot till our purpois to returne, Thocht of this feir thow salbe fred, Zit hes thow mater for to murne.

Becaus that watcheman thow dois want, That the in puretie did plant, And comfortit thy congregatioun: Bot zit thocht he be gane I grant The Lord can send the consolatioun, Gif thow giue him dew adoratioun, He will not leaue the comfortles, As alreddy thow hes probatioun. God grant thy Preicheours vprichtnes.

¶ Ze Lords also that dois frequent The loft in Sanct Geills Kirk lament, That Bogill[421] thair that ze hard blaw, With quhome quhyles ze wer small content, For the schairp threitnings he did schaw: Zit thay maid zow sumquhat stand aw, Thocht not so muche as neid requyrit. This day in graue he lyis full law, Quhilk langtyme was of him desyrit.

For seing all things not go weill, He said thair suld not mis ane reill That suld the cheifest walkin vp. Gif he said suith this day ze feill, {451} Luke gif God hes begun to quhup, Bot thair byds zit ane sowrer Cup, Except zour maners ze amend, The dreggs but dout als ze sall sup: From whilk danger God zow defend.

Sanctandrois als not to leif out, His deith thou may deploir but dout, Thow knawis he lude the by the laue,[422] For first in the he gaue the rout Till Antechrist that Romische slaue, Preicheing that Christ did only saue. Bot last, of Edinburgh exprest, Quhen he was not far fra his graue, He come to the by all the rest.

God grant that thow may thankfull be, For his greit graces schawin to the, In sending the his seruands trew, Amen. Thow heiris na mair of me. Bot Kyle, and Cuninghame may rew Als sair as ony that I schew, To quhome this darling was maist deir; And vther gentill men anew, Quhome I haue not reheirsit heir.

Than last of all to turn to zow, That wer our brethren, bot not now: God grant agane ze may cum hame, For we suld wis zour weill I vow, As also did this man be Name, Thocht sum said he did zow defame, He prayit to God that ze micht turne, That ze micht schaip Eternall schame; Thairfoir zour part is als to murne.

{452} For doutles he was mair zour freind, Nor thay that winkit, or manteind Zour fulische factioun and vnfair. In deid that ze suld not susteind, He thunderit threitnings to the air, To terrifie zow mair and mair, And rug[423] zow back that ze micht rew;[424] For he knew perseueird ze thair, Ze wer bot schipwrak but reskew.[425]

Than all this land thow may lament, That thow lacks sic ane Instrument, Till sum not plesand, zit, sa plane, That all the godly was content. Allace his lyke he left not ane, Nor I feir sall not se agane: Bot zit let vs nawayis dispair, For quhy our God dois zit remane, Quha can and will for his prepair.

For thocht his deith we do deploir, Zit is he not our God thairfoir: As wickit wardlings wald obtend, Gone is zour God quhairin ze gloir. The leuing God we mak it kend, Is he, on quhome we do depend, Quha will not leaue vs in distres, Bot will his seruands till vs send, Till gyde vs throw this wildernes.

Thairfoir letting thir Bablers be, Quhais chief Religioun is to lie, And all Godds seruands to backbyte, Traducing this man principallie: {453} Let thame spew out in thair dispyte, All that thay will be word or wryte. Lyke as him self is into gloir, Sa sall all ages ay recyte, Iohne Knoxis Name, with greit decoir.

¶ FINIS.

* * * * *

QVAM TVTVM SIT PROPVGNACVLVM, DEO SINE fuco inseruire, ex mirifica eximii Dei serui IOANNIS KNOXII, in tranquillum vitæ exitum, illusis omnibus impiorum conatibus, conseruatione, & eius exemplum sequi, monemur.

QVEM petiere diu crudeles igne tyranni, Sæpius & ferro quem petiere duces. Occubuit (mirum) nullo violatus ab hoste, Eximius Christi KNOXIVS ille sator. Nam pater Æthereus Regum moderatur habenas, Electosque potens protegit vsque suos. Muniat hinc igitur nostras fiducia mentes, Ne mors nos tetricis terreat vlla minis. Quóq; minus trepidi sistamus tramite recto, Huius ne pigeat viuere more viri.

¶ FINIS. Quod M. I. D.

* * * * *

{454} EXCERPTA E POEMATIS

JOHANNIS JONSTONI;

QUIBUS TITULI

ΠΕΡΙ ΣΤΕΦΑΝΩΝ

SIVE

DE CORONIS MARTYRUM IN SCOTIA;

NECNON

PECVLIVM ECCLESIÆ SCOTICANÆ.

MS. IN BIBL. FACULT. JURID. EDIN. A. 6. 42.

* * * * *

PATRITIUS HAMILTONVS,[426]

Martyr, Andreapoli xxviii. Febr. An. Christi 1527.

E Cælo alluxit primam Germania lucem, Qua Lanus, et vitreis qua fluit Albis aquis. Intulit hinc lucem nostræ Dux prævius oræ. O felix terra! hoc si foret usa duce! Dira superstitio grassata tyrannide in omnes, Omniaque involvens Cimmeriis tenebris, Ille nequit lucem hanc sufferre. Ergo omnis in unam, Fraude, odiis, furiis, turba cruenta coit. Igne cremant. Vivus lucis qui fulserat igne, Par erat, ut moriens lumina ab igne daret.

* * * * *

{455} JOANNES MACHABÆVS,[427]

Alpinus, Christianismi in Dania Instaurator, Hafniæ Theol. Professor; floruit 1550, teste Balæo.

I. Qvae tulit in lucem me Scotia, luce frui me Non tulit. Haud mirum: sprevit et ipsa Deum. Anglia vix cepit. Subeuntem Teutonis ora Suscipiens fovit L. . onis in gremio. Lvtheri hic tetigisse datum dextramque Philippi: Cernere et hic Christvm lucidiore die. Me doctore dehinc amplexa est Dania Christvm; Hafnia dat patriam, datque eadem tumulum. Huc vitæ cursus: supremi hic meta laboris. Hinc vehor exilii liber in astra metu. Havd jactura gravis, patria tellure carere: In patria gravior posse carere Deo.

II. De Joh. Machabæo Patre, et Christiano, Filio Patris simillimo. Excedens terris Machabævs liquerat vno Unius in nato pectoris effigiem. Filius hanc solam potuit tibi promere: at illvm Mors habet. Ecquis eam reddere nunc valeat?

* * * * *

ALEX. ALESIVS,[428]

(Obiit Lipsiæ xx Junij 1565.)

Lipsiæ Theol. Professor, de se et Joh. Machabæo.

Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitæque laborumque, Ex quo nos Christi conciliavit amor. {456} Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum; Pertulimus pariter præstite cuncta Deo. Dania te coluit. Me Lipsia culta docentem Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonvs. Qui mea scripta legit, Machabævm cernat in illis. Alterutrum noscis, noscis utrumque simul.

* * * * *

JOHANNES ROCHIVS[429] et THOMAS GULIELMIVS,[430]

Uterque a sacris Jac. Hamiltono Scotie Gubernatori, uterque Christi nomine Exul; et ille postea Martyr in Anglia, 22 decemb. 1557, Londinj.

Postquam iterum premitur redivivi gloria Christi, Et crudelis adhuc omnia Presul agit, Cessimus inviti Invidiæ, et crudelibus iris. Ah! facilis nocuit Principis ingenium. Doctores nuper quæ nos adscripserat Aula Deficit: et nostræ spes cecidere simul. Redditur exilium Christi pro munere. Christvs Exul erat: nobis sitne probro exilium? Quid si mors adeunda sit? O mors illa beata! Qua vitæ melior parta corona foret.

* * * * *

GEORGIVS SOPHOCARDIVS,[431]

Sive Wys‑hartus, Martyr, Andreapoli, Kal. Martii an. 1546.

Quam bene conveniunt divinis nomina rebus! Divinæ hic Sophiæ corque oculusque viget. Qui Patris arcanam Sophiam, cælique recessus Corde fovens, terris Numina tanta aperit. Vnus amor Christvs. Pro Christo concitus ardor Altius humanis Enthea corda rapit. {457} Præteritis aptans præsentia, jvdicat omnia; Et ventura dehinc ordine quæque docet. Ipse suam mortem, tempusque modumque profatur, Fataque Carnifici tristia Sacrilego. Terrificam ad flammam stetit imperterritus. Ipsa Quin stupet invictos sic pavefacta animos, Vt vix ausa dehinc sit paucos carpere. Tota Ilicet innocui victa cruore viri est.

* * * * *

JOHANNES WEDDERBVRNVS,[432]

Pulsus in exilium, an. 1546. Exul in Anglia moritur 1556.

I. Non meriti est nostri, meritas tibi dicere grates, Aut paria, aut aliqua parte referre vicem. Quæ meruisse alii vellent, nec posse mereri est: Hæc velle, hæc posse, hæc te meruisse tuum est. Sic facis atque canis sacra: sic agis omnia, nil ut Sanctius, et nusquam purior ulla fides. Hinc nullum magis invisum caput hostibus: hinc et Nemo umquam meruit charior esse bonis. Grandius hoc meritum, nil te meruisse fateris, Humanis meritis nec superesse locum.

II. DE JOHANNE, JACOBO, ET ROBERTO WEDDERBVRNO, FRATRIBUS.

Divisvm imperium, per tres, tria Numina, Fratres, Infera quæque vides, quæque superna, canunt. Vos miror potius tres vero nomine fratres, Vosque supra veneror, Numina vana, Deos; Concordes animas, clarissima lumina gentis, Tres paribus studiis, tres pietate pares. {458} Felices qui vos tales genuere parentes, Quæque orbi tellus pignora rara dedit. Progenitos Cælo Alectum[433] dedit inclyta terris: Inde DEI‑DONUM nomen habere putem.

* * * * *

JOHANNES KNOXVS.[434]

Primus Evangelii Instaurator in Scotia, post superiora cruenta illa tempora, obiit placide Edinburgi XXIV. IXbris, hora noctis undecima, 1572.

I. Hic ille est Scotorum Knoxus Apostolus olim, Cui prior hos ingens Beza dedit titulos: Interpres cæli, vero qui Numine plenus, Plurima venturi præscia signa dedit. Facundum pectus. Libertas maxima fandi. Totus inexhausto flagrat amore Dei. Quam pia cura Poli, tam humani meta furoris: Tanto plus victor, quo furit iste magis. Post varios hostes aggressa Calumnia tandem Hoc didicit, nulli nec sibi habere fidem. Herovm Pietas odio est mortalibus. Unum hoc Arguat Heroem hunc cœlitus esse datum.

II. Cvra Dei: Romæ pestis: Mundi horror: et Orci Pernicies: cæli fulmen ab arce tonans. Limite in hoc modico tanti jacet hospitis umbra: Vmbra silet; tamen est hostibus horror adhuc.

* * * * *

{459} JOHANNES WILLOCVS.[435]

Obiit in Anglia.

Cum Patriæ implessem donis cœlestibus urbes, Mille olim obiiciens mortibus hanc animam, Ipsa adeo exultat cæli sic luce sereni, Pene sibi ut cælum, et lux queat esse aliis: Excessi patria lætus tellure, libensque: Vt vicina istis crescerat aucta opibus. Hic etiam sevi cælestia semina verbi; Gensque pia hic nostram plurima sensit opem. Hæc et opes mihi, cumque opibus cumulavit honores; Nec secus ac Patria me Anglia civem habuit. Bis civis gemina in patria: mihi tertia restat; Possidet hæredem tertia sola suum.

* * * * *

CHRISTOPHORVS GVDMANNVS,[436]

Anglus, Ecclesiastes Andreapolitanus: moritur in Cestrensi provincia Angliæ an. 1601.

Non Ego, ceu credis, Scotis peregrinus in oris: Publica nec rerum cura aliena mihi. Hic geniti Christo, hic geritur Republica Christi: Christi Ego sum. In Christo his sumque ego congenitus; Quin genui hic partem Christo. Patremque Ducemque Et licet, et gaudent me vocitare suum. Queis patriam peperi: non hanc: sed quæ altera cælo est, Hac prior; his dicar qui peregrinus ego: Alterutra jactent se alii regione profectos, Nomine se jactat utraque terra meo.

* * * * *

{460} JOHANNES ARESKINUS,[437]

Dunius, Equestri familia ortus, Religionis gravis et constans assertor, concionator nobilis, natus annos LXXX, moritur XII Martij, 1590.

Post tot avos veteres, et tot decora inclyta rerum Surgit Areskino gloria major adhuc: Scilicet illa Crucis Christi, quæ sola perennis: Quæ regit una homines, quæ facit una deos. Robora consiliis, pietatem miscet utrisque; Et faciendo docet, atque docendo facit. Heroem nullum huic æquarint secula. Nullus Inter avos veteres fama et honore prior.

* * * * *

JOHANNES BRABNERVS,[438]

Aberdonensis, Ecclesiastes Celurcanus[439] et Dunensis, moritur an. 1564, postr. Kal. Novembris.

Nascendi primam dedit Aberdonia lucem: Ille renascendi munera rettribuit. Vtrum ergo debet Patriæ plus, an Patria illi? Mutua sic rerum gratia rite coit.

* * * * *

JOHANNES VIN‑RAMVS,[440]

Cænobii Augustinianorum olim Præfectus apud Andreanos, postea inter Christi Ministros: obiit senex XXIIX. Septemb. 1581.

Quo te censu hominum, quo te, Vin‑Rame, reponam In numero? hic multum est anxia mens animi. {461} Se prodit Pietas, neque turbida lucis imago est: Spargit enim de se lumina clara sui. Quin te aperi tandem manifesto in lumine. Pelle Turbidulos sensus, cumque pudore metus. Cum pietate etenim postquam se nubila miscet Mens hominum, lucis deperit ille vigor. Gaudet agens Pietas manifesta in luce. Nec illa Sit Pietas, quæ haud pro scit Pietate mori.

* * * * *

JOHANNES ROWIVS,[441]

Ecclesiastes Perthensis, obit xvi. VIIIbris an. 1580.

Consilio præstans, rebus gravis auctor agendis, Præcipuos inter, Lumina prima Patres. Cognitio varia: immensa experientia rerum. Omnigenam linguam mens præit ingenii: Exactor disciplinæ, vindexque severus, Ipse sibi censor, seque ad amussim habuit: Sancta domus, castique lares, frons læta, severa: Larga manus miseris, mensa benigna bonis. Vrbis delicium: sancti pia copula amoris: Una fides, fidei publica cura simul Clara viris, cultuque decens, pulcherrima Pertha: Rowivs at Perthæ haud ultima fama fuit.

* * * * *

JACOBVS LAUSONIVS,[442]

Ecclesiastes Edinburgensis, obiit xii. Octobris an. 1584.

Ingenio felix Lausonivs, ore diserto, Acer judicio, consiliisque gravis. Corpore non magno, mens ingens: Spiritus ardens, Invectumque decus pectoris atque animi. {461} Non tulit Impietas. Patria migrare necesse est. Mitior in profugum terra aliena fuit. Hospitii cui jura volens vivo ista dedisset, Multa gemens tristi in funere dat tumulum.

* * * * *

DAVID FERGVSIVS,[443]

Pastor ad Fermilo‑dunum, obiit xxiij Augusti an. 1598.

Qvem non erudiit solers Academia, quem non Finxit Stagira nobilis: Nesciit ille tamen nescire illa omnia solers, Quæ et ista et illa prodidit, Quin Doctore Deo scivit meliora sequutus, Quæ et ista et illa nesciit. Disce hinc quæ melius doceas Academia. Tuqe Disce hinc Stagira nobilis.

* * * * *

GEORGIVS HAIVS.

Postqvam animum primis patriæ effinxere Camenæ Artibus, excepit culta Lvteta sinu. Cecropiis opibus, spoliisque orientis onustus, Intulit in patriam munera opima suam. Ingenium vegetum comitatur gratia linguæ Lactea Nectareo verba lepore fluunt. Dum parat excedens locupletes linquere natos, Publica privatis posthabuisse ferunt. Optima sed Pietas patrimonî portio. Privis Si nimium indulges, publica rapta ruunt.

{463} {464}

{465} INDEX.

A

_Aberdeen._ A celebrated grammar school in, i. 4. Greek early taught in, i. 343‒4. Reformed doctrine early embraced in, ii. 426.

_Adamson_, Patrick. Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320. Appointed successor to Buchanan as Principal of St Leonard’s college, i. 346.

_Aless_, Alexander. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave Scotland, i. 31, 370. Made Professor at Leipsic, i. 371. Verses on, ii. 440‒1.

_Alexander_, Robert, advocate. An early favourer of the reformation, i. 31. Writes the testament of the Earl of Errol in Scots metre, i. 376.

_Alexandersoun_, Andrew. A martyr, i. 357, 361.

_Anabaptists._ Knox’s warning against the dangerous principles of, i. 207‒11.

_Anderson_, Robert. Convicted of heresy, i. 361.

_Anderson_, William. Convicted of heresy, i. 359.

_Andrew’s, St._ Knox teaches philosophy at, i. 12. Reformed opinions spread privately in University of, i. 37‒8, 369‒71. Knox retires from, i. 38. Knox’s first sermon at, i. 60. Knox expresses his confident hope of again preaching in, i. 69‒70. Opposition to Knox’s preaching at, i. 265; ii. 382‒3. Knox preaches at, i. 267. Demolition of monasteries at, i. 267. Petition for Knox’s translation to, ii. 138. Knox retires to, ii. 189. Meets with opposition at, ii. 191‒4. His preaching and exhortations to the students at, ii. 205‒7, 348. Knox leaves, ii. 212.

_Andrew’s, St_, Castle of. Seized by the conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun, i. 44. Retained by them, i. 46. Knox takes refuge in, i. 49. Sacrament of the Supper first dispensed in the Protestant form in, i. 65. Besieged and taken, i. 66.

_Andrew’s, St_, Prior of. See _Stewart_, Lord James.

_Angus_, Earl of. Knox employed in affairs of, ii. 47, 309.

_Annand_, George. Convicted of heresy, i. 361.

_Annand_, James. Convicted of heresy, i. 361.

{466} _Annand_, Dean John. His dispute with Knox and Rough, i. 58.

_Arbugkill_, a friar. His attempt to defend the popish ceremonies against Knox, i. 63‒4.

_Arbuthnot_, Alexander. Appointed by the General Assembly to revise a suspicious book, ii. 346.

_Argyle_, Countess of. Conversation between Knox and the Queen respecting her, ii. 81. Her public repentance, ii. 317.

_Argyle_, old Earl of. Knox preaches in the house of, i. 187‒8. John Douglas taken under the protection of, i. 229. Correspondence between archbishop Hamilton and, i. 230‒1.

_Argyle_, young Earl of. Attends Knox’s sermons at Calder‑house, i. 177. Joins the Congregation, i. 263‒5. Knox employed in removing a variance between him and his lady, ii. 47. Variance between earl of Murray and, ii. 163.

_Arran_, Earl of. Is suspected by the clergy, i. 36. Made regent of Scotland, i. 39. Abjures the reformed doctrine, ib. Resigns the regency to the Queen dowager, i. 168. Is made Duke of Chastelherault, ib. See _Chastelherault_.

_Arran_, Earl of, son to the former. Comes to Scotland, and persuades his father to join the Congregation, i. 295. English ministers wish him raised to the Scottish throne, and married to Elizabeth, i. 459. Knox employed in removing a feud between Bothwell and, ii. 47. Lunacy of, 48.

_Articles_ of Church of England. Knox employed in revising, i. 88.

_Assembly_, Classical. See _Presbytery_.

_Assembly_, General. What, ii. 9. The first, ii. 18. Moderator of, when introduced, ii. 19. Approve of Knox’s conduct, ii. 108. Employ Knox in drawing up public papers, ii. 139‒40. Their recommendation of Knox, ii. 148. Give a commission to him, ii. 159. Order the murderer of Regent Murray to be excommunicated in all the churches of the kingdom, ii. 176‒7. Their protestation against hierarchical titles, ii. 199‒200. Knox’s letter to, ii. 200‒1. His last letter to, ii. 210. Their attention to the widow and daughters of Knox, ii. 268. Order of procedure in, ii. 301‒2.

_Athole_, Duke of. His reason for voting against the protestant Confession, i. 330.

_Augustine._ Influence of his writings on Knox, i. 13.

_Aylmer_, John. Answers Knox’s Blast, i. 220. Character of his work, i. 223‒6. His address to the bishops, i. 401. His invective against the King of France, i. 415. His sentiments respecting the English constitution, i. 433. His commendation of Knox, ii. 239.

_Ayr._ A minister early settled in, i. 283.

B

_Baillie_, Alexander. His calumnies against Knox and other reformers, ii. 326.

{467} _Baillies_ of Jerviswood. A daughter of Knox married to one of the, ii. 451.

_Balcanquhal_, Walter. Defends Knox, ii. 242.

_Bale_, Bishop. Dedicates a book to Knox, i. 236.

_Balfour_, Sir James. His conversation with Knox in the French galleys, i. 69‒70. Accessory to the murder of Darnley, ii. 340.

_Ballates._ Gude and godlie, i. 379. Similar compositions in other countries, ib.

_Ballesky_, Martin. Forfeited for reading English books, i. 364.

_Balnaves_, Sir Henry, of Halhill. An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35, 289, 360, 396. His learning and reputation, i. 50. Takes refuge in the Castle of St Andrews, i. 51. Urges Knox to become a preacher, i. 52. Composes a book on justification in the French prison, i. 71. Extracts from Knox’s dedication to it, i. 72‒5. Extracts from the book, i. 390‒6.

_Bancroft_, Dr. The first episcopalian who wrote disrespectfully of Knox, ii. 241. Davidson’s answer to, ib.

_Bannatyne_, Richard, Secretary to Knox. Discovers a MS. of Balnaves, i. 72. Knox’s request to, at the beginning of his last illness, ii. 220. His character of Knox, ii. 237‒8. His petition to the general assembly, ii. 360.

_Barron_, James. i. 196; ii. 390.

_Bassinden_, Thomas. General assembly order a book printed by him to be called in, ii. 346.

_Beatoun_, Cardinal David, archbishop of St Andrews. Appoints assassins to kill Knox, i. 38. Defeats the proposed marriage between Queen Mary and Edward VI., i. 39. His cruelties to the Reformers, i. 43. His assassination, i. 44, 382. Knox’s opinion of this, i. 47‒9, 384‒7.

_Beatoun_, James, archbishop of St Andrews. Puts Patrick Hamilton to death, i. 29‒30.

_Beatoun_, James, archbishop of Glasgow. His character of Knox, i. 181. Dispute between him and archbishop Hamilton, i. 249; ii. 292.

_Berwick._ Knox preaches at, i. 80‒1. Knox visits, i. 172, 174, 287.

_Beveridge_, ――――. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31, 355.

_Beza._ Congratulates Knox on the abolition of episcopacy, ii. 203‒4. Epistolary correspondence between Knox and, ii. 304.

_Bible_, English. Imported into Scotland, i. 32. Authorized by Parliament, i. 40. Circulation of, i. 40, 359, 360.

_Bible_, Geneva. Knox one of the translators of, i. 217.

_Blacat_, John. Pursued for heresy, i. 357.

_Blast_, First, of the Trumpet. i. 219‒26, 237, 239, 284. Knox’s explanation to Queen Mary respecting, ii. 33‒4, 356. See _Aylmer_, and _Government_, Female.

_Bodlih_, Mr. ii. 402.

_Boece_, Hector, principal of the university of Aberdeen. i. 3, 5.

{468} _Bonner_, Bishop. John Rough put to death by, i. 67. Barbarity of, i. 138. Lenity with which he was treated by Elizabeth, i. 238.

_Book of Common Order._ See _Geneva_, Order of.

_Bothwell_, Earl of. Knox employed to remove a feud between him and young Earl of Arran, ii. 47, 48. Murders the king, ii. 152. Marries the Queen, ii. 153‒4.

_Borthwick_, Lord. His reason for voting against the protestant Confession, i. 330.

_Borthwick_, Sir John. His opinion of the Reformation of Henry VIII. i. 46. Released from the pains of heresy, i. 368.

_Bowes_ of Streatlam. Pedigree of, ii. 407.

_Bowes_, Elizabeth. Favourable to the marriage between Knox and her daughter, i. 89. Letters from Knox to, i. 174, 182; ii. 374, 381, 383. Loses her husband, i. 187, 282. Further particulars of, i. 281; ii. 208, 407.

_Bowes_, Marjory. Knox married to, i. 88, 144. Knox’s letters to, intercepted, i. 118. Accompanies her husband to Geneva, i. 187. Joins her husband in Scotland, i. 281‒2. Her death, ii. 19. Knox’s letters to, ii. 379, 381. Her parentage, ii. 407.

_Bowes_, Richard. Father of Mrs Knox, i. 89.

_Bowes_, Sir Robert, brother to the former. Painful interview of Knox with, i. 115; ii. 407.

_Boyd_, Lord. Joins the Congregation, i. 263. Craves Knox’s pardon on his death‑bed, ii. 225.

_Brabner_, John. Verses on, ii. 460.

_Bradford_, John. i. 86, 109, 411‒2.

_Braid._ See _Fairley_, laird of.

_Brechin._ Early provided with a minister, i. 283. See _Chisholm_.

_Bristol._ George Wishart preaches at, i. 383.

_Brown_, John. Convicted of heresy, i. 364.

_Buchanan_, George. Studies under Major about same time with Knox, i. 7. Similarity of their sentiments, i. 8, 10. Knox’s commendation of him, i. 11. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and leaves the kingdom, i. 31. His return to Scotland, ii. 16‒17. His tribute to the regent Murray’s memory, ii. 176. Sits in the general assembly as a doctor, ii. 282. Further particulars respecting, ii. 295‒8. Calumnies of popish writers against, ii. 298, 328.

_Buchanan_, Patrick. ii. 295‒6.

_Bucer_, Martin. i. 79.

_Burne_, Nicol. His calumnies against Knox, ii. 324. Against the foreign reformers, ii. 327.

C

_Cairns_, John. A Reader in Edinburgh, ii. 52, 147, 308.

_Cairns_, Henry. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 366.

{469} _Caithness_, Robert Stewart, bishop of. Visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 226.

_Calvin_, John. High reputation of, i. 134. Respect of English reformers for, ib. Friendship between Knox and, i. 135, 142. Character of the English liturgy by, i. 145. Is displeased with Knox’s treatment at Frankfort, i. 159. Advises Knox to return to Scotland, i. 197. Difficulties which he had met with in establishing ecclesiastical discipline, ii. 3. Knox’s correspondence with, ii. 20, 302. Comparison between Knox and, ii. 260.

_Cameron_, James. Convicted of heresy, i. 367.

_Campbell_ of Kineancleugh. Accompanies Knox to Ayrshire, i. 178. And to Castle Campbell, i. 187. Is surety for Willock, i. 253, 447. Attends Knox in his last illness, ii. 229.

_Campbell_ of Loudon, Sir Hugh. i. 253.

_Cant_, Robert. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 359, 363.

_Carmichael_, Richard. Convicted of heresy, i. 365.

_Carmichael_, William. ii. 389.

_Carsewell_, John, afterwards superintendent of Argyle. Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320; ii. 7.

_Cassillis_, Earl of. Suspected by the clergy, i. 36.

_Catalogue._ Of Knox’s works, ii. 363.

_Cecil._ Correspondence between Knox and, i. 243, 284, 287; ii. 42.

_Chastelherault_, Duke of. Knox warns against his ambitious designs, i. 212. He joins the Congregation, i. 295. Knox’s freedom in pointing out his faults, i. 313. His design of excluding Mary from the throne opposed by Knox, ii. 31. He is offended at the regency being conferred on Murray, ii. 163‒4. Is made lieutenant for the Queen, ii. 164. Knox’s early suspicions of him, ii. 396. See _Arran_, Earl of.

_Chisholm_, William, Bishop of Brechin. Persecutes Wishart for teaching the Greek New Testament, i. 343.

_Christison_, John. Tried for heresy, i. 253, 257, 447‒8.

_Church_, Protestant, of Scotland. Sketch of its form of government and worship, ii. 6‒12. Danger to which it was exposed from Mary, ii. 25‒7. Inadequate provision for the ministers of, ii. 43‒4. Critical state of, ii. 140‒4. Improved state of, under Murray’s regency, ii. 159‒62. Sentiments of, respecting the difference between civil and ecclesiastical authority, ii. 345‒7.

_Clergy_, Popish, of Scotland. Knox ordained by, i. 12, 348; ii. 450. Their character before the Reformation, i. 14‒24. Persecute the reformers, i. 24, 31. Instigate James V. to proscribe the protestant nobles and gentry, i. 36. Suspect Knox of heresy, i. 37. Degrade him from the priesthood, i. 38. Their politic plan to counteract his preaching at St Andrew’s, i. 64‒5. Summon Knox before them, i. 181. Condemn him as a heretic, and burn his effigy, i. 190. Knox’s appellation from their sentence, i. 215. Panic‑struck at Knox’s return to Scotland, i. 257. Their feeble exertions to counteract the reformation, i. 320. Their pretended {470} miracle at Musselburgh, i. 321‒4. Their ignorance of Greek, i. 344. Their representations of Knox’s character, ii. 94, 235, 322‒9. And concerning his second marriage, ii. 109‒10, 329‒30. See _Council_, Provincial, and _Popery_.

_Clerk_, William. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 366.

_Cockburn_, John, of Ormiston. Places his son under Knox’s care, i. 42, 46. Is outlawed, i. 162, 360.

_Cocklaw_, Thomas, parson of Tullibody. i. 356, 358, 363.

_Colville_, Robert, of Cleish. His detection of the pretended miracle at Musselburgh, i. 322‒4; ii. 292.

_Colvin_, John. ii. 349.

_Commissioners._ See _Visitors_.

_Congregation_, The. Their pacific intentions, i. 260. Deceived by Queen Regent, i. 262. First Lords of, i. 263. Obtain assistance against the Regent from Elizabeth, i. 287‒89. Unfavourable turn in their affairs, i. 312; ii. 390. Knox reanimates them, i. 313‒15. English army arrives to assist them, i. 318; ii. 426. Their loyalty, i. 457‒60. See _Protestants_, Scottish.

_Cornaca_, Helen. Applies for the degree of Doctor in Divinity, i. 224, 435.

_Corpse‑present._ i. 23, 350‒4.

_Council_, Provincial, of Scottish clergy. Acknowledge the corruptions of the Church, i. 163. Their canons for reformation, i. 166‒7, 416‒18. Catechism published by their order, i. 167, 418‒26. Application of the protestants to, i. 250. Remonstrance by Roman Catholics to, ib. Agreement between Queen Regent and, i. 252. See _Clergy_, Popish, and _Popery_.

_Council_, Privy, of Scotland. Knox an extraordinary member of, i. 298. Knox tried before, ii. 99, 105. Suspend Knox from preaching for a time, ii. 136.

_Covenant_, Religious. The first in Scotland, entered into by protestants of Mearns, i. 179. Another subscribed by the lords, i. 226. Another by the protestants of Edinburgh, ii. 211.

_Coverdale_, Miles, bishop of Exeter. i. 372; ii. 389.

_Cowsland_, Walter. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 363.

_Cox_, Dr Richard. i. 147‒56. His sentiments concerning ceremonies, i. 400‒3.

_Craig_, John. Account of, ii. 53‒7. His account of a dispute on resistance at Bologna, ii. 126‒7. His spirited behaviour at the Queen’s marriage with Bothwell, ii. 153‒4. Leaves Edinburgh, ii. 213.

_Crail._ Knox preaches in, i. 265. Demolition of the monasteries at, i. 268.

_Cranmer_, Archbishop of Canterbury. His zeal in advancing the reformation, i. 78‒80. Employs Knox to preach at Berwick, i. 80. Disposed to carry the reformation of the English church farther, i. 400, 408‒9.

_Crichton_ of Brunston. i. 162.

_Croft_, Sir James. Knox’s interview with, at Berwick, i. 287. Employed {471} by Elizabeth to correspond with the Congregation, i. 288. His reprimand of Knox’s proposal, i. 292.

_Crossraguell_, Abbot of. See _Kennedy_, Quintin.

_Cuninghame_, Andrew, son of the Master of Glencairn. Convicted of heresy, i. 364. See _Glencairn_.

_Cupar._ The forces of the Queen Regent and Congregation meet at, i. 267, 277; ii. 388. Demolition of the Monasteries at, i. 268.

D

_Darnley_, Lord. Is married to Queen Mary, ii. 130‒1. Displeased at a sermon of Knox, ii. 135‒6. Professes himself a papist, ii. 143. Is murdered, ii. 151. Alleged plot against his life at Perth, ii. 192‒3.

_Davidson_, John. Account of Scottish martyrs by, i. 354. His answers to Bancroft, ii. 241. His Latin verses, ii. 288. Banished by Morton, ii. 349. His poem on Knox, ii. 431.

_Deacons._ Appointed at an early period of the reformation, i. 227. In the foreign churches at London, i. 406. Their office, ii. 6. Number of, in Edinburgh, ii. 53.

_Delaporte_, Mons. Knox acts as colleague to, at Dieppe, i. 203.

_Dieppe_, in France. Knox on leaving England lands at, i. 120. He visits, i. 132, 134, 136, 172, 188, 197, 236.

_Discipline_, Ecclesiastical. Scottish reformers sensible of its importance, ii. 2. Strictness of, ii. 76‒7. Strictness and impartiality of, in the church of Scotland, ii. 76, 317. Did not include civil punishments, ii. 318.

_Discipline_, First Book of. Knox one of its compilers, ii. 4. Approbation of, ii. 5. Its plan, ii. 6. Reasons of the nobility’s aversion to, ii. 12.

_Doctors._ Their office in the protestant church, ii. 6, 281‒2.

_Douglas_, Bishop Gawin. Besieges the cathedral of Dunkeld, i. 15.

_Douglas_, George. See _Angus_, Earl of.

_Douglas_, Hugh, of Langniddrie. Knox tutor to the family of, i. 38, 42, 46, 49.

_Douglas_, John. Taken into Argyle’s family as chaplain, i. 229, 232. Preaches under the name of Grant, i. 233. Presented to the archbishopric of St Andrews, ii. 198. Knox refuses to inaugurate him, ii. 204‒5. Summoned before a provincial council, ii. 421.

_Dunbar_, Gavin, archbishop of Glasgow. His sermon at Ayr, i. 16. Reformers in diocese of, ii. 292.

_Duncan_, John. Convicted of heresy, i. 362.

_Dundas_, Euphemia. Slanders Knox, ii. 93.

_Dundas_, George. An early Greek scholar, i. 343.

_Dundee._ The first town in which a protestant congregation was formed, i. 227. Protestants of, summoned, ii. 404‒5. Great zeal of, ii. 405. Knox preaches at, ii. 407.

{472} _Durham_, bishop of. See _Tonstal_.

_Durie_, John. Visits Knox in his last illness, ii. 221.

E

_Edinburgh._ Knox preaches privately in, i. 173. He preaches publicly in, i. 182. He is burned in effigy at the cross of, i. 188. A protestant church formed in, i. 227. Demolition of the monasteries at, i. 268; ii. 423. Knox chosen minister of, i. 277; ii. 424. Leaves it, i. 279. Knox resumes his ministry in, ii. 1. Knox retires from, ii. 146. Knox returns to, ii. 154. Knox forced again to leave, ii. 189. Inhabitants of, enter into a solemn league, ii. 211. Knox arrives at, ii. 212.

_Edinburgh_, Kirk Session of. Number of, ii. 53. Provide a smaller place of worship for Knox, ii. 212. Knox’s interview with, on his death‑bed, ii. 221‒3.

_Edinburgh_, Town Council of. Their attention to the support of Knox, ii. 46, 307. Provide him with a colleague, ii. 53, 57. Their proceedings respecting a slander against Knox, ii. 94, 322. Remonstrate against the suspension of Knox, ii. 137‒8.

_Edward_ VI. of England. Proposed marriage between Queen Mary and, i. 39. Knox made a chaplain to, i. 86. Offers Knox a bishopric, i. 95, 100‒1. His plan for improving the English church, i. 107, 405‒10. State of his court, i. 108. Spirited conduct of his chaplains, i. 109, 410. Last Sermon of Knox before him, i. 110. Distress of Knox at his death, i. 111. Knox’s prayer after his death, i. 412.

_Elder_, John. Convicted of heresy, i. 359.

_Elders_, Ruling. Appointed at an early period of the Reformation, i. 227. In the foreign churches in London, i. 406. Their office in the church of Scotland, ii. 6.

_Elizabeth_, Queen of England. Refuses to allow Knox to pass through England, i. 236. Her impolitic severity to the English exiles at Geneva, i. 238. Her lenity to the Papists, i. 238. Grants a safe conduct to Knox’s wife, i. 282. Knox apologizes to her for his Blast, i. 287. She resolves to assist the Congregation, i. 288‒90. Sends an army to their assistance, i. 317. Obtains advantageous terms of peace for them, i. 319. Her personal aversion to the Scottish war, i. 456. Knox’s opinion of her religious principles, ii. 148.

_England._ State of the Reformation in, under Henry VIII., i. 44‒5. Knox arrives in, i. 78. State of religion in, under Edward VI., i. 78‒9. Popery restored in, i. 118‒19. Knox leaves, i. 120. Knox’s Admonition to, i. 137, 152. Persecution in, i. 138. Exiles from, i. 141‒2. Knox visits his sons in, ii. 147. Carries a letter to the bishops of, ii. 148.

_England_, Church of. Knox’s reasons for refusing a fixed charge in, i. 98. Refuses a bishopric in, i. 100, 204. His sentiments respecting {473} the government and worship of, i. 101‒5. Private opinions of the reformers of, similar to Knox’s, i. 105‒6, 400‒5.

_England_, Privy Council of. Employ Knox to preach, i. 80. Confer on him marks of approbation, i. 90. Knox honourably acquitted by, i. 92, 95. Offer Knox the living of All Hallows, i. 98‒100. They petition Elizabeth to assist the Congregation, i. 442.

_Errol_, William Earl of. An early friend of the Reformation, i. 34, 376.

_Erskine_, Lord. Attends Knox’s sermons, i. 177. Invites him to return to Scotland, i. 196. Refuses to assist the Congregation, i. 278; ii. 425. See _Mar_, Earl of.

_Erskine_, John, of Dun. Greek language first patronised by, i. 6. Reformed sentiments embraced by, i. 35. He attends Knox’s Sermons at Edinburgh, i. 173. Takes him to Dun, i. 177. Favours the preachers, i. 233‒7, 447. Made superintendent of Angus and Mearns, ii. 7, 46. Soothes Queen Mary, ii. 90. Her good opinion of him, ii. 133. His letters to Regent Mar, ii. 346. Verses on, ii. 444.

_Exercise_, Weekly. What, ii. 8, 285. Practised in England, ib.

_Exhorters._ ii. 7.

_Exiles. Scottish, i. 369‒74.

F

_Fagius_, Paul. i. 79.

_Fairley_ of Braid. His attention to Knox during his last illness, ii. 221, 227.

_Fergusson_, David. Summoned for heresy, i. 446. Improves the Scottish language, ii. 18, 298. Knox’s recommendation to his sermon, ii. 210. Extracts from it, ii. 287‒9. His character, ii. 298‒301. Verses on, ii. 462.

_Field_, John. His commendation of Knox, ii. 240.

_Fife_, John. Embraces the reformed sentiments, i. 31. Account of, i. 371.

_Fleming_, James. Marries one of Knox’s daughters, ii. 269.

_Flescheour_, Alexander. Convicted of heresy, i. 361.

_Forman_, bishop of Murray. Says grace before the Pope, i. 19.

_Forrest_, David. Knox lodges with, ii. 46.

_Forrest_, Henry. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 354.

_Forrest_, Thomas, vicar of Dollar. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 355.

_Forrester_, Robert. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 355, 365.

_Foster_, (Forester,) William. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 365.

_Fox_, John, the martyrologist. i. 146, 156. Disapproves of Knox’s Blast, i. 219. Knox’s letter to, ii. 452.

_France._ Knox carried prisoner to, i. 67. His apology for the persecuted Protestants in, i. 200‒2. Knox preaches in, i. 202. {474} Designs of, against Scotland and England, i. 241‒2. Sends troops to the assistance of the Queen Regent, i. 283. Persecution against the Protestants in, ii. 48. Bartholomew massacre in, ii. 215‒16. Distress of Knox at this, ii. 216. His denunciation against the King of, ii. 217.

_France_, Galleys of. Knox confined in, i. 67‒8. His conduct in, i. 69, 71, 87.

_Frankfort_ on the Maine. English exiles obtain a place of worship at, i. 142. Knox called to be minister at, i. 143, 414. Dissensions about the English liturgy at, i. 144. Moderation of Knox in these, i. 146, 149. Knox accused of treason to magistrates of, i. 151. Knox leaves, i. 155. Disputes continue at, i. 156.

_Fullerton_, Adam. ii. 390.

G

_Galloway_, Bishop of. See _Gordon_.

_Galloway_, Patrick. Defends the Scottish reformers, ii. 242.

_Gardiner_, bishop of Winchester. Cruelty of, i. 138.

_Gau_, John. i. 376.

_Geneva._ Knox visits, i. 134. He studies at, i. 139. Is invited to be pastor to the English church in, i. 187. Leaves it for Scotland, i. 197. Returns to, i. 203. Knox obtains the freedom of the city, i. 236. He leaves it finally, ib. Cherishes the desire of returning to, ii. 162. See _Bible_.

_Geneva_, Church of. Knox did not derive his first ideas of ecclesiastical polity from, i. 101. Scottish church differed in some points from, i. 102.

_Geneva_, Order of. Its composition, i. 146. Time of its introduction into Scotland, i. 439. Difference between it and English liturgy, i. 440. Worship generally conducted according to it in Scotland, ii. 9.

_Gifford._ Knox supposed to have been born at, i. 1, 335.

_Giffordgate._ See _Haddington_.

_Gilby_, Anthony. i. 146, 187, 219; ii. 366‒7.

_Glasgow_, University of. Knox studies at, i. 3, 339. Extracts from records of, i. 340‒2.

_Glencairn_, Alexander, Earl of. An early friend of the Reformation, i. 34. The sacrament celebrated by Knox at his house, i. 179. Presents a letter from Knox to the Queen Regent, i. 186. Invites Knox to return to Scotland, i. 196. Remonstrates with the Queen Regent, i. 253. Comes to the assistance of the Protestants, i. 261. Visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 226. Reforms the churches at Glasgow, ii. 423.

_Glencairn_, William Earl of, father to the former. An early friend of the Reformation, i. 35. See _Cuninghame_, Andrew.

_Glenorchy_, laird of. A hearer of Knox, i. 188.

_Goodman_, Christopher. Colleague to Knox at Geneva, i. 187, 194, 219, {475} 255, 293. Comes to Scotland, i. 282; ii. 389. An extraordinary member of privy council, i. 298. Returns to England, ii. 138. Further account of, ii. 177, 331‒4. Knox’s letter to, ii. 401. Verses on, ii. 459.

_Gordon_, bishop of Galloway. One of the protestant privy counsellors, i. 298. Disappointed in his expectations of being made superintendent, ii. 80, 82. Occupies Knox’s pulpit, ii. 189. Vindicates the Queen’s authority, ib.

_Gourlay_, Norman. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 354.

_Government_, Female. Its incongruity when joined with ecclesiastical supremacy, i. 435‒6. Resolution of a committee of the Scottish parliament against, ii. 334. See _Blast_.

_Government_, Political. Influence of the Reformation on, i. 299‒303. Knox’s sentiments respecting, i. 303‒6, 460‒4.

_Grange_, Laird of. See _Kircaldy_.

_Greek_ language. Its introduction into Scotland and progress, i. 5, 6, 343‒7; ii. 315.

_Grindal_, Archbishop of Canterbury. Approves of presbyterian ordination, i. 56. His sermons before the court, i. 410‒12.

_Guillame_, Thomas. Chaplain to the Regent Arran, instructs Knox in the reformed doctrine, i. 40. Retires into England, i. 41. Verses on, ii. 456.

H

_Haddington._ Knox born in Giffordgate of, i. 1, 336. Educated at grammar school of, i. 3.

_Haddon_, James. i. 411.

_Hamilton_, Archibald. His opposition to Knox, ii. 192. His apostasy, ii. 194. His calumnies against Knox, ii. 323. His calumnies against Buchanan, ii. 297. His account of Knox’s death, ii. 351.

_Hamilton_, Gavin, abbot of Kilwinning. Intercourse between Knox and, ii. 173. His negotiations at Rome, ii. 291.

_Hamilton_, James, of Bothwelhaugh. Assassinates the Regent Murray, ii. 165‒8.

_Hamilton_, James, of Kincavil. Convicted of heresy, i. 369.

_Hamilton_, John, archbishop of St Andrews. Persecutes Knox, i. 44. Persecutes the protestants as enemies to the state, i. 161. His Catechism, i. 166, 418. His correspondence with the Earl of Argyle, i. 230. Puts Walter Mill to death, i. 232. Reconciliation between him and the Queen Regent, i. 246. Between him and archbishop Beatoun, i. 249. Opposes Knox’s preaching at St Andrew’s, i. 265; ii. 388. His sermon, i. 279. Restored to his jurisdiction by Queen Mary, ii. 149. Accessory to the Regent Murray’s murder, ii. 168. Is executed, ii. 195. Correspondence with Rome, ii. 291.

_Hamilton_, John, a secular priest. His ridiculous stories concerning the reformers, ii. 327‒9.

{476} _Hamilton_, Robert. His calumny against Knox, ii. 192.

_Hamilton_, Patrick. Reproves the corruptions of the clergy, i. 27. Travels to Germany, i. 28. Suffers martyrdom in Scotland, i. 29. Verses on, ii. 454.

_Harlow_, William. Preaches in England, i. 169. Preaches in Scotland, i. 170, 233. Tried for heresy, i. 253, 257, 447‒8. Becomes minister of the West Kirk, ii. 52, 347.

_Harrison_, James. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and leaves Scotland, i. 31. Account of, i. 374.

_Hay_, George. His answer to the abbot of Crossraguell’s mass, ii. 62, 64, 313‒16. Verses on, ii. 462.

_Hay_, Andrew. Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320.

_Hay_, James. Convicted of heresy, i. 361.

_Hebrew_ language. Knox acquires the knowledge of, i. 6, 139. Studied in Scotland, ii. 15, 291‒5.

_Henderson_, Henry, (master of the grammar school of Edinburgh). Suffers martyrdom, i. 359.

_Henry VIII._ of England. Presses the marriage of his son and the Queen of Scots, i. 39. His partial reformation disliked by the Scottish reformers, i. 44‒6.

_Hepburn_, John, prior. Storms the episcopal Castle of St Andrews, i. 15.

_Herries_, Lord. See _Maxwell_.

_Herriot_, Adam, a friar of St Andrews. Joins the reformed preachers, i. 319‒20.

_Hickman_, Mr. i. 114; ii. 394.

_Hooper_, Bishop. i. 149, 400‒1.

_Hope_, Edward. ii. 390.

_Hume_, Mr. His remarks on Knox’s account of the assassination of Beatoun, i. 384‒7. His representation of the rudeness of Scotland, ii. 17. His misrepresentations of the Scottish reformers, ii. 247‒8. His account of the conduct of Knox to Mary, ii. 319‒22.

_Huncan_, (Duncan?) James. Convicted of heresy, i. 359.

_Huntly_, Earl of. His insurrection, ii. 58.

_Hutcheson_, Sir John. Convicted of heresy, i. 367.

J

_James V._ Refuses to proscribe the protestants, i. 35. Persecution during the reign of, i. 354‒67. Letter against heresy in Aberdeen by, ii. 427.

_James VI._ Knox preaches at coronation of, ii. 155. His prejudices against the Scottish reformers, ii. 241‒3. Conversation between him and one of Knox’s daughters, ii. 273‒4.

_Jameson_, Margaret. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 366.

_Jerome._ Influence of his writings on Knox, i. 13.

{477}

_Jewel_, Bishop. His opinion of episcopacy and ceremonies, i. 301, 303. Disapproves of Knox’s book on female government, ii. 396.

_Johnston_ of Elphingston. ii. 228.

_Johnston_, John. Writer in Edinburgh, ii. 390.

_Johnston, St._ See _Perth_.

_Johnston_, William, advocate. An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35.

_Jonston_, John, of St Andrew’s. His verses on Scottish Reformers, ii. 454‒62.

K

_Kennedy_, Quintin. His answer to Knox’s defence before Tonstal, i. 398. His Compendious Tractive, ii. 60. Challenges Willock to a dispute on the Mass, ii. 62. Dispute between Knox and, ii. 62‒73. Farther account of his writings, ii. 311‒16. See _Hay_, George.

_Kennedy_, Quintin. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 355, 376.

_Ker_, Sir Andrew, of Fadounside. Marries Knox’s widow, ii. 269, 352, 356.

_Kethe_, William. ii. 331‒2.

_Kilmaurs_, Lord. See _Glencairn_, Alexander.

_Kineancleugh._ See _Campbell_.

_Kircaldy_, William, of Grange. An active agent of the Congregation, i. 284. Excommunicated for the slaughter of Cardinal Beatoun, i. 360. Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh for the Regent, ii. 180. His defection, ii. 181. Knox involved in a personal quarrel with, ii. 182‒3. Offers Knox a guard, ii. 188. Knox’s dying message to, ii. 224. Knox’s testimony to his former zeal, ii. 393.

_Knollys_, Sir Francis. His account of the protestant worship in Scotland, i. 440.

_Knox_, Sir Francis, father of the Reformer. His parentage, and situation in life, i. 2, 337‒8.

_Knox_, Eleazar, son to the Reformer. Account of, ii. 209, 268.

_Knox_, Elizabeth, the Reformer’s daughter. Her fortitude at her husband’s trial, ii. 269, 271. Conversation between James VI. and, ii. 273‒4. Her testament, ii. 417. See _Welch_.

_Knox_, Margaret, the Reformer’s daughter. ii. 269.

_Knox_, Martha, the Reformer’s daughter. ii. 269.

_Knox_, Nathanael, son to the Reformer. Account of, ii. 209, 268.

_Knox_, Paul. ii. 416.

_Knox_, William, brother to the Reformer, and minister of Cockpen. i. 90‒1.

_Knox_, of Ranferly. i. 2, 235, 237.

_Kyd_, Thomas. Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362.

_Kyllor_, a friar. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 355, 376.

{478} L

_Laing_, James. His calumnies against Knox, ii. 325‒6. And against other reformers, ii. 326‒9.

_Lambert_ of Avignon. Patrick Hamilton studies under him at Marburg, i. 29.

_Lambert_, John. Degraded from the priesthood, i. 363.

_Langniddrie, chapel at._ Called Knox’s Kirk, i. 43. See _Douglas_, Hugh.

_Lasco_, John A. Character of, i. 406. His account of the foreign churches in London, i. 406‒8. His account of Edward VI.’s plan for the gradual reformation of the church of England, i. 408‒10.

_Latin._ Schools in Scotland, i. 4, 5.

_Latimer_, Bishop. i. 88, 109, 411.

_Lawson_, James, sub‑principal of the University of Aberdeen. Chosen colleague to Knox, ii. 214. Knox’s letter of invitation to, ii. 214‒15. Knox preaches for the last time at the admission of, ii. 217‒18. Teaches Hebrew at St Andrew’s, ii.294. His exertions in establishing the High School of Edinburgh, ii. 295. Verses on, ii. 461.

_Leith._ Queen Regent takes possession of, i. 277. Fortified by Regent Lennox, ii. 190. Convention at, ii. 198.

_Lennox_, Earl of. Made Regent, ii. 181. Is killed, ii. 196‒7.

_Leslie_, Normand. i. 161, 360.

_Lethington._ See _Maitland_, William.

_Level_, George. ii. 389.

_Lever_, Thomas. i. 411.

_Lewis XIII._ of France. Interview between John Welch and, ii. 271‒2.

_Liberty_, civil. Popery unfriendly to, i. 299. Influence of the reformation on, i. 301. Knox attached to, i. 303.

_Lindores_, Abbey of. i. 270; ii. 389.

_Lindsay_, Lord. ii. 226, 341.

_Lindsay_, Sir David, of the Mount. An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. Influence of his poems on the reformation, i. 49, 210, 377, 382. Urges Knox to become a preacher, i. 52.

_Literature_, State of. In Scotland, i. 3‒6. Influence of the reformation on, ii. 10, 13‒14. See _Greek_ and _Hebrew_.

_Liturgy_, English. Knox employed in the revisal of, i. 87, 399. Dissensions at Frankfort about, i. 4‒60. Opinion of early bishops concerning, i. 402. Whether used in Scotland at the beginning of the reformation, i. 437‒41.

_Liturgy_, Knox’s. See _Geneva_, Order of.

_Locke_, Mr. Knox lodges in the house of, i. 114, 195.

_Locke_, Mrs Anne. Knox’s letters to, i. 255; ii. 387‒394.

{479} _Logie_, Gawin, principal of St Leonard’s college. An early reformer, i. 30. Leaves the kingdom, i. 31, 369.

_Logie_, Robert. i. 370.

_London._ Knox summoned to, i. 93. Preaches in, i. 95‒7.

_Lorn_, Lord. See _Argyle_, young Earl of.

_Lovell_, or _Levell_, George. i. 253, 357, 446‒8; ii. 389.

_Lovell_, James. Convicted of heresy, i. 366.

_Lowett_, (Lovell?) George. Pursued for heresy, i. 357.

_Luther._ Anecdotes of, i. 20, 100. His apologies, i. 285. Comparison between Knox and, ii. 260.

M

_Macbee_, (_Maccabæus_,) John. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave the kingdom, i. 31. Made professor at Copenhagen, i. 372. His proper name, M‘Alpine, i. 373. Verses on, ii. 440.

_Macbray_, (Macbraire,) John. An early reformer, i. 31, 373, 414; ii. 292.

_Macdowal_, John. An early reformer, i. 81, 373.

_Maitland_, Thomas. Author of a fabricated conference between Knox and the Regent Murray, ii. 174. Insults over the Regent’s death, ii. 175.

_Maitland_, William, of Lethington. Attends Knox’s sermons at Edinburgh, i. 173. Reasoning between Knox and, i. 175; ii. 42‒3, 112‒28. His conduct at Knox’s trial, ii. 98, 105. Defends Knox’s prayers, ii. 138. His defection from the Regent Murray, ii. 167, 223‒4.

_Major_, John. Knox’s education under, i. 7, 339. Political and religious sentiments of, i. 7‒9. Present at Knox’s first sermon, i. 61.

_Mar_, Countess of. ii. 12.

_Mar_, Earl of. Made Regent, ii. 196. His death, ii. 226. See _Erskine_, Lord.

_Marischal_, Earl. Suspected by the clergy, i. 36. Favours Knox, i. 183. Remains neutral in the contest between Queen Regent and the Congregation, i. 263. Knox sends salutations to him, ii. 401.

_Marsiliers_, Pierre de. Teaches Greek at Montrose, i. 345.

_Martyrs_, Scottish. i. 354‒369.

_Martyr_, Peter. i. 78‒9.

_Mary_, Queen of England. Proclaimed, i. 112. His prayer for, i. 113, 412. Her cruelty, i. 138. This promotes the reformation in Scotland, i. 169. Manner in which the English Exiles spoke of, i. 415.

_Mary_, of Guise, Queen Dowager of Scotland. Her intriguing spirit, i. 39. Favours the Reformers, i. 168. The protestant barons petition her, i. 233. Her dissimulation, i. 245‒6, 257. {480} Prohibits the protestant preachers, i. 252. Summons them to Stirling, i. 254. Proclaims Knox an outlaw, i. 256. Advances with an army to Perth, i. 260. Violates the treaty of Perth, i. 262; ii. 387. Offers a reward for Knox’s head, i. 294. Knox advises her suspension, i. 297. Reflections on this, i. 298. Her death, i. 318‒19. Remarks on Dr Robertson’s account of her conduct, i. 444.

_Mary_, Queen of Scots. Her proposed marriage with Edward VI. defeated, i. 39. Married to the Dauphin, i. 39, 77. Refuses to ratify the acts of Scots Parliament, ii. 21. Arrives in Scotland, ii. 22. Her education, and prejudices against the protestant religion, ib. Popular alarm at her setting up mass, ii. 24. Resolves to punish Knox, ii. 30. Interview between Knox and, ii. 31‒40. Second interview between Knox and, ii. 48‒52. Third interview between Knox and, ii. 77‒82. Her artifice, ii. 82‒3. Prevails on the Parliament not to ratify the reformed religion, ii. 83‒5. Fourth interview between Knox and, ii. 88‒92. Her conduct at Knox’s trial by the Council, ii. 95‒106. Writes to the Pope, and Council of Trent, ii. 110‒11. Knox’s form of prayer for, ii. 113‒16. Marries Lord Darnley, ii. 130‒1. Resolves on restoring the Popish worship, ii. 143, 305. Banishes Knox from Edinburgh, ii. 147. Restores archbishop Hamilton, ii. 149. Her alienation from her husband, ii. 151. Her participation in the murder of her husband, ii. 150‒2. Her marriage with Bothwell, ii. 153‒4. Her imprisonment and resignation, ii. 154‒5. Knox vindicates his not praying for her, ii. 185.

_Maxwell_, Master of. i. 440; ii. 98.

_Melville_, Andrew. i. 345; ii. 242, 295.

_Melville_, Sir James. Strictures on his memoirs, i. 445. On his account of Regent Murray, ii. 338, 341.

_Melville_, James. His account of Knox’s pulpit eloquence, ii. 205‒6.

_Melville_, Sir John, of Raith. An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. Is executed, i. 162.

_Methven_, Paul. One of the protestant ministers, i. 233, 253, 447‒8. Excommunicated, ii. 74‒6.

_Mill_, Walter. His martyrdom, i. 231.

_Milton_, John. His eulogy of Knox, i. 464.

_Monasteries_, Scottish. Their number and degeneracy, i. 17‒18, 348‒9. Causes of their demolition at Perth, i. 257, 268. Apology for this measure, i. 270‒6. Lamentation over, i. 449. Loss sustained by their demolition, i. 450‒6.

_Monteith_, Earl of. Joins the Congregation, i. 263, ii. 423.

_Montgomery_, Robert. Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320.

_Montrose._ Greek early taught in, i. 6, 343. Early provided with a minister, i. 283.

_Morrison_, John. i. 56.

_Morton_, Earl of. Accused of simony, ii. 198. His interview with Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 225‒6. Elected Regent, ii. 226. His eulogium on Knox, ii. 234. His attention to Knox’s family, ii. 268.

{481} _Murray_, Earl of. In favour with Mary, ii. 58. Variance between Knox and, ii. 85‒6. Endeavours to intimidate Knox, ii. 98. Defends Knox, ii. 107. Is outlawed, ii. 132‒3. Returns from banishment, ii. 145. Appointed Regent, ii. 157. His favour to the protestant church, ii. 160‒1. Is assassinated, ii. 165, 167. His character, ii. 168‒70. Distress of Knox at his death, ii. 172‒4. Fabricated conference between Knox and, ii. 174. Knox’s sermon before his funeral, ii. 177. Remarks on Dr Robertson’s character of, ii. 335‒43. Epitaph, and verses on, ii. 343‒5. Prayer used by Knox after the death of, ii. 402. Letter to General Assembly by, ii. 404. See _Stewart_, Lord James.

_Murray_, Patrick, of Tibbermuir. i. 447.

_Murray_, Sir William, of Tullybardine. ii. 355.

N

_Newcastle_ upon Tyne. Knox preaches at, i. 83, 86, 95. Knox offered the bishopric of, i. 100.

_Northumberland_, Duke of. Offended at Knox, i. 92‒3.

O

_Ochiltree_, Lord. Knox marries the daughter of, ii. 109. See _Stewart_, Walter, and Margaret.

_Ormiston_, Laird of. See _Cockburn_.

P

_Parliament_, Scottish. Protestant confession ratified by, i. 328‒31. Their indifference about the security of the protestant religion, ii. 83. Knox prepares overtures for, ii. 158, 334. Receives a commission from, ii. 159. See _Bible_ and _Reformation_.

_Parkhurst_, Bishop. i. 171, 400‒4.

_Paterson_, John. Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362.

_Paterson_, Robert. Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362.

_Patritz_, John. i. 233.

_Perth._ Demolition of monasteries at, i. 257. Queen Regent threatens, i. 260. Violates the treaty of, i. 262; ii. 387. A minister settled in, i. 283. Hebrew first taught at, ii. 16, 293. Verses on the grammar school of, ii. 294. See _Simson_, Andrew.

_Pillour_, Laurence. Convicted of heresy, i. 359.

_Pitmilly_, Laird of. i. 360.

_Pittarrow_, Laird of. See _Wishart_, Sir John.

_Poetry._ Its influence in promoting the reformation, i. 33‒4, 374‒380.

_Ponet_, Bishop. Similarity of his political sentiments to Knox’s, ii. 333.

_Pont_, Robert. ii. 269, 285. Extracts from his sermons, ii. 289. Account of, ii. 347‒8, 356, 406.

_Popery._ State of, in Scotland, i. 14. Sanguinary spirit of, ii. 26‒7, 306‒7. Preparations for its restoration in Scotland, ii. 143.

{482} _Portfield_, ――――. ii. 406.

_Presbytery._ Early state of, ii. 8, 9.

_Preston_, Dr. Attends Knox in his last illness, ii. 229, 231.

_Prophesying._ See _Exercise_, Weekly.

_Protestant_ Lords. Invite Knox to return from Geneva, i. 196. Repent of this, i. 197. Knox animates them by his letters, i. 198. His advice to them respecting resistance, i. 212‒14. Renew their invitation to Knox, i. 226. Petition the Queen Regent, i. 233, 441. Resolve on decisive measures, i. 263. Their aversion to the Book of Discipline, ii. 12, 13.

_Protestant_ Preachers. Summoned to Stirling, i. 254. Knox resolves to accompany them, i. 256. Outlawed, i. 257. Released, i. 277. Their exertions during the civil war, i. 319. Their increase, i. 320.

R

_Randolph_, the English ambassador. His account of Knox’s preaching, ii. 41. His letter respecting Knox’s History, ii. 359. Knox’s confidential communications with, ii. 402.

_Readers._ Their temporary employment, ii. 6, 282.

_Reformation_ in Scotland. Urgent necessity of, i. 24‒5. Causes of its progress, i. 32, 34. Early embraced by nobles and gentry, i. 35. Spreads in the University of St Andrews, i. 30, 37. Laws against, i. 37‒8, 163. Embraced by Knox, i. 38. Languishing state of, i. 160‒68. Causes of its revival, i. 168‒71. Progress of, i. 190, 226. Its influence on civil liberty, i. 301‒14. Established by Parliament, i. 330. Knox’s History of, ii. 358. See _Church_, Protestant.

_Reformers_, English. Approve of Knox’s call to the ministry, i. 55. Dislike many things in their ecclesiastical establishment, i. 105, 400‒5. Their opinion of Knox, ii. 239‒40.

_Religion._ Corrupt form of it in Scotland before the Reformation, i. 14‒24.

_Resistance_ to civil rulers. Knox’s advice respecting, i. 212‒4. Doctrine of the New Testament respecting, i. 308‒12. Knox vindicates it before Queen Mary, ii. 35‒6. Debate between Knox and Maitland concerning, ii. 117‒25. Craig’s account of a dispute on, at Bologna, ii. 126‒7. See _Government_, Political.

_Richardson_, Robert. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave Scotland, i. 31. Account of, i. 374.

_Ridley_, Bishop. His testimony to Knox, i. 411. ii. 240.

_Rizzio_, David. Assassination of, ii. 144.

_Robertson_, Dr. Remarks on his account of the Queen Regent’s conduct to the protestants, i. 444. On his character of Queen Mary, ii. 248‒9. On his character of Regent Murray, ii. 335‒43.

_Robeson_, John. Convicted of heresy, i. 358.

{483} _Rollock_, George. ii. 389.

_Rollock_, James. Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 359, 365.

_Rollock_, Richard. Convicted of heresy, i. 362.

_Rothes_, Earl of. Joins the Congregation, i. 263; ii. 423.

_Rough_, John. A friar, embraces the Reformation, i. 51‒2. His solemn charge to Knox to undertake the ministry, i. 53. Knox assists him in a dispute, i. 58. Summoned before the clergy, i. 62. Is martyred in England, i. 67. Verses on, ii. 456.

_Row_, John. Account of, ii. 15. Teaches Hebrew at Perth, ii. 16. Further account of, ii. 291‒3. Verses on, ii. 461.

_Row_, son to the above. His early proficiency in Hebrew, ii. 294. His epitaph, ii. 301.

_Russel_, Jerom. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 355.

_Ruthven_, Lilias, daughter to Lord Ruthven. An early favourer of the Reformation, i. 35.

_Ruthven_, Lord. An early favourer of the Reformation, i. 35.

_Ruthven_, Lord, son to the former. Joins the Congregation, i. 263. His son visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 226.

S

_Sadler_, Sir Ralph. Ambassador from Henry VIII., i. 45. Carries on the correspondence with the Congregation, i. 288. Greek motto of, i. 344.

_Sandilands_, Sir James. An early favourer of the Reformation, i. 35. Knox dispenses the sacrament in the house of, i. 176. A petition to the Queen Regent presented by, i. 234, 441.

_Seatoun_, Alexander. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave Scotland, i. 31. Account of, i. 370.

_Scotland._ State of literature in, at commencement of the Reformation, i. 3‒6. State of Religion in, i. 14‒24.

_Scottish language_, cultivation of. By the reformers, ii. 18, 298.

_Scrimger_, Henry. i. 346.

_Session_, Kirk. What, ii. 8.

_Session_, Court of. Robert Pont one of the judges of, ii. 347.

_Simson_, Andrew, master of the grammar school of Perth. i. 5. Anecdote respecting the scholars of, i. 377. See _Dunbar_.

_Simson_, Duncan. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 354, 357, 363.

_Simson_, Patrick. Teaches Greek at Spot, i. 346.

_Sinclair._ The name of Knox’s mother, i. 2.

_Sinclair_, Bishop of Ross. Informs against Knox, ii. 97. Votes for his acquittal, ii. 105.

_Smeton_, Thomas. His learning, i. 347. His account of Knox’s last illness and death, ii. 219. His character of Knox, ii. 238‒9. His Hebrew literature, ii. 295.

_Somerset_, Protector of England. His fall lamented by Knox, i. 92.

{484} _Somerville_, Lord. His vote against protestant confession, i. 330.

_Spotswood_, John. Favours the Reformation, i. 177. Joins the preachers, i. 320. Made superintendent of Lothian, ii. 7, 47.

_Spotswood_, Archbishop. His commendation of Knox, ii. 244. His account of the Book of Discipline, ii. 283‒4.

_Stewart_, Archibald. Visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 221.

_Stewart_, Lord James, Prior of St Andrews. Attends Knox’s sermons, i. 177. Invites Knox to return to Scotland, i. 196. Joins the Congregation, i. 263‒4. Proofs of his loyalty, i. 458. Created Earl of Murray, ii. 58. See _Murray_, Earl of.

_Stewart_, John, son to Lord Methven. An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. Convicted of heresy, i. 367.

_Stewart_, Margaret, daughter of Lord Ochiltree. Married to Knox, ii. 109, 220, 268, 410, 415. Married to Sir A. Ker of Fadounside, ii. 268, 353. Copy of Knox’s letters in her possession, ii. 372.

_Stewart_, Walter, son to Lord Ochiltree. Convicted of heresy, i. 360, 362.

_Stewart_, William. Translator for the kirk, ii. 355.

_Stirling._ Demolition of the monasteries at, i. 268; ii. 425. A minister early settled in, i. 283.

_Story_, Dr. His defence of Mary’s persecution, i. 239.

_Straiton_, David. Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. Account of, i. 353, 358, 363.

_Straiton_, of Lauriston. An early friend of the Reformation, i. 35.

_Sudderland_, Nicoll. ii. 406.

_Superintendents._ Bishops so called in England, i. 401. Their office in the foreign churches in London, i. 406. Difference between diocesan bishops and, ii. 283‒4.

_Switzerland._ Knox visits, i. 132.

_Syme_, James. i. 173, 196.

_Synods_, Provincial. What, ii. 9

T

_Testament_ of Knox. ii. 410‒16.

_Testament_ of Mrs Welch. ii. 417.

_Throkmorton_, Sir Nicholas. i. 281, 457; ii. 157.

_Thou_, De. His character of Regent Murray, ii. 341‒2.

_Tonstal_, Bishop of Durham. Character of, i. 81‒2, 238. Knox’s defence before, i. 83‒4, 395‒9.

_Tremellius_, Emanuel. i. 79.

_Tulchan_ Bishops. ii. 200.

_Tyrie_, John. Knox’s answer to, ii. 207‒9.

V

_Vaus_, John, rector of the school of Aberdeen. i. 4, 5.

{485} _Venable_, John. Reformer of Dieppe, i. 203.

_Visitors_ of churches. What, ii. 7.

W

_Wallace_, Adam. His martyrdom, i. 162; ii. 292.

_Wannand_, Alexander. Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362.

_Wedderburn_, James. Author of satires against the popish clergy, i. 376. Verses on, ii. 457.

_Wedderburn_, Gilbert. Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362.

_Wedderburn_, John. Convicted of heresy, i. 358‒9.

_Wedderburn_, John and Robert. Authors of Psalms and Godly Ballads, i. 378. Verses on, ii. 457.

_Welch_, John. Marries one of Knox’s daughters, ii. 269. Is found guilty of treason, ii. 270‒1. Interview between Lewis XIII. and, ii. 272. See _Knox_, Elizabeth.

_Whitlaw_, Alexander, of Greenrig. i. 282, 287; ii. 394.

_Whittingham_, Dean of Durham. Ordained at Geneva, i. 56. A friend of Knox, i. 146, 153. Successor to Knox at Geneva, i. 197. Eulogium on him by the Earl of Warwick, i. 432‒3.

_Williams._ See _Guillaume_.

_Willock-, John. Returns to Scotland, i. 170. Preaches privately, i. 171, 173. Leaves Scotland, i. 175. Returns and joins the protestant preachers, i. 233. Tried for heresy, i. 253, 257, 447‒8. Officiates for Knox in Edinburgh, i. 279. His advice respecting the suspension of the Queen Regent, i. 297. Made a member of the extraordinary Privy Council, i. 298. His stipend, i. 308, ii. 355. Made superintendent of Glasgow, ii. 7. Goes to England, ii. 177. Calumny against, ib. Pretended conversation between Knox and, ii. 316. Verses on, ii. 459.

_Wingate_, (Winzet,) Ninian. Knox’s controversy with, ii. 73.

_Winchester_ of Kinglassie, George. Convicted of heresy, i. 162, 367.

_Winram_, John, Sub‑prior of St Andrews. Connives at the reformed opinions, i. 30. His cautious behaviour, i. 62. Joins the reformers, i. 319. Made superintendent of Fife, i. 424; ii. 7. His Catechism, i. 424. Verses on, ii. 460.

_Wishart_, George. Banished for teaching the Greek New Testament, i. 47, 343. Returns to Scotland, i. 41. Knox attends, i. 42. Is outlawed, i. 360. Account of him by one of his scholars, i. 380. Bears a fagot at Bristol, i. 383. Translates the Swiss confession, i. 384. Verses on, ii. 456.

_Wishart_, Sir John, of Pittarrow, brother to the former. Knox writes to, i. 200. Made comptroller, ii. 44, 96, 354. Knox’s letter to, ii. 400. Davidson’s dedication to, ii. 431.

_Wood_, John, Secretary to the Regent Murray. Is assassinated, ii. 166. Knox’s letters to, ii. 395, 397.

{486} Z

_Zuinglius._ His influence with the senate of Zurich, ii. 13. Comparison between Knox and, ii. 260.

THE END.

EDINBURGH: PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY, PAUL’S WORK, CANONGATE.

FOOTNOTES

—

1 – Knox, Historie, p. 236.

2 – “Ult. Mart. 1560. Margaret Aidnam askit God and the Congregatioun forgiveness of the adultery committed be her w{t} William Rantoun, publiclie in the paroche kirke of this town: John Knox beand at that tyme minister.” Records of the Kirk Session of St Andrews.

3 – Records of Town Council of Edinburgh, May 8, 1560.

4 – Knox, Historie, p. 238.

5 – Knox, Historie, p. 237.

6 – Beza, Vita Calvini. Melch. Adami Vitæ Exter. Theolog. p. 70, 88. Persons unfriendly to the government of the reformed churches, have represented the opposition made to Calvin and his brethren, as arising from their attempts to have their discipline established by human laws, and supported by civil penalties. This is an unfair representation of the case. “Neque enim consentaneum est,” says Calvin, “ut qui monitionibus nostris obtemperare noluerint, eos ad magistratum deferamus.” Institut. Christ. Relig. p. 434. Ludg. Batav. 1654. The dispute between him and his opponents turned on this question, Are ministers obliged to administer the sacraments to those whom they judge unworthy? Or, (which amounts to the same thing,) Are the decisions of the church‑court in such matters to be reviewed and reversed by the civil court? Melch. Adam. ut supra. And this will be found to have been the true state of the question in Scotland, in the greater part of the dissensions between the court and the church, after the establishment of the Reformation.

7 – Knox, Historie, p. 237, 256.

8 – The names of the ministers who composed the Confession of Faith, and the Book of Discipline, were John Winram, John Spotswood, John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox. Ibid. p. 256.

9 – Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p.12, 16, 17. It is probable that the meeting of assembly by which the Book of Discipline was approved, was that which Knox calls a convention, held on the 5th of January, 1561. Historie, p. 261, 295. The first General Assembly appointed a meeting to be held at that time. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 3. MS. in Advocates’ Library. But there is no account of its proceedings in that or in any other register which I have had access to see. In the copy of the First Book of Discipline, published (by Calderwood, I believe) in 1621, p. 23, 70; and in Dunlop’s Confessions, vol. ii. p. 517, 605, it is said, that the order for compiling it was given on the 29th of April, 1560, and that it was finished by them on the 20th of May following. But, as the civil war was not then concluded, I have followed the account given by Knox, who says, that it was undertaken subsequently to the meeting of parliament in August that year. Historie, p. 256.

10 – In Dunlop’s Collect. of Confessions, ii. 436, the approbation of it is styled an act of secret council, 25th January, 1560, _i.e._ 1561.

11 – Knox, Historie, p. 256, 257, 295, 296. Keith, 496, 497. Dunlop, ii. 606‒608.

12 – The General Assembly had, at different times, under their consideration the appointment of superintendents for Jedburgh, Dumfries, Aberdeen, and Banff; but came to no conclusion. Those actually appointed were, John Erskine of Dun for Angus; John Winram for Fife; John Spotswood for Lothian; John Willock for Glasgow; and John Carswell for Argyle. Keith’s Hist. p. 511, 512, 518‒9. Carswell is not mentioned, among the superintendents, in a curious document recently printed; but it contains no list of the ministers in Argyle. Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Readers, and of their Stipends, after the period of the Reformation, p. 1, 2, Edinburgh, 1830.

13 – Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 524, 526, 545, 577, 638, 639.

14 – Dunlop, ii. 526. Imposition of hands was afterwards appointed to be used by the Second Book of Discipline. Ibid. 768‒9.

15 – Knox, Historie, p. 263‒266.

16 – For an illustration of some of these facts, see Note A.

17 – First Book of Discipline, chap. vii. Dunlop, ii. 547‒561.

18 – Knox mentions Lord Erskine, (afterwards Earl of Mar,) as one of the chief noblemen who refused to subscribe the discipline, and assigns two reasons for his refusal; first, “he hes a very Jesabell to his wife,” and second, “if the pure, the scullis, and the ministry of the kirk, had thair awin, his kitcheing wald want twa partes and mair of that quhilk he now injustly possesses.” Historie, p. 256. My Lady Mar’s passion for money was well known at that time, and is referred to in Lord Thirlstane’s “Admonitioun to my Lord of Mar Regent,” published in Ancient Scottish Poems from Maitland MS. p. 164. Lond. 1786:

“Nor, to content thy marrow’s covatice, Put not thyself in perrell for to pereis.”

19 – Hess, Life of Zuingle, p. 201‒207. Gerdes. i. 309.

20 – See Note B.

21 – See vol. i. p. 321.

22 – Row’s MS. Historie, ut sup. p. 308, 356, 372. See also Note C.

23 – See Note D.

24 – Hume, History of England, vol. v. chap. 38, p. 51. Lond. 1807.

25 – Row’s MS. p. 372.

26 – See Note E.

27 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 2. MS. Adv. Lib. Keith, 498.

28 – See Note F.

29 – Knox, Historie, p. 260.

30 – Preface to a Letter, added to An Answer to a Letter of a Jesuit, named Tyrie, he Johne Knox.――Sanctandrois――Anno Do. 1572.

31 – Calvini Epistolæ, p. 150: Oper. tom. ix. “Viduitas tua mihi, ut debet, tristis et acerba est. Uxorem nactus eras cui non reperiuntur passim similes,” &c. In a letter to Christopher Goodman, written at the same time, Calvin says, “Fratrem nostrum Knoxum, etsi non parum doleo suavissima uxore fuisse privatum, gaudeo tamen ejus morte non ita fuisse afflictum, quin strenue operam suam Christo et ecclesiæ impendat.” Ibid. Calvin had lost his own wife in 1549. Epistolæ et Responsa, p. 212‒3, 225. Hanov. 1597.

32 – See Note G.

33 – Knox, 257, 258. Buchanan, i. 326, 327. Spotswood, 150, 151. Keith, 154, 157.

34 – Knox, 260.

35 – Mr Hume’s letter, printed in the Life of Dr Robertson: History of Scotland, vol. i. 25. Lond. 1809. Anderson’s Collections, vol. iv. part i. p. 71, 72, 74, 79.

36 – “How sone that ever her French fillokes, fidlars, and utheris of that band, gat the hous alone, thair mycht be sene skipping not veray comelie for honest women. Her comune talk was in secrete, that sche saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, quhilk repugned altogidder to her nature, for sche was brocht up in joyeusetie.” Knox, Historie, p. 294.

37 – See Note H.

38 – Knox, Historie, p. 284‒287.

39 – See Note I.

40 – Knox, Historie, p. 341.

41 – Knox, Historie, p. 282, 283, 285, 287.

42 – Several of the above considerations, along with others, are forcibly stated in a letter of Maitland to Cecil, written a short time before Queen Mary’s arrival in Scotland. Keith, App. 92‒95. That sagacious, but supple politician was among the first to verify some of his own predictions. That such fears were very general in the nation appears also from a letter of Randolph. Robertson, Append. No. 5.

43 – Histoire du Calvinisme et celle du Papisme mises en Parellele; ou Apologie pour les Reformateurs, pour la Reformation, et pour les Reformez, tome i. p. 334. A Rotterdam, 1683, 4to. The affirmation of this writer is completely supported by the well‑known history of Henry IV. of France, (not to mention other instances,) whose recantation of Calvinism, although it smoothed his way to the throne, could not efface the indelible stigma of his former heresy, secure the affections of his Roman catholic subjects, or avert from his breast the consecrated poniard of the assassin.

44 – Randolph to Cecil, 9th Aug. 1561, apud Robertson’s Scotland, Appendix, No. 5, and Keith, p. 190. A letter of Maitland to Cecil, of the same date with the above, seems to refer to the same design; and I shall take the opportunity of correcting (what appears to me) an error in the transcription of this letter. “I wish to God,” says Maitland, “the first warre may be planely intended _against them by Knox_, for so shold it be manifest that the suppressing of religion was ment; but I fear more she will proceed tharunto by indirect means. And nothing for us so dangerouse as temporising.” Haynes, p. 367. This seems altogether unintelligible; but if the words which I have printed in Italics be transposed, and read thus, “by them against Knox,” they will make sense, and correspond with the strain of the letter, and with the fact mentioned by Randolph, in his letter to Cecil written on the same day. Maitland expresses his fears that Mary would have recourse to crafty measures for undermining their cause, instead of persevering in the design which she had avowed of prosecuting Knox.

45 – Knox, Historie, p. 269.

46 – Ibid. p. 262.

47 – Keith, 188.

48 – Knox, Historie, p. 287‒292.

49 – Ibid. p. 292.

50 – Knox, Historie, p. 292. Keith, 197.

51 – Letter, Knox to Cecil, 7th October, 1561: Haynes, State Papers, p. 372.

52 – Randolph’s letter, in Keith, 188. In this letter, the ambassador states some circumstances as to the first interview between the queen and the Reformer, which are not mentioned in Knox’s History. He “knocked so hastily upon her heart, that he made her to weep, as well you know there be some of that sex that will do that as well for anger as for grief; though in this the lord James will disagree with me. He concluded so in the end with her, that he hath liberty to speak his conscience, [and] to give unto her such reverence as becometh the ministers of God unto the superior powers.”

53 – Haynes, 372. An epistolary correspondence was at this time maintained between secretary Cecil and our Reformer. Keith, 191, 192, 194. Robertson, Append. No. 5.

54 – Knox, Historie, p. 295‒6.

55 – Keith, App. 175‒179. Knox, 296‒300.

56 – The privy council appointed certain persons to fix the sums which were to be appropriated to the court and to the ministry, and also the particular salaries which were to be allotted to individual ministers, according to the circumstances in which they were placed. The officers appointed for this purpose composed a board or court, under the privy council, and was called the court of modification.

57 – “So busie,” says he, “and circumspect wer the modificators, (because it was a new office, the terme must also be new,) that the ministers should not be over‑wantoun, that an hundred merks was sufficient to an single man, being a commone minister: thre hundreth merks was the hiest apoynted to any, except the superintendents and a few utheris.” Historie, 301. “Mr Knox is not at all here diminishing the sum,” says Keith; “for the original books of assignation to the ministers, which now ly before me, ascertain the truth of what he says,” p. 508. Wishart of Pittarrow, who was comptroller of the modification, pinched the ministers so much that it became a proverb――“The gude laird of Petarro was an ernest professour of Christ, bot the mekill devill receave the comptroller.” Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, was appointed comptroller on the 1st of March, 1561. Reg. Sigil. Secr. lib. xxi. 5.

58 – Knox, Historie, p. 201‒2.

59 – See Extracts from the Records of the Town Council in Note K.

60 – Keith, p. 498.

61 – The form observed on that occasion, which was followed in the admission or ordination of all the superintendents and other ministers, is inserted at length in Knox’s Historie, p. 263‒266; and in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 627‒636.

62 – Knox, Historie, p. 270.

63 – Ibid. p. 328‒9.

64 – See Note L.

65 – Keith, 215.

66 – Knox, Historie, 305‒308, and letter to Locke, 6th May, 1562, in Cald. MS. i. 755, 756. Spotswood, 184.

67 – Histoire des Martyrs, fol. 558, 559. Anno 1597.

68 – Knox, Historie, 308‒311.

69 – St Cuthberts, or the West Church, was at that time (as it is at present) a distinct parish, of which William Harlow was minister. There was also a minister in Canongate or Holyroodhouse.

70 – Cald. MS. ii. 157.

71 – Records of Town Council, 26th October, 1561.

72 – Ibid. 10th April, 1562.

73 – The number of elders in the session of Edinburgh was twelve, and of deacons sixteen. Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 638.

74 – Calderwood, apud Keith, 514.

75 – See Note M.

76 – Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 47. Spotswood, p. 463‒4. I have chiefly followed Row’s narrative. By comparing it with Spotswood’s, the reader will perceive that they differ in a few unimportant circumstances. Row mentions that he had his information from several persons who had heard Craig himself relate the story, and particularly from his widow, “dame Craig,” who survived her husband, and lived in Edinburgh until 1630. Mr John Craig, minister, his wife, Marion Small, and his eldest son, Mr William, are mentioned, under the date 16th August, 1594, in Burgh Sas. ix. 60.

77 – Keith, p. 226.

78 – Knox, Historie, p. 302.

79 – Keith, 230. Knox, 321.

80 – Knox, 316‒318.

81 – The historian of the family of Gordon expressly says, that “her majesty thought, by the earle of Huntlie his power in the north, to get herselff fred from the hands of her bastard brother, James, earle of Morray;” and that “the earle of Huntlie (at the quein’s own desyre) did gather some forces, to get her out of the earle of Murraye’s power.” Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, by Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, p. 140, 141.

82 – Spotswood, 185.

83 – Knox, Historie, p. 316, 318.

84 – The Reasoning betwixt Jo. Knox and the abbote of Crossraguell, fol. 4. Edinburgh, 1563.

85 – Kennedy, Compendius Tractive, A, iiij.

86 – Ibid. D, vii.

87 – Keith, App. 195‒199. Kennedy, in a letter to the archbishop of Glasgow, says, “Willock, and the rest of his counsell, labourit earnestlie to sie gif I wald admitt the scripture onlye juge, and, be that meines, to haif maid me contrarry to my awin buke; bot thair labouris wes in waist.――I held me evir fast at ane grounde.” And he triumphs, that he “draif the lymmar――to refuse the interpretation of the doctoris allegeit be him and all utheris, bot so far as he thocht they war agreable with the worde of God, quhilk was as rycht nocht.” Ibid. 193, 194.

88 – See Note N.

89 – Without farther plea.

90 – Crawford’s Peerage of Scotland, p. 75.

91 – “Augustus 22――Monasterio Crucis regalis obitus Beati Quintini Kennedii abbatis, Comitis Cassilii fratris, qui admiranda constantia sex annis totis, cum hæresi nascente, et jam confirmata conflixit, ad extremum lento veneno consumptus, corruptoque sanguine excessit.” Dempsteri Menologium Scotorum, p. 20. Bononiæ, 1622.

92 – See Calendar, by “M. Adam King, profeseur of philosophie and Mathimatikis at Paris,” prefixed to a Scottish translation of Canisius’s Catechism, printed in 1587.

93 – Knox gives merely a general notice of this dispute in his Historie, p. 318. Keith, who was very industrious in collecting whatever referred to the ecclesiastical history of that period, could not obtain a copy of the printed disputation, and had heard of but one imperfect copy. History, App. 255. The only copy known to exist at present, is in the library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck.――Since the publication of the first edition of this Life, Mr Boswell has printed a small impression of this unique, being an exact _fac simile_ of the original edition, for the gratification of the curious.

94 – Lesley, apud Keith, p. 501. App. 223. Lesley speaks of a dispute between Knox and Wingate, but that historian is often incorrect in his details. The dispute between the doctors of Aberdeen and the ministers, which took place in the beginning of 1561, is mentioned by Knox, Historie, p. 261, 262. It would seem from a letter of Randolph, that there was a dispute in the end of 1561, between some of the ministers and a Parisian divine, who had accompanied the queen. Keith, 208. Wingate published at Antwerp, his “Buke of Fourscoir Three Questionis,” in 1563. Keith has reprinted this, along with his “Tractatis,” originally printed at Edinburgh. He calls them “very rare and much noted pieces.” History, App. 203. In point of argument or sentiment, they are certainly not noted; but they contain a strong proof of the extreme corruption which prevailed among the superior popish clergy, against which Wingate inveighs as keenly as any reformer. His second book concludes with this exclamation, “Och, for mair paper or pennyis!” Wingate translated several works of the Fathers into the Scottish language, some of which are mentioned by him in his Tractatis. Keith, App. 226, 227. He was made abbot of a Scottish monastery at Ratisbon. Mackenzie’s Lives, vol. iii. p. 149.

95 – See Note O.

96 – Knox, Historie, p. 323, 324. Keith, 522.

97 – Keith, p. 538.

98 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 23. Keith, 559, 560.

99 – Knox, Historie, p. 398.

100 – See Note P.

101 – Comp. Knox, Historie, 327, with Keith, Append. 125.

102 – In Knox’s Historie, it is printed _Cathenis_, by mistake, instead of _Athenis_. The person referred to is Alexander Gordon, brother to George, earl of Huntly, who was slain at Corrichie in 1562. Scarcely any Scottish prelate ever occupied so many different sees, or occupied them for so short a time. He was bishop of Caithness, archbishop of Glasgow, bishop of the Isles, and bishop of Galloway. When he was deprived of the see of Glasgow, the pope, as a recompense, created him _titular_ archbishop of Athens. Gordon’s Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 111‒12, 137, 290. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 128, 153, 166, 175.

103 – Knox, Historie, p. 326‒328.

104 – Knox, Historie, p. 327‒329.

105 – Ibid. p. 330‒334.

106 – Spotswood, 188. “We are very much obliged to the information of archbishop Spotswood” for this, says honest Keith. History, 240.

107 – Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 536‒8. Knox, 331. Keith, 240.

108 – I have not been able to ascertain the time at which the acquaintance between the earl of Murray and the Reformer commenced. It was probably soon after Knox came into England, in the reign of Edward VI. A popish writer has mentioned their meeting, and grafted upon it the calumny, current among the party, that the earl had formed the ambitious project of wresting the crown from his sister, and placing it on his own head. “Johann Kmnox deceavit him,” says he, “in S. Paules kirk in Londone, bringand him in consait, that God had chosen him extraordinarilie as ane Josias, to be king of Scotland, to rute out idolatrie, and to plant the licht of the new evangel: quhair thay convenit in this manner, That the prior of St Androis, erl of Murray, sould mentene the new Elias againis the priestes of Baal, (for sua blasphemouslie he namit the priestes of Christ Jesus.) And the neu Elias sould fortifie the new Josias, be procuring the favour of the people againis Iesabel, blaspheming maist impudentlie the quenis M.” Nicol Burne’s Disputation, p. 156. Knox was at least better acquainted with scripture‑history than to make Josias contemporary with Elias and Jesabel.

109 – Knox, Historie, p. 331.

110 – Referring to the critical circumstances in which the lords of the Congregation had been situated at these places, when the queen regent threatened to attack them with superior forces. See vol. i. p. 260, 267, 277.

111 – See vol. i. p. 312‒3.

112 – Knox, Historie, p. 332‒334.

113 – These are the words of Mr Hume, who holds a distinguished place among the writers who have excited prejudices against our Reformer on the score of cruelty to Mary. The reader will find some remarks on the statements of that able but artful historian in Note Q.

114 – See Note R.

115 – See Note S.

116 – Spotswood gives a different account of this affair, which has been adopted by several writers. He not only says that the protestants “forced the gates; but that some [of the papists] were taken and carried to prison, many escaped the back way with the priest himself.” History, p. 188. But he could not have the opportunity of being so well acquainted with the circumstances as Knox, whose account is totally irreconcilable with the archbishop’s. Knox expressly says, that, besides entering the chapel, and addressing the priest as above mentioned, “no farther was done or said.” Historie, p. 335, 336. Had some of the papists been carried to prison, he never could have given such an account as he has done, not only in his history, but also in his circular letter, which was produced at his trial, without any allegation that it contained an unfair or partial statement of facts.

117 – Knox, Historie, p. 336, 337.

118 – It has been doubted, whether this meeting acted as a court of judicature in trying Knox, or was called to determine whether he should be brought to a judicial trial. Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems, vol. i. p. 72. The justice‑general, the lord advocate, and the other law‑lords, were present; but they had seats in the privy council. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this was an extraordinary meeting of the privy council, to which other noblemen, besides the counsellors, were called, to give the proceedings greater weight with the public. The object of the queen was, in the first place, to procure the imprisonment of Knox, after which she might proceed against him as she thought most prudent. Knox, Historie, p. 339, 340. Spotswood, p. 188.

119 – Knox, Historie, p. 238‒343. Spotswood, p. 188. The account of the trial given by Calderwood, in his MS., has been compared with that of Knox, and exactly agrees with it.

120 – Keith, 248, 251.

121 – Sir Thomas Randolph, in a letter, dated 27th Feb. 1564, mentions “some unkindness between Murray and the queen, about Knox, whose parte he taketh.” Keith, 249.

122 – Keith, 527, 528. Knox, 344, 345.

123 – Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, 18th March, 1563/4, says:――“Knox askt in church to be marryed to Margrett Steward, the daughter of the Lord Ochiltre;” referring to the proclamation of banns. Keith, 251. Lord Ochiltree was descended from Robert, duke of Albany, second son of King Robert II. His father exchanged the lands and title of Evandale for those of Ochiltree. Douglas’s Peerage, 522. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, and Royal House of Stewart, by Semple,