CHAPTER XVII.

1843–1844.

BUCHANAN ELECTED TO THE SENATE FOR A THIRD TERM—EFFORTS OF HIS PENNSYLVANIA FRIENDS TO HAVE HIM NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY—MOTIVES OF HIS WITHDRAWAL FROM THE CANVASS—THE BALTIMORE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1844 NOMINATES MR. POLK—THE OLD STORY OF “BARGAIN AND CORRUPTION”—PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.

It was a natural consequence of so much distinction in public life, not only that Mr. Buchanan should be a third time elected to the Senate, but that his political and personal friends in Pennsylvania should be anxious to have him made the Democratic candidate for the Presidency by the next national convention of that party. In that organization there was no man whose party and public services and personal qualifications could give him greater claims than Buchanan’s to the consideration of his political associates. It does not appear to me, judging from his private correspondence at this period, which lies before me in great masses, and which I have carefully examined, that he was specially anxious at this period of his life to become President of the United States. His ambition, if it led him to aim at that position, was regulated by great prudence, and it is quite apparent that he was just and considerate towards others whose names were in men’s mouths or thoughts as well as his own. There can be no doubt of the entire sincerity with which he addressed the following letter to the Democratic members of the legislature, who, in communicating to him his re-election to the Senate, also expressed their desire to present his name to the nominating convention of their party as the favorite candidate of Pennsylvania for the Presidency.

[TO B. CRISPEN, AND H. B. WRIGHT, ESQUIRES, AND OTHER MEMBERS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA.]

WASHINGTON, February 2d, 1843.

GENTLEMEN:—

Your letter of congratulation on my recent re-election to the Senate of the United States has inspired me with feelings of profound gratitude. To have been thrice elected to this eminent station by the Democratic senators and representatives of my native State is an honor which ought to satisfy the ambition of any man: and its value is greatly enhanced by your assurance that in selecting me for another term, you but acted in accordance with the united voice of the Democratic party of Pennsylvania. So highly do I prize their good opinion that I can declare with heart-felt sincerity I would not forfeit this for all the political honors which my country could bestow. Their unsolicited and continued support have conferred upon me whatever of distinction in public life I may enjoy; and if it were possible for me now to desert their principles, I should feel that I deserved a traitor’s doom. Instead of being elated, I am humbled by the consciousness of how little I have ever done to merit all their unexampled kindness.

Of all the political parties which have ever existed, the Democratic party are the most indulgent and confiding masters. All they demand of any public servant is honestly and faithfully to represent their principles in the station where they have placed him; and this I feel proudly conscious that I have done in the Senate of the United States, according to my best ability. I can, therefore, offer you no pledge for my future conduct except the guarantee of the past.

You have been further pleased to say that as Pennsylvanians you desire to see me “elevated to the highest office in the gift of the people,” and you tender me “to the Union as Pennsylvania’s favorite candidate for the next Presidency.” I can solemnly declare that I was wholly unprepared for such an enunciation from the Democratic members of the legislature, having never received the slightest intimation of their intention until after their letter had been actually signed.

Both principle and a becoming sense of the merit of others have hitherto prevented me from taking any, even the least part in promoting my own elevation to the Presidency. I have no ambitious longings to gratify, conscious as I am that I have already received more of the offices and honors of my country than I have ever deserved. If I know my own heart, I should most freely resign any pretensions which the partiality of friends has set up for me, if by this I could purchase harmony and unanimity in the selection of a Democratic candidate. Besides, however proper it may be that candidates for inferior offices should make personal efforts to secure success, I am deeply convinced that the highest office under heaven ought to be the voluntary gift of the only free people upon earth. It ought to be their own spontaneous gift to the most worthy; and this alone can render it the crowning glory of a well spent public life. This alone can prevent the danger to our institutions which must result from the violent struggles of personal and interested partisans. The principles of the man, whom the people may thus delight to honor, ought to have borne the test of long and severe service, and ought to stand out in such bold relief before his country as to place all doubt in regard to them at defiance. In my opinion, the candidate who would either intrigue or personally electioneer for the Presidency raises a strong presumption that he is unworthy of it. Whether it be probable that a man resolved, under the blessing of Providence, to act upon these principles, will ever reach the Presidency, you can judge better than myself. I ought however in justice to myself to observe, that whilst this is my fixed purpose, I do not feel the less grateful to those kind and partial friends who have deemed me worthy of the highest office, because I have never attempted to enlist them in my support.

With these views plainly presented before the Democracy of Pennsylvania, if they should resolve to offer my name to the National Convention as a candidate for the Presidency with that degree of unanimity which can alone give moral force to their recommendation, I feel that I ought not to counteract their wishes. Should they determine differently, this will not be to me a cause of the slightest mortification.

One remark I am impelled to make before closing this letter. The principles and the success of the party so immeasurably transcend in importance the elevation of any individual that they ought not to be jeopardized in the slightest degree by personal partiality for either of the candidates. Every candidate who has been named, and hundreds of individuals whose names have never been mentioned, would ably and faithfully administer the Government according to these principles. No good Democrat, therefore, ought to suffer his feelings to become so enlisted in favor of any one candidate, that he could not yield his cheerful and cordial support to any other who may be nominated by the National Convention.

With sentiments of grateful regard, I remain yours sincerely,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

It soon became apparent to Mr. Buchanan that if he permitted his Pennsylvania friends to make him a candidate for the nomination, he would encounter the pretensions of Mr. Van Buren, of Colonel Benton, and of other prominent men in the party. By the species of management common on such occasions, many of the delegates to the national Democratic convention, which was to assemble at Baltimore, on the 27th of May (1844), were instructed or pledged to support Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Buchanan promptly withdrew his name from the canvass, in a public letter. His private feelings on the whole matter of this nomination were expressed freely in the following letter to one of his lady friends, who had just gone to Europe:

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. ROOSEVELT.[75]]

WASHINGTON, May 13th, 1844.

MY DEAR MADAM:—

I shall make Colonel King the bearer of this despatch. He and Doctor Martin will be able to give you all the news from your native land. I fear that his appointment to the French mission may induce you to remain longer abroad than you would otherwise have done, or than your friends would willingly tolerate. Whilst I was delighted to learn the attentions which you had received, and which you can everywhere attract, I was sorry to entertain the apprehension that your affections might be alienated from your own country and fixed upon the aristocratic society of Europe. Do not suffer such a feeling to gain possession of your heart. It will banish content from your bosom and render you unhappy in the land where Providence has cast your lot.

I can give you but little news of the gay world of Washington. I have been incessantly occupied during the session, and have gone very little into society. How changed for me the gay world has been since you left us; and I might add that Mr. Ingersoll is nearly as great an admirer as myself. I have not seen your neighbor, the divine Julia, for many weeks, nor attended any of her soirées except one. With all her follies and foibles, she is a lady, and this implies much. When we meet she always talks about you, and no subject could be more agreeable to me.

As you doubtless receive all the gossip of this city from your lady correspondents, and as Colonel King and Doctor Martin will be able to supply any deficiencies, I shall communicate the political intelligence.

The Whigs have held their national convention at Baltimore, and consider Mr. Clay as good as elected. They are high in hope and burning with enthusiasm. Nevertheless, they may yet have cause to realize the truth of the saying in Scripture, “Let not him that putteth on his armor boast as he who taketh it off.” It cannot be denied, however, that the Democratic party are at present in a sad condition. Our national convention will meet at Baltimore on this day two weeks, and a large majority of the delegates have been instructed or pledged to vote for Mr. Van Buren; whilst many and perhaps most of the delegates believe that if nominated he will be defeated. His letter against the immediate annexation of Texas to the Union has mainly produced this effect, though he was not popular before. Had he seized the occasion which was presented to him, and followed in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor, by coming out boldly for Texas, he might, and most probably would, have been elected President; but his chances of ever again reaching this elevated station are now gone forever. I know you will not break your heart on that account, and, personally, I should not; but, politically, I prefer him to Mr. Clay, as much as I prefer political good to political evil, though I like the Kentuckian.

If Mr. Van Buren should withdraw, and the Democratic party could unite on any man, (and I think they could) we might yet elect our candidate. I fear, however, that he will not pursue this course; and should another be nominated in opposition to him, this will only make confusion worse confounded, for such a nomination would involve the violation of instructions,—a doctrine always odious to the Democracy. It is true that the new question of Texas has arisen since the instructions were voted, and this would be the pretext or the apology for his abandonment; but many would not consider this a sufficient cause. Colonel Benton, Mr. Wright, Mr. Allen, Mr. Tappan, Mr. Atherton, and probably Mr. Fairfield, agree with Mr. Van Buren on the Texas question. The remainder of the Democratic Senators will go with “Old Hickory” for immediate annexation.

You regret my withdrawal, and to me it is a source of sincere pleasure to believe that you feel an interest in my fate; but I confess I am yet fully convinced that I pursued the wise and proper course. I withdrew because a large majority of the delegates had been instructed to support Mr. Van Buren, and I wished to banish discord and promote harmony in our ranks. Should he now withdraw, I might, with honor, resume my old position; but, should he persist, if nominated, I should be defeated. A very strong party in the South would now favor my nomination, because the Texas question has absorbed the anti-tariff feeling there, and in all other respects I should be acceptable to that portion of the Union; but, I confess that if I should ever run for the Presidency, I would like to have an open field and a fair start. The battle has already been more than half fought between Clay and Van Buren; and it would be difficult for any new man to recall the forces which have already gone over to the enemy. I thus manifest the unbounded confidence which I have in your discretion and friendship, by writing to you opinions which I have never mentioned freely in conversation to any other person. Should little Van be again nominated, he shall receive my active support.

I envy Colonel King the pleasure of meeting you, and would give anything in reason to be of the party for a single week. I am now “solitary and alone,” having no companion in the house with me. I have gone a wooing to several gentlemen, but have not succeeded with any one of them. I feel that it is not good for man to be alone; and should not be astonished to find myself married to some old maid who can nurse me when I am sick, provide good dinners for me when I am well, and not expect from me any very ardent or romantic affection.

Colonel King takes out with him Mrs. Ellis, his niece. I was acquainted with her some years ago, and liked her very much. I hope you will be of the same opinion.

Please to remember me in the kindest terms to Mr. Roosevelt and to Jemmy, who will remember me as long as he shall remember hickory oil.

Believe me that wherever you roam my kindest regards will follow you, and no friend on earth will greet your arrival in your native land with more joy than myself.

Ever your friend, most sincerely and respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

On the eve of the assembling of the Baltimore Convention, Mr. Buchanan addressed the following letter to two of the Pennsylvania delegates:

[TO MESSRS. FOSTER AND BREWSTER.]

WASHINGTON, May 25th, 1844.

GENTLEMEN:—

I feel no hesitation in giving your questions a frank and explicit answer.

And first. Against Mr. Van Buren, I cannot be a candidate before the National Convention. After a large majority of the delegates to that convention had either been instructed or pledged to support him, I voluntarily withdrew my name as a candidate for the purpose of concentrating the strength, and thus securing the triumph of the party. In consequence of this act of mine, the delegates from my own State have been instructed to support him, and I am thus placed in such a position that I feel myself bound both in honor and principle not to become his competitor.

Second. Should Mr. Van Buren, after a fair trial, either be withdrawn by his friends, or should they be satisfied that he cannot obtain the nomination, and the delegates from Pennsylvania be thus left at liberty to make a second choice, in that event I should feel myself restored to my original position, and they would then have my consent to present my name, if they thought proper, as a candidate to the convention.

From your friend, very respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

The Baltimore Convention nominated James K. Polk of Tennessee as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The Whig candidate was Mr. Clay. At the election, which took place in the autumn of 1844, Mr. Polk received 170 electoral votes, while Mr. Clay obtained but 105. No one of the leading Democratic statesmen in the country was more conspicuous, or exerted greater influence in bringing about this result, than Mr. Buchanan.

The following selections from his private correspondence at this exciting period, before and during the election of Mr. Polk, are all that can find space in this chapter:

[TO THE REV. EDWARD Y. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, February 29, 1844.

DEAR EDWARD:—

I have received your very acceptable letter, and rejoice to learn that you and the family have enjoyed uninterrupted health since we parted. I now begin to entertain strong hopes that Charlotte may outgrow her disease.

This city is now covered with mourning. Ere this can reach you, you will doubtless have heard of the dreadful accident which occurred on board the Princeton yesterday. Among the killed was Governor Gilmer, the recently appointed Secretary of the Navy. He and I were bound together by strong ties of friendship. He was an able, honest, clear-headed, shrewd and patriotic man, who, had he lived, would, at no distant day, have become still more distinguished. He accepted the office in which he died from the purest and most disinterested motives, and the country has lost much by his death. His wife was on board the Princeton, and—how mysterious are the ways of Providence!—urged her husband to have the fatal cannon fired once more. She is almost frantic. She is an excellent woman, and is now left with nine children, and in no affluent circumstances. Colonel Benton was at the breech of the gun and looking along the barrel, so that he might observe the course of the shot when the explosion took place, and received no bodily injury, except from the concussion.

I was not on board myself, and am disposed to consider it almost providential. I received no invitation, although I have been on terms of intimate friendship with Capt. Stockton and all his family for more than a quarter of a century. If invited, the invitation never reached me: if not, it is perhaps still more remarkable. Had I been on board, the probability is I should have been with those who were around the gun at the time of the explosion.

Although with a straitened income, yet you must be a happy man, if you sincerely believe the doctrines which you preach and honestly practise them: and I have no reason to doubt either. If the fleeting life of man be but a state of trial for another world, he surely acts most wisely who spends his time in securing the things which pertain to his everlasting peace. I am a believer; but not with that degree of firmness of faith calculated to exercise a controlling influence over my conduct. I ought constantly to pray “help thou my unbelief.” I think often and I think seriously of my latter end; but when I pray (and I have preserved, and with the blessing of God shall preserve, this good habit from my parents), I can rarely keep my mind from wandering. I trust that the Almighty Father, through the merits and atonement of his Son, will yet vouchsafe to me a clearer and stronger faith than I possess. In the mean time, I shall endeavor to do my duty in all the relations of life. This was to have been a week of great gayety here. There was to have been a party and ball at the President’s on Friday evening, a grand dinner at Mr. Blair’s on Saturday, a grand diplomatic dinner at the French minister’s on Sunday, another at Mr. Upshur’s on Tuesday, and a grand ball by Mr. Wilkins on Thursday. I was invited to them all; but promptly declined the invitation for Sunday, having too much regard for the Sabbath to partake of such a festivity on that day. Still I did not assign this as my reason, because my life would not justify me in taking such ground. God willing, I expect to visit Lancaster about the 1st of April, and pass a few days there. I then hope to enjoy the pleasure of seeing you all in good health. Give my love to Ann Eliza and the family; and remember me kindly to Dr. Sample, Joel Leighton, W. Conyngham and Mr. Mussleman, and believe me ever to be your affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[FROM THE HON. SILAS WRIGHT.]

CANTON, September 23, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

...... I see you are in the field, and take it for granted that you can have no more peace nor rest until after your State election, if until after the Presidential election. You will have noticed that I have been forcibly taken from the stump for promotion. Never has any incident in the course of my public life been so much against my interests, and feelings, and judgment as this proposed change, but it is too late now to complain of it; the people may release me from any other evil to result than a defeat at the election, which personally would cause the least apprehension or anxiety, but politically is most dreaded. I do not think, however, we shall be beaten in this State though I very confidently apprehend that success will most effectually beat me.

It is not my purpose, however, to trouble you with my griefs, but to tell you that all the information I receive, and my correspondents are very numerous, induces the very confident belief that we shall give Polk and Dallas the thirty-six electoral votes of this State. Never have I witnessed an equal degree of enthusiasm among our Democracy, not even in the days of General Jackson, nor have I, at any time, known greater harmony, activity or confidence.

I rejoice to say that your State seems to be surrendered by the Whigs themselves, and to be considered perfectly safe by our friends in all quarters of the Union.

Mrs. Wright joins me in kindest regards and bids me tell you she sincerely hopes the Whig governor of this State will be elected.

In much haste, I am respectfully and truly yours,

SILAS WRIGHT.

[FROM THE HON. JAMES K. POLK.]

(Private.) COLUMBIA, TENN., August 3, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I thank you for the information which you give me in your esteemed favor of the 23d ultimo. The account which you give of the political prospect in Pennsylvania, accords with all the information which I have received from other sources. The great “Key Stone State” will, I have no doubt, continue to be, as she has ever been, Democratic to the core. I was glad to hear your opinion of the probable result in New York as well as in Pennsylvania, because I have great confidence in your sober judgment, and know the caution with which you would express an opinion. I received a letter from Governor Lumpkin, of Georgia, yesterday, giving me strong assurances that that State is safe. We may not carry a majority of the members of Congress at the election which takes place next week, because of the peculiar arrangements of the districts, which were laid off by a Whig legislature, but that we will have a decided majority of the popular vote he has no doubt. In this State our whole Democracy were never more confident of success. It is true we have a most exciting and violent contest, but I think there is no reason to doubt that the State will be Democratic in November. A few weeks, however, will put an end to all speculation in the State, and in the Union.

The State elections in Pennsylvania and New Jersey will be over before this letter can reach you. Will you do me the favor to give me your opinion whether the vote in these elections may be regarded as a fair and full test of the strength of parties in November?

Thanking you for your very acceptable letter, I am, very sincerely,

Your friend,

JAMES K. POLK.

[TO THE HON. JAMES K. POLK.]

LANCASTER, September 23, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have delayed to write to you on purpose until I could express a decided opinion in regard to the vote of Pennsylvania. I was so much deceived in the result of our State election in 1840, that this has made me cautious. We have had much to contend against, especially the strong general feeling in favor of the tariff of 1842, but notwithstanding all, I am now firmly convinced that you will carry the Keystone by a fair majority. Your discreet and well advised letter to Mr. Kane on the subject of the tariff has been used by us with great effect.

There may, I fear, be some falling off in the city and county of Philadelphia, both on account of the Native American feelings and for some other causes. We have been much at a loss for an able and influential Democratic paper there, devoted to the cause rather than to men. The _Pennsylvania_ is owned by a clique of the exclusive friends and officeholders of Mr. Van Buren, most of whom are obnoxious to the mass of the Democrats. It now does pretty well; but it harped too long on the two-thirds rule.

I have had several times to assure influential individuals in that city, without pretensions, however, to know your sentiments, that as you were a new man yourself, and would be anxious to illustrate your administration by popular favor as well as sound principle, you would not select old party hacks for office, merely because they had already held office under Mr. Van Buren. By the by, this gentleman’s conduct since your nomination deserves all commendation.

In my late political tour through the northern counties of Pennsylvania, I met many New Yorkers at Towanda. Among the rest were some of the members of the late Syracuse convention. They assured me, that after canvassing the information brought by the delegates from all parts of the State, they had arrived at the confident conclusion it would vote for Polk and Dallas. I have this moment received a letter from the Hon. Mr. Hubbard of Bath, in that State, a member of the present Congress, which assures me that we shall carry it by a majority of from 15,000 to 20,000, and so mote it be!

Please to remember me in the very kindest and most respectful terms to Mrs. Polk. Tell her that although I have nothing to ask from the President, I shall expect much from the President’s lady. During her administration, I intend to make one more attempt to change my wretched condition, and should I fail under her auspices, I shall then surrender in despair.

With sentiments of the highest regard, I remain your friend sincerely,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO THE HON. JNO. B. STERIGERE.]

LANCASTER, July 17, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

It was both pleasant and refreshing to receive a letter under your well known hand. It is so long since I have enjoyed such a treat, that I consider it a “bonne bouche.” I hope it may never again be such a rarity.

Nearly half my time is now occupied in writing answers to mass, county, township and association meetings; and many of them are not satisfied with a single answer. I scarcely know what to do. If I once begin, to which I am very reluctant, I must continue. A public man cannot make selections. Besides, I have not been well since the adjournment of Congress, and must go to Bedford or have a bilious fever. I have never been in the Northern counties of the State; and if I make a start at all, I shall visit there in September. Should I commence earlier, I would be broken down long before the election. I would thank you, therefore, not to have me invited to address your meeting. Indeed, it is very uncertain whether I can attend.

When you and I served with Mr. Polk in Congress, neither of us probably supposed that he would ever be President. He has since greatly improved. The last time he was in Washington he dined and passed the afternoon with me; and the change forcibly impressed itself on me. Under all the circumstances, I believe no better selection could have been made. I think there is but little doubt that he will carry Pennsylvania and be elected, even without New York or Ohio, unless we have been greatly deceived by our Democratic friends in the strength of the Texas question in the South. The returns from Louisiana do not please me.

I am much urged to attend the Nashville meeting on the 15th August; but the thing is impossible. I fear that the “hot bloods” of the South may say or do something there to injure us in the North. They are becoming rabid again on the subject of the tariff. I have written to Donelson this day, strongly urging caution and discretion in their proceedings.

Please to remember me very kindly to my friend Slemmer, and believe me ever to be, sincerely and respectfully,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO THE HON. JAMES K. POLK.]

LANCASTER, November 4, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I think I may now congratulate both yourself and the country on your election to the highest and most responsible office in the world. After our glorious victory on Friday last, I can entertain no doubt of the final result. I feel confident that New York will follow in our footsteps, notwithstanding their majority may be greatly reduced, as ours has been, by an unholy union of the Native Americans with the Whigs.

Never have there been such exertions made by any party in any State as the Whigs have made since our Governor’s election to carry the Keystone. They have poured out their money like water; but our Democracy has stood firm everywhere, except the comparatively few who have been seduced on the tariff question, and those whom the Native American humbug has led away. Immediately after the first election, we requested our honest and excellent Governor elect to come East of the mountains and take the stump in your favor; and this was no sooner said than done. He produced a powerful impression wherever he went. I attended two mass meetings with him, and he made speeches at several other places. In “Old Bucks,” he gave it to them both in Dutch and English much to their satisfaction.

Whoever has observed with a reflecting eye the progress of parties in this country, must have arrived at the conclusion that there is but one mode of reuniting and invigorating the Democratic party of the Union and securing its future triumph, and that is, whilst adhering strictly to the ancient landmarks of principle, to rely chiefly on the young and efficient Democrats who have fought the present battle. These ought not to be forgotten in the distribution of offices. The old officeholders generally have had their day, and ought to be content. Had Mr. Van Buren been our candidate, worthy as he is, this feeling, which everywhere pervades the Democratic ranks, would have made his defeat as signal as it was in 1840. Clay would most certainly have carried this State against him by thousands; and I firmly believe the result would have been similar, even in New York. The Native American party in Philadelphia never could have become so strong had it not been for the impression which, to some extent, prevailed there, that your patronage would be distributed in that city amongst those called the Old Hunkers by the Democratic masses.

Yours is a grand mission; and I most devoutly trust and believe that you will fulfil it with glory to yourself and permanent advantage to the country. Democrats have been dropping off from their party from year to year on questions not essentially of a party character. It will be your destiny to call home the wanderers and marshal them again under the ample folds of the Democratic flag. It is thus that the dangerous Whig party will be forever prostrated, and we shall commence a new career of glory, guided under the old banner of our principles.

From the violence of the Southern papers and some of the Southern statesmen, I apprehend that your chief difficulty will be on the question of the tariff. They seem to cling with great tenacity to the horizontal ad valorem duty of the compromise act, which would in practice prostrate the Democracy of the Middle and Northern States in a single year, because it would destroy all our mechanics who work up foreign materials. If the duty on cloth and ready-made clothing were both 20 per cent. ad valorem, we should soon have no use for tailors in our large towns and cities. So of shoemakers, hatters, etc. Foreigners would perform the mechanical labor.

The tariff ought to have been permanently settled in 1842. That was the propitious moment. With much difficulty I have prevented myself from being instructed that I might be free to act according to my own discretion. I then proposed to our Southern friends to adopt the compromise act as it stood in 1839. The Treasury required fully that amount of duties; whilst such a measure would have saved their constituency. For some time I thought they would have gladly embraced this proposition which was presented by Mr. Ingersoll in the House; but at a great caucus of the party several of the ultras opposed the measure, and the consequence has been the extravagant tariff of 1842. Had my proposition been adopted the country would have been just as prosperous as it is at present, and this would have been attributed in the North to that measure, as it now is to the tariff of 1842; you would then have received a majority of 25,000 in Pennsylvania.

With sentiments of the highest respect, I remain

Sincerely your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO GOVERNOR SHUNK.]

WASHINGTON, December 18, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I do most heartily rejoice that those who communicated to me expressions used by our friend Magraw must have been mistaken in the inferences which they deduced from his language. He was much in the company of my deadly enemy —— who is ——’s most unscrupulous tool, and of ——. That he did use some unguarded language is beyond a doubt; but all this shall be as if it never had been. I venerated his deceased father, and have always been so much attached to him, that it almost unmanned me, when I learned that he had spoken unkindly of myself. Please to say nothing to him of what my former letter contained.

The income tax of England has never been resorted to except in cases of extreme necessity. That tax at present in existence imposes seven pence per pound upon the annual rent of land and houses, upon the income from titles, railways and canals, mines and iron-works; also upon the income of tenants or renters of land, upon public lands and securities, dividends on bank stock, Indian stock, and foreign stock payable in England, upon the profits of trades and professions, upon the income of public officers, salaries, etc. _All incomes under £150 sterling per annum are exempt from this tax._ Under the British government, they have adopted the means necessary to secure a just return of all incomes; under ours, this, in many cases, would prove almost impossible, without resorting to an inquisition unknown to our form of government. Indeed, as far as I know, our present taxes on income are eluded to a most shameful extent. The income tax has always been odious in England; and it would prove to be so, if carried to anything like the same extent, in this country. The more I reflect upon the subject the more I am convinced that your “inaugural” should not specifically recommend any new mode of taxation. I know that, in common with myself, you entertain a horror of repudiation, either express or implied, and this might be expressed in the strongest terms, together with a willingness on your part to concur with the legislature in adopting any measures necessary to prevent so disgraceful a catastrophe; leaving to your administration, after it shall get fairly under way, to adopt the necessary measures to redeem the faith of the State.

In regard to your selection for secretary of state, I entertain the same opinion, more strongly now than ever, which I have held from the beginning. Your attorney-general ought to be a Muhlenberg man, and such an one as will be satisfactory to that branch of the party. After his appointment, I hope to hear no more of these distractions; and I trust that then we shall all be united under the broad banner of Democracy in support of your administration.

I know John M. Read well; and I also know, that he enjoyed and deserved the confidence of Mr. Muhlenberg and his friends in an eminent degree. After his death, Mr. Read’s conduct towards you was worthy of all praise. There are few lawyers, if any, in Philadelphia, his superiors; and he is a man of such firmness, energy, and industry, that he will always be found an efficient supporter in the hour of need. He holds a ready and powerful political pen, and is a gentleman of the strictest honor and integrity. I know you would be safe with him. Of both Mr. Brewster and Mr. Barr, I also entertain a high opinion; and I think the appointment of either would give satisfaction to the friends of Muhlenberg. I confess I do not like Mr. Kane’s political associations; but he is a gentleman and a man of honor.

There is one subject to which I desire to direct your attention. I know, from various quarters, that Porter is making a desperate effort to be elected United States Senator. He calculates upon seducing a sufficient number of Democrats from their allegiance to the party, which, when united with the Whigs, would constitute a majority. —— and —— have both been here, and, on several occasions, expressed their confident belief in his success. From the conversation of the Whigs here and elsewhere, I think they will be mistaken as to the votes of their members; but this I know, that it is of the last importance to you to maintain the caucus system. Should it be broken down at the commencement of your administration, it is easy to predict the consequences which may follow. I would, therefore, most respectfully advise that you should be at Harrisburg at the commencement of the session, not to take any part in favor of any candidate for the Senate, but to express your opinion strongly and decidedly in favor of an adherence to caucus nominations.

We have no authentic news here from President Polk; all is as yet conjecture. His path will be beset by many difficulties. The first which will present itself, is Mr. Calhoun. To remove him will give great offence to many of the Southern gentlemen, who were mainly influential in procuring the nomination of Mr. Polk; to retain him, will exasperate Colonel Benton and that wing of the party.[76] It is hoped that he may retire, or consent to accept the mission to England. Then there are the Texas and tariff questions, which it will be difficult to settle to the satisfaction of the party. Colonel Polk has a cool and discreet head himself, and he will be surrounded by cool and discreet friends.

Philadelphia is now in a state of office-hunting excitement, never known before. The office-hunters have taken it into their heads that Mr. Dallas, because he has been elected Vice President, can procure them all offices, and they are turning his head with their incense. _I venture to predict that they will prove to be greatly mistaken._ The moment they discover this, their plans will be directed to some other divinity.

You ask my advice in regard to recommendations from you to President Polk. I think you ought to be cautious in giving them, if you desire that they shall produce the effect your recommendations well deserve. I hope, however, to meet you at the inauguration.

I have sat up until a late hour to write you this long letter. I receive at the rate of about thirty letters a day; and between important private calls and public business, I have found time to answer very few of them.

Please remember me most kindly and respectfully to Mrs. Shunk and the young ladies, and believe me to be sincerely and devotedly

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Before the following letters were written, Mr. Polk’s nomination to the Presidency had occurred.

[FROM MRS. CATRON.[77]]

NASHVILLE, July 4, 1844.

DEAR SIR:—

I have received your kind letter of the 23d of June, and I feel a just appreciation of the compliment, in being selected from the number of your many fair and accomplished friends, as the companion of your solitude. I know “it is not good for man to be alone,” and if you could but take time to remember the sage advice I have often given you to the contrary of such an unchristian and vain attempt, you would now be basking in the charms of some blooming widow, and not be driven to the humble necessity of seeking stray rays of comfort from the “old head on young shoulders” of other men’s wives. As, however, you are brought to the sad predicament—and strange to say, I am but little better off during the court,—and as nothing I just now think of affords me more pleasure than to add a crumb of support to your forlorn condition by boarding with you next session of Congress, and as Mr. Catron is the most generous of husbands to risk such dangerous associations, he will write to Mr. Carroll to engage us a house.

N. B.—The court and Congress now meet at the same time, and Polk runs for President only once—positively only once—and all anti-annexation men are dead and buried. So _I_ think, and that you know is law to you, as in Miss Gardiner’s case, of whose ambitious aspirations I don’t believe one word. In conclusion, permit me to say that on this occasion I have availed myself of your once offered kindness of the liberty of speech.

Most truly your friend,

M. CATRON.

The Hon. JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO MRS. CATRON.]

MY DEAR MADAM:—

I sincerely thank you for having taken compassion on my forlorn and destitute condition. I can assure you that I greatly prefer the stray rays of comfort from yourself to “basking in the charms of any blooming widow” in the land. I do not like everlasting sunshine, or too much of a good thing:—and as to widows, “I’ll none of them. Comparisons are odoriferous,” as Dogberry says.

Ere this you have learned that with all your shrewdness you were mistaken. The President is the most lucky man that ever lived. Both a belle and a fortune to crown and to close his Presidential career.[78]

I hope you will be able to give Polk Tennessee. All appearances indicate his signal triumph in the Keystone State. His tariff letter to Kane was a good thing for us. Under the circumstances, I do not think a better nomination could have been made; and as I had the honor of being Mrs. Polk’s candidate I feel myself bound both in gallantry and in gratitude to do my best for the election of her husband.

When she becomes the lady of the White House, as I believe she will be, I shall both expect and desire to be a favorite. As to yourself you stand fair under all administrations.

Remember me most kindly to the judge, and believe me ever to be sincerely and respectfully

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Footnote 75:

Wife of the Hon. James J. Roosevelt of New York.

Footnote 76:

Mr. Calhoun was Secretary of State under President Tyler.

Footnote 77:

Wife of Mr. Justice Catron of the Supreme Court of the United States.

Footnote 78:

President Tyler’s marriage to Miss Gardiner is the event here alluded to. The letter is without date.