CHAPTER XXX.

1868.

DEATH OF MR. BUCHANAN—HIS CHARACTER AS A STATESMAN, A MAN AND A CHRISTIAN.

Notwithstanding the prospect of longer life with which the year 1868 began for Mr. Buchanan, the end was drawing near. The world and the world’s interests faded away, the unknown future opened before him, and naught earthly remained for the strong old man, bound down by the infirmities of age, but the tender care of those who had assembled to soothe and cheer him.

When in health, he was very fond of having bright and cultivated women about him, and in sickness he was peculiarly dependent on their ministrations. For him, there had never been wife or child. But he was specially blest by female kindred, who never failed or faltered in their devotion to him. There were present at Wheatland, during his last illness, his brother, the Rev. Dr. Buchanan; Miss Henrietta Buchanan, daughter of that gentleman; Mr. and Mrs. Johnston; Mr. Henry, and the ever faithful “Miss Hetty.” Kind neighbors were at hand, among whom his friend, the Rev. Dr. Nevin, was one of the most assiduous. Doctor Buchanan was obliged to return to his home, near Philadelphia, two days before the death occurred, at which time the event was apparently not very near. Miss Henrietta Buchanan, whose absence from her uncle’s room, even for a short time, made him impatient, as well as Mrs. Johnston and Miss Parker, watched him with the utmost tenderness to the last. So did the others whom I have named. His death, the immediate cause of which was rheumatic gout, occurred on the morning of June 1st, 1868, in his 78th year. His last hours were free from suffering, and his mind was clear. Miss Annie Buchanan says, in a communication addressed to me:—

In his last year he began to feel that he was very old, and looked forward to death, and spoke as if he expected it constantly. Not that his health was such as to create this expectation, for it was as good as persons of his age usually enjoy. He had a very severe illness soon after his return from Washington.

He had, previous to that illness, been unusually strong and well, but afterwards I do not think he was quite so much so. He had attacks of gout, more or less severe, at intervals, up to the time of his death. He had, besides, an illness which came upon him during a short visit which he paid to Cape May, which prostrated him so much that it was necessary to take him home as a sick man.

Each one of these illnesses made him realize more clearly that his hold on life was very weak, that the “silver cord would soon be loosed,” and he devoted himself to making all necessary preparations for that great event. His affairs were all arranged with exactness, so as to cause as little confusion as possible after his death. He chose the exact spot for his last resting place, saying, either as expressing a desire or as predicting a fact, that he would lie alone. Having carefully arranged all his plans, he waited, with faith and hope, for the final change which would open to him the real and satisfying life. When the dreaded messenger came, those who loved him knew that rest had come to him at last, and that his “faith had changed to glad fruition.”

The funeral obsequies of the late President took place at Lancaster, on the 4th of June, with every imposing demonstration that was consistent with a proper respect for his unostentatious character. I need not describe the scene, or recapitulate the ceremonies by which the event of his death was marked throughout the country. They may be read in the public journals of the time. But from the funeral sermon, preached over his remains by the Rev. John W. Nevin, D.D., President of Franklin and Marshall College, an extract must be permanently recorded in these pages, at the close of the present chapter.

It is unnecessary for me to undertake a formal and elaborate portrayal of Mr. Buchanan’s character as an American statesman. It has been exhibited in the foregoing pages, and the reader does not need to be farther assisted by me in his estimate of the public character of the man. But there are some observations which should be made by the author of this work, before citing the testimony of those who stood to him in the relations of near kindred, or of personal friendship.

There may be persons who will be disposed to think that he should not have allowed himself, in his old age, to be disturbed by the attacks that were made upon him by the press after his retirement from public life. But such persons should remember that he had to administer the Executive Government at a very trying period, and that many of the charges that were subsequently made against him involved his integrity as a statesman, and the oath of office which every President must take to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. Moreover, I cannot, for one, subscribe to the philosophy which assumes that a statesman should be indifferent to what is said of him by his contemporaries, or to what is made to pass into the materials of history, if it be not corrected. It must be admitted that in all free countries there is prurient appetite for detraction, and our American world is certainly not free from it. A considerable part of the public, in a certain sense, enjoys disparagement of the characters of very eminent public men. If this were not so, the press would at least be more careful and more conscientious than it often is. The absolute freedom of the press is of the utmost consequence. Its licentiousness is best restrained by the moral sense of the community, in the case of the higher statesmen; and to the extent to which this restraint does not operate, vast mischief may be done. It is impossible for posterity to know how to estimate any man who has filled a conspicuous place in history, if the materials for a sober judgment are to be looked for only in the criticisms or laudations of the contemporary press; nor is it generally in the power of posterity to determine what deduction is to be made from the assertions or opinions of contemporaries, on account of the rancor of party or the malice of individuals. If Mr. Buchanan had not taken the pains, which he did take, to collect and preserve the most ample proof of his acts, his purposes, and his efforts as President of the United States, he would have gone down to future ages in a light utterly false, simply because he happened to be the object of enormous misrepresentations from motives of party policy or personal ill-will, without the protection which the community should have thrown around him at the time. That this protection was to a great degree wanting, is doubtless due to the existence of public danger, and to the passions which may find their excuse in the fact that in many minds they had their origin in patriotism, whilst in many the origin was of the basest description. That he, who was the object of all this misconception and misrepresentation, forbore, as long as there was serious danger to the institutions of the country, to demand the public attention as he might have demanded it, and calmly relied on the judgments of the future, is to be accounted to him for a praise and a public spirit of no ordinary kind. No man was ever treated with greater injustice than he was during the last seven years of his life by a large part of the public, and yet he bore it with dignity and with an unchanged love of country.

In regard to his moral and religious character and his personal virtues, I should not feel that I had done my duty if I did not here say what has impressed me in my study of the man.

His strong family affections, his engaging social qualities, his fidelity to friends, and his forgiving temper towards those who had injured him, or from whom he had once been estranged, are well known. To those who stood in the relation of friends, he was ever a most generous benefactor. Many a man received from him pecuniary aid which prevented disaster and ruin, and which could not be repaid by political service, for in many cases the individual never had it in his power to repay in anything but the simple discharge of the pecuniary obligation. This had been his habit all his life, as I learn from a full examination of his private papers, and he did not cease from it when political service was no longer needed. His tender of such aid often came without solicitation. He would not allow a friend whom he valued to incur serious loss, when he knew of the danger, and could supply the means of averting it. For what was justly his due, he expected and required performance; but he was always a forbearing and considerate creditor. For the poor, he ever had a tender and thoughtful feeling. The city of Lancaster holds in perpetual trust, under his will, a benefaction of a peculiar kind, which marks the nature of his charities, and was large for one of his means.

That he did not enrich himself out of the public, or receive gifts, or accumulate money by means of the opportunities afforded by his public positions, or give way to the weakness of nepotism, should, perhaps, not be mentioned to his praise, if it were not that his example in these respects has become conspicuous by contrast.

No charge against his moral character or personal virtue has ever been made to my knowledge. It was doubtless his early Presbyterian training by religious parents that saved him, amid all the temptations of a long and varied life and the widest social experience, from any deviation from the path of virtue. The tongue of scandal, the prying curiosity of the censorious, or of those who are always ready to drag down others to their own level, never could fasten upon his intercourse with the other sex any cause for suspicion, nor could the wiles of the impure ever ensnare him. It is believed by those who knew him best that his life was in this respect absolutely without stain, as his conversation although very often gay and festive, is known to have always been free from any taint of impurity. He was a man of too much refinement to be guilty of indelicacy in anecdote or illustration, or to allow of it in his presence.

The reader who has perused what I have written and quoted must have seen that there are scattered all through his life traces of a strong religious tendency and religious habits, a deep sense of religious obligation, a belief in the existence and government of God, and a full faith that this world is not the only sphere of man’s existence. That he had a habit of daily prayer, according to the injunction which said, “Enter into thy closet,” is perfectly well authenticated.

There may be men of the world who will smile when they read of a statesman, in a grave juncture of public affairs in which he had to deal with the passions and ambitions of individuals and with the conflicting feelings and interests of great communities, seeking guidance from his Maker. Prayer in the midst of party politics and the business of official life may possibly provoke the cold derision of some part of mankind. Whether it is or is not efficacious in human affairs—whether a resort to it is a sign of weakness or of strength, is just as men think and feel. Be it one way or the other, I did not dare to withhold this trait of character, which was revealed in the simplest manner in a confidential letter, in which he said of himself that he weighed well and prayerfully the course that he ought to adopt, at a time most critical for his country and for himself. I leave it for such estimate as the religious or the irreligious world may form, according to their respective tendencies, adding, however, that what he said of himself on that special occasion appears, on the testimony of those who knew him best, to have been in accordance with the habit of his life.

There was, in truth, no fanaticism in this man’s nature, no cant in his speech or writing, whatever of either there may have been in those stern Puritans of an earlier age, in whom policy and valor and worldly wisdom and statecraft were strangely mixed with a religious enthusiasm which made them feel that they were the chosen of the Lord. The blood that he drew from a remote ancestry of pious Scotchmen had been tempered by the practical sense of our American life, and yet it had not lost the conviction of man’s relation to his God.

When he was about to embark on the mission to Russia a female friend of his in Lancaster, Mrs. E. J. Reigart, presented him with a copy of the book called “Jay’s Exercises.” This was a book of short sermons, or lessons, for every day in the year, each on some appropriate text of Scripture, and was much in use among Presbyterians. The style was quaint, and the comments on the various texts were marked by a good deal of excellent sense and much religious feeling. Mr. Buchanan made daily use of it through the remainder of his life, wherever he was. On its margin he noted the dates of his embarkation for Liverpool, of his arrival there, and at London, Hamburg and Lubeck. The text and lesson for the day on which he arrived at Lubeck, on his way to St. Petersburg, read somewhat oddly:

“May 26th. _Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession._ Psalm ii. 8.—The heathen—the uttermost parts of the earth—viewed in the representations of Scripture and the reports of historians, travellers and missionaries, seem a very unenviable acquisition. If it is true that the whole world lieth in wickedness, it seems fitter to be the inheritance and possession of Satan than the Son of God. But two things are to be taken into the account. Notwithstanding the present condition of the estate it contains very _valuable_ and _convertible_ materials.”

That he did not make what is called a public profession of religion until a late period of his life is accounted for in an interesting paper which I have received from the Rev. William M. Paxton, D.D., pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, in the City of New York. Dr. Paxton, in answer to my inquiry, kindly wrote to me on the 11th of April, 1883, as follows:

In the month of August, in the year 1860, Mr. Buchanan, then President of the United States, visited the Bedford Springs, in the State of Pennsylvania. I happened to be present when the stage arrived, and having had a previous personal acquaintance with him, was one of the first to bid him welcome.

A day or two afterwards, as he passed me in the hall, he stopped and said, “May I take the liberty of sending for you to come to my room, when I can find leisure for a conversation?” To this I replied that it would give me great pleasure to obey such a call. The next day the invitation came, through his private secretary, and when we were seated alone, he turned to me and said, “I sent for you to request that you will favor me with a conversation upon the subject of religion. I knew your father and mother in early life, and, as you have some knowledge of my family, you are aware that I was religiously educated. But for some years I have been much more thoughtful than formerly upon religious subjects. I think I may say that for twelve years I have been in the habit of reading the Bible and praying daily. I have never had any one with whom I have felt disposed to converse, but now that I find you here, I have thought that you would understand my feelings, and that I would venture to open my mind to you upon this important subject, and ask for an explanation of some things that I do not clearly understand.” When I had assured him that I would be gratified to have such a conversation, he began immediately by asking, “Will you be good enough to explain to me what an experience of religion is?” In answer, I opened to him the Bible account of our sinful estate, and of the necessity of regeneration by the Spirit of God, and of atonement through the sacrifice of our Lord Jesus Christ. He then began to question me, as closely as a lawyer would question a witness, upon all the points connected with regeneration, atonement, repentance and faith. What surprised me was that his questions were not so much of a doctrinal as of an experimental character. He seemed anxious to understand how a man might know that he was a Christian, and what conscious experiences entered into the exercises of repentance and faith. It is needless for me to detail the particulars of the conversation. It gave me an opportunity of speaking to him in the most simple and familiar way. When I related the experience of some eminent Christian, or used a simple illustration, such as I have employed in Sabbath school addresses, he seemed much gratified, and proceeded to put his questions to draw out still more definite explanations. He particularly was anxious to understand how faith receives and appropriates the Lord Jesus Christ, and how a man may know that he believes. He put himself in the position of a little child, and asked questions in the simplest manner. Sometimes he asked me to go over an explanation a second time, as if he wished to fix it upon his memory. His manner was so earnest, and his mind was evidently so deeply engaged, that I was strongly impressed with the conviction of his entire sincerity.

After the more experimental points had been disposed of, he asked a few purely doctrinal questions, the answers to which he received without any disposition to enter upon a discussion. At the close of the conversation, he asked particularly what were the conditions of membership in the Presbyterian Church, and what were the points upon which an applicant for admission would be examined. The conversation lasted, probably, from two to three hours. After sitting quiet for a few minutes, he said, “Well, sir, I thank you. My mind is now made up. I hope that I am a Christian. I think I have much of the experience which you describe, and, as soon as I retire from my office as President, I will unite with the Presbyterian Church.” To this, I replied, “Why not _now_, Mr. President? God’s invitation is _now_, and you should not say _to-morrow_.” To this he answered, with deep feeling, and with a strong gesture, “I must delay, for the _honor of religion_. If I were to unite with the Church _now_, they would say hypocrite from Maine to Georgia.” I felt the truth of his answer, and did not continue my urgency.

This closed our conversation, but, as Mr. Buchanan remained at the Springs for some time, he seemed to seize every opportunity, when he met me in the hall or in the parlor, to ask some question which he had been pondering, or to repeat some passage of Scripture upon which his mind had been dwelling, and ask how I understood it. For example, meeting me in the passage, he asked me the meaning of the verse, “The bruised reed he will not break: the smoking flax he will not quench;” and when I explained the figures, and showed how beautifully they expressed the tenderness of our Lord, he seemed to exhibit the most simple-hearted gratification.

I take pleasure in giving these recollections for record, because I have never entertained a doubt of the entire honesty of Mr. Buchanan’s religious impressions. I did not agree with him in politics, or feel any sympathy with his public career; but I think that he is entitled to this testimony from one who was placed in circumstances to judge fairly of the reality of his religious convictions. The purpose which President Buchanan expressed to me of uniting with the Church was fulfilled. He connected himself with the Presbyterian Church in Lancaster, Pa., immediately after his retirement from the Presidential chair.

Mr. J. Buchanan Henry concludes his communication to me, from which I have already quoted, as follows:

In personal appearance Mr. Buchanan was tall—over six feet, broad shouldered, and had a portly and dignified bearing. He wore no beard; his complexion was clear and very fair; his forehead was massive, white and smooth; his features strong and well marked, and his white hair was abundant and silky in texture; his eyes were blue, intelligent and kindly, with the peculiarity that one was far and the other near sighted, which resulted in a slight habitual inclination of the head to one side—a peculiarity that will be remembered by those who knew him well. He dressed with great care, in black, wearing always a full white cravat, which did not, however, impart to him anything of a clerical aspect. He was, on the whole, a distinguished looking and handsome man, and his size and fine proportions gave a dignity and commanding air to his personal presence. His manner and bearing had much of the old-fashioned courtly school about it.[187]

Footnote 187:

The frontispiece of the first volume of this work is from a portrait painted by Eicholtz for Mr. Buchanan’s sister, Mrs. Lane, just before he went to Russia. It was engraved for this work by Sartain, of Philadelphia. The frontispiece of the second volume is a full length, by J. C. Buttre, of New York, engraved for this work, in a reduced size, from a larger plate by the same artist.

I do not think he was a very easy or fluent public speaker, but what he had to say always commanded attention, even among his great compeers in the Senate.

Mr. Buchanan’s parents were Presbyterians, and he always evinced a preference for that form of worship. He was a regular attendant upon church services, both at Washington and in Lancaster, being a pew holder and an always generous contributor to both the building and maintenance of Christian worship. I have known him to give a thousand dollars at a time in aid of building funds for churches of all denominations, and many of his most faithful friends were members of the Roman Catholic communion. He was, to my knowledge, always a sincere believer in all the cardinal doctrines of Christianity, had no eccentricities of religious belief, but accepted Christianity as a divine revelation and a simple rule for the conduct of human life, and relied upon it for the guidance of his own life. He certainly always pressed their force upon my cousin and myself, in our family intercourse under his roof, as his wards. I remember that she and I always hid away our secular newspaper or novel on Sunday if we heard him approaching, as we were otherwise pretty sure to get a mild rebuke for not better employing our time on Sunday, either in good works, or at least in better reading.

The candid student of history, intent only on getting at the very truth without fear, favor or prejudice, after the perusal of President Buchanan’s plain exposition of the threatenings of the impending rebellion, as set forth in his message of December, 1860, and the message of January 8, 1861, must ask the question, why did not the Congress, sole constitutional depositary of the power to raise armies or to call out the militia, then and there, by proper legislation, authorize the President to stamp out the incipient revolt by voting the money for and the authority to employ any necessary military force to accomplish the legitimate end? I have reason to know that the President would not have hesitated to faithfully execute any law which Congress might then have enacted. Why, then, did Congress, from December to March, with the plain facts fully brought to their attention by President Buchanan, and in the face of such imminent public peril, neglect to perform its constitutional function, or to vote either supplies or men? What more could President Buchanan have legally done? Should he have become an usurper, and declared himself Dictator, after the fashion of South America? The conclusion must be, that Congress, from some inexplicable reason, saw fit to abdicate its functions, leaving its powers dormant at the most critical period. Can it have been from any unworthy partisan motive? It could not have been from doubt of its possessing the authority. Whilst President Buchanan held, and rightly held, that he could find no authority in the Constitution to coerce the States, _as States_, or mere legal entities, he clearly enunciated the true doctrine of the constitutional power of the National Government to fully enforce its laws, by acting coercively upon the persons of all citizens when in revolt or resistance to its authority, wherever they might be, and whether as individuals or massed together in armies. That doctrine then set forth by Mr. Buchanan was unpopular, but it stands to-day confessed to be the only true construction of the Constitution. After the flames of a four years’ civil conflagration had beaten against the text, no important writer on the organic law held any other construction to be tenable. Its present universal acceptance proves the sagacity and correctness of Mr. Buchanan’s views at that early date.

If there was any more marked political bias of Mr. Buchanan’s mind than any other it was that of an almost idolatrous respect and reverence for the Constitution. He had been educated and lived in the old constitutional school of statesmanship, and wholly believed in the wisdom and perfection of that great organic law devised by the founders and builders of our Government. He fully and ardently believed in its sufficiency for all purposes, whether of peace or war. Perhaps such a faith as was entertained by that race of statesmen would be considered by the present lax school as savoring of political fetichism. Certainly there were many who so regarded it, and who rather contemptuously avowed in Congress that their views and measures were, in many instances, extra-constitutional. To me, at least, this knowledge of Mr. Buchanan’s political religion, so to speak, explains why he did not for an instant contemplate the usurpation—for usurpation it would have been, pure and simple—of the constitutional prerogatives of Congress to declare war, or, at least, to precipitate war: or by seizing the persons of the Southern members of Congress and of the State authorities who were working to secure the secession of their several States. Congress was in session, and it was, that being the case, only for the President to lay the facts before that body and obey their behest, whether for peace or war. No belief that the American people would have condoned his usurpation, if made, or have upheld his extra-constitutional act, such as calling for volunteers, or declaring war, or making an aggressive war, would have justified him in assuming the prerogatives of Congress, then actually in session. Although such an act might have made him the most popular idol in American history, I do not think he could have been tempted to break his solemn oath to support the Constitution, by ignoring its plainest provisions. “Nothing succeeds like success.” I am sometimes asked why Mr. Buchanan did not “take the responsibility?” Such a course would have remained impossible to him, with his views of his duty, and I think that in time he will be applauded, not blamed, for his self-sacrificing devotion to what he regarded as the right, rather than seeking his own personal popularity by illegal means.

I cannot close without a few words upon my uncle’s views upon slavery. He simply tolerated it as a legal fact under our Constitution. He had no admiration for it whatever. I know of a number of instances in which he purchased the freedom of slaves in Washington, and brought them to Pennsylvania with him, leaving it to them to repay him if they could out of their wages. His constant recognition of the legal existence of slavery in the South, and its right to protection so long as it legally existed there, rendered him liable to misrepresentation at the North and to misconception at the South; the one regarding him as an apologist of slavery, and the other as its open friend, whereas he was neither. He was only desirous to see the Constitution and laws obeyed, and did, emphatically, not believe in the so-called “Higher Law.” In fact I cannot but regard Mr. Buchanan as having been cruelly misrepresented at the North and betrayed by the South, which began its unjustifiable secession when quite safe from any invasion of its Constitutional rights. The Southern leaders did not hesitate to precipitate what they knew would be disastrous to his benign administration, if it did not actually terminate it in blood. It was, too, the grossest ingratitude to the Democratic party, which had always stood like a wall of fire between the South and its assailants in the North.

Mr. Buchanan, to the day of his death, expressed to me his abiding conviction that the American people would, in due time, come to regard his course as the only one which at that time promised any hope of saving the nation from a bloody and devastating war, and would recognize the integrity and wisdom of his course in administering the Government for the good of the whole people, whether North or South. His conviction on this point was so genuine that he looked forward serenely to the future, and never seemed to entertain a misgiving or a doubt.

The day is now not very far off when the American people will appreciate his faithful services to the Republic, his stainless character and his exalted patriotism.

The remainder of Miss Annie Buchanan’s very interesting paper is as follows:

The society in Lancaster, at the time of my uncle’s early residence there, must have been quite above the average in intellectual culture and in social qualities. He was very fond, in the latter part of his life, of conversing about those times, and told a great many anecdotes of them and of the people who flourished in them. Unfortunately, they have gone from our memory, only leaving behind faint outlines of their former interest.

My uncle had the most delightful way of throwing himself back into the past scenes of his life, and, as it were, living them over again. He would tell you the whole position of affairs, make you understand the point of the story thoroughly, and then laugh in a most infectious way. When he was in a vein of conversation, and felt in the humor for going back into the past, a whole room full of people would sit all the evening, listening with delight, no one daring to interrupt, except in order, by some leading question or remark, to draw him out to talk more freely.

After his return from Washington, it was his constant habit to come into the parlor after tea, and there to spend the evening, with whatever members of the family might be staying with him. After listening, as he often did, to reading for an hour, he would begin to converse, and it was a rare treat to be a sharer in these conversations. I knew it to be a great privilege, thoroughly appreciated it at the time, but now that those evenings are forever gone, with what mingled feelings of delight and regret I look back upon them! They always ended at ten o’clock, and he very seldom sat up much after that hour, even when he had guests in the house who did not care to retire so early. “The time for all good Christians to be in bed,” he would say, and, bidding good-night, would leave us to remain as long as we saw fit.

Of course my uncle was not always in the vein of talking in the way I have described, and sometimes much preferred having others to talk to him. I have often been struck with the easy grace with which he, who had been so much a man of the world, and had associated with men and women of the highest culture, could take and show the greatest interest in the rather uninteresting details given by some humble neighbor about the sayings and doings of his family and establishment. My uncle was a Democrat, not only in political principle, but in the large and true democratic sense. He looked upon his neighbors, even those who were plain and uneducated, as his fellow-men, and treated them accordingly.

I remember his talking to me very earnestly about visiting and relieving the sick and the poor, and trying to make me realize that Christianity which could lack this fruit must be worthless.

On one occasion, when I was quite a child and on a visit to Wheatland, I saw him go anxiously to the window and look upon the night, which was cold and stormy, with sleet and snow, and I heard him say, “God help the poor to-night!” I mention this because very soon after, I think the next day, he sent some money, quite a large sum, to the mayor of Lancaster, to buy fuel for the poor. The same idea he carried out, when he made a provision in his last will for this very purpose.

My uncle was very generous to those who were in need, and very many were the persons whom he helped by gifts and loans, who would otherwise have been in great straits. He was not lavish in his expenditures. He knew exactly what he was spending, spent nothing foolishly, was careful of what money he had, and was anxious to invest what he had in such a way as that it should be remunerative, so that when he gave, he did it from principle, because he wished to do a kindness, or because he thought it was right to do it. His heart made him always anxious to ameliorate the miseries of those around him.

He was very much interested in his family and their welfare, and to him it was that each and all looked for advice or assistance. While he did not hesitate to speak sternly when he thought duty required it—sometimes even more so than was necessary—he was always ready, even at the same time, to lend a helping hand. He was the oldest child of my grandfather who lived to grow up, and this fact, together with his eminent uprightness and wisdom, made him to be looked upon by all the different branches of the family as their head. Our particular family have great reason to remember his kindness, and we look back with great pleasure to the many visits of months at a time which we paid him, at his request, both at Wheatland and in Washington. After his death, we felt that we had lost the friend who, next to our own father, cared most for us, and one on whose sympathy and kindness we could most depend.

The accompanying qualities in my uncle’s character to his kindness were his justice and integrity. No debt of his was ever knowingly left unpaid. Even the return he made for his taxes was often larger than that of most of his neighbors, because he scrupulously returned an accurate account of his possessions to the assessors. He would not have retained in his possession the smallest sum which he thought to justly belong to another.

And this honesty showed itself quite as much in relation to public affairs as to his own. He was honest even about his time. While he was President, his time was given most scrupulously to his work. He entered his office at nine o’clock in the morning and remained there until four o’clock, when he would take a walk before dinner, which was at five o’clock. After dinner he generally spent a large part of the evening attending to business; and this was the case not for some months of the year only, but for the _whole_ year. Except while he was making a short trip into North Carolina and during a visit of about two weeks each year at Bedford Springs, which was necessary to his health, he remained at his post for the four entire years. I remember hearing some members of his cabinet say that he loved work for work’s sake. I do not know whether this was the case or not, but certain it is that he did a great deal of work. He always went over carefully, himself, every matter presented to him by his cabinet officers, and tried to possess himself with all the ins and outs of what was going on under his administration.

It surprises me very much to read insinuations to the effect that he was not _the_ President. I knew quite intimately nearly all the members of his cabinet, and heard a good deal of their conversation, and I know with what respect they spoke of him, and that the whole tone of their conversation was that he was the master.

There was a peculiarity of his mind which may possibly account to some extent for this mistaken impression. It very often happened that when some new idea or proposition was suggested to him, he would, at the first blush, entirely disapprove of it, so that any one not well acquainted with him, might think the case was hopeless. When he had time, however, to think about it, and if some one would quietly give him the points of the case, and draw his attention more particularly to it, he would sometimes make up his mind in quite an opposite way from that which he had at first intended. After, however, he had once definitely and positively come to a decision, he was unchangeable. What he considered to be right he did, and no fear of consequences could alter his purpose. And the value of this quality to him will be understood when we remember that after his return home from Washington he did not seem to regret his course while there. I never heard him say that he wished he had acted differently in the troublous times through which he had passed. He knew that the steps he had taken had been with the single earnest aim and desire of preserving the country from disunion and war; and that being the case, his having failed in his endeavor did not trouble his conscience at all. “I acted for some time as a breakwater,” he said, “between the North and the South, both surging with all their force against me.”

I say did not touch his _conscience_. His _heart_ was greatly distressed. I remember the morning on which the news came of the ships being sent to the relief of Fort Sumter. “I fear Governor Chase is bringing war upon his country,” was his sad exclamation, and from that time until peace was declared, his true and loyal heart grieved over the distress and misery of his country.

I remember an incident early in his administration, which shows his integrity in the matter of his duty. A young man was sentenced to be hung in Washington for murder, who had, for some reason, enlisted great interest for himself among members of his church (Roman Catholic), and not only the mother of the condemned man, but several clergymen and Sisters of Charity, also, waited upon my uncle to importune him for a pardon. My uncle’s feelings were greatly enlisted, and I heard him say that he had gone over the case three times, in order that, if possible, he might find some reason that would make it right to grant a pardon. But finding, as he did at last, that there absolutely was no such reason, he said the law must have its way, and the young man was executed.

Another great characteristic of my uncle was his independence of spirit. He would not be under obligation, for gifts, to any one while he was in office, and in fact he did not like to be so at any time. I remember the ——’s were very anxious to present a grand piano to my cousin, soon after she went to Washington, but my uncle positively declined allowing her to accept it. When the Japanese commissioners came, bringing with them curious and costly gifts, some of which were intended for the President, he sent them all to the Patent Office, as the property of the country. He even went so far as to insist, at all times, upon paying his fare whenever he travelled, never receiving a pass, even when he was out of office. He would have been horrified at the idea of travelling free while he was President. I have often heard him say, “I will pay my way while I can afford it. When I cannot afford to pay I will stay at home.” The salary of the President during my uncle’s administration was $25,000. So far from being made any richer by his office, he was obliged to supplement some of his own private means each year, in order that the becoming hospitality and mode of living might be kept up at the White House.

As long as I can remember my uncle, he was a religious man, becoming more and more so as his life drew near its close. His knowledge of the scriptures was very thorough, and whatever doubts he may have had in his earlier life, had been dissipated by the rays of the Sun of Righteousness. He was, certainly, during the latter years of his life, a strong and firm believer in Jesus Christ as his Saviour. It was his constant habit, after his return from Washington, to read daily in the New Testament, and a large part of Sunday he spent in studying that and books founded upon its teachings. A devotional book, Jay’s Morning and Evening Exercises, was his constant companion, and he read a great deal in the sermons of the great French preacher, Massillon, a French copy of which he had and often quoted. He conversed much about the Gospel and its teachings, and one could easily tell that he was deeply interested in the subject.

It was his practice, during all his life, to attend church on Sunday morning, and some effect of his early teaching, which very strongly inculcated the hallowing of the Lord’s day, was shown when he was in St. Petersburg. It was the custom there for even the most devout, after they had attended service through the day, to go to balls and festivities in the evening of Sunday. My uncle thought that he could not be excused from attending the Emperor’s balls, but made it a rule never to dance on Sunday evening, and so caused great surprise to some of his friends there, especially when he explained to them that in America the manner prevalent in Russia of spending Sunday evening would be thought quite shocking.

To show how my uncle respected the religious sense of the community, I will mention, that when the Prince of Wales was visiting him in Washington, and when a large company had been invited to do the Prince honor, my uncle would not consent to having any dancing at it. He took this position, not that he disapproved himself of dancing, but he thought that it would cause scandal to the religious people of the country if there were to be a dance there in the White House. “I am the servant of the people,” was his motto, and with this feeling in his mind he toiled, he lived and acted, always trying to prevent anything from being done which would give offence to that people.

I remember dining with him, in company with a lady who seemed to be a thoroughly worldly woman, one whose life had been spent in public and among worldly people. I do not remember the whole conversation, or how my uncle came to say it, but I remember his remark, “I say my prayers every day of my life.” The lady looked up at him in surprise, and questioned, thinking he was jesting. “No,” said my uncle, “I am not jesting, I have always said my prayers.” I will only add, while on this subject, that not only did my uncle attend church constantly on Sundays, but he was very particular to omit his ordinary avocations, and to make it a day of rest, through all his life.

There was one thing very noticeable in my uncle’s conversation during those years which he spent at Wheatland, after his return from Washington. He conversed very little on the political matters of the day, and, particularly, he showed remarkably little bitterness towards those whose indifference and even hatred towards himself showed themselves so strongly when power and influence had passed out of his hands. Occasionally, certainly, he could not help speaking his mind about one or two particularly flagrant cases, but as a general thing he passed over their conduct in silence. He was not fond of picking people to pieces, and his inclination was rather to speak and think kindly of his neighbors.

My uncle was quite stout, although not at all overgrown, and you could not see him without observing that he was a person of distinction. Although he was of so stout a build his foot was rather small, and I often noticed how lightly and quickly he walked. He was very quick of apprehension, and there was very little going on around that he did not know and understand. He has told me that when he was in his prime his hearing was so acute that he could often hear whispering in the adjoining room, and he very often heard things not intended for him to hear.

Owing to a difference which there was between his eyes, one being near and the other far-sighted, he held his head to one side, particularly when looking at any person or thing. When listening to any one he would hold his head in this way, close one eye and gaze very steadily, and so conveyed the impression that he was looking the speaker through and through. I have heard him say that he did not know until he was forty or fifty years of age the cause of this habit. Some friend walking with him suggested to him to try his eyes and see if he could not see better, at a distance, with one than with the other, when, to his surprise, he discovered that with one eye he could not distinguish the landscape at all, while with the other he could see very far. Whether this peculiarity was the cause of his long continued sight I do not know, but the fact is that up to the time of his death he was able to read everything without the aid of glasses. He found, however, during the last year of his life, or perhaps a little longer, that when he read fine print at night, which he often wished to do, it strained his eyes, and for these occasions he procured a pair of spectacles, but he never used them at any other time.

He had a very peculiar way of reading at night. No matter how many lights might be in the room he always had a candlestick and candle, which he held before his eyes, and by that means read his paper or book. As he grew older we often felt quite anxious for fear his paper might take fire, and, occasionally, on the next morning a hole would be found burnt in it, but, as far as I can recollect, nothing more serious ever came of his reading in this way.

My uncle was an extensive reader and had a good memory for what he had read. His reading embraced all classes of literature, and he conversed intelligently on all subjects. He continued to read a great deal after his return to Wheatland, and enjoyed being read to. Near the end of his life, however, he remarked to me one day, “I am tired of reading; I don’t seem to care about it any more,” and, as if that were the case, he might at that time be often seen sitting without either book or paper, whereas formerly, when not conversing, he was almost always reading.

My uncle’s political life had been an unusually long one, and, in consequence, his remembrance of the sayings and doings of the great people of his time was very interesting. I have heard him say that the first President whom he had met was President Monroe, “a gentlemanly man, wearing a blue coat and metal buttons,” and after him he had more or less acquaintance with all the Presidents. It was, in great part, on account of this wonderful fund of personal knowledge which he possessed, that his friends urged him to have a book written which should contain, not only the facts of his own life, but also the reminiscences which he was fond of narrating.

He was very fond of ladies’ society, and was all his life in the habit of entertaining them at his house. During his different residences in Washington, while in London and St. Petersburg, as well as in Lancaster, he was very hospitable, and greatly enjoyed the society of his friends in his own house. When he finally returned to Wheatland, he saw much less of society than he had ever done before, and, I have no doubt, his life must have seemed very monotonous to him, but he never complained at all, and was remarkably cheerful and happy.

I have written these pages at the request of my father, hoping that some things in them may be of service to Mr. Curtis, in forming an estimate of the character of my uncle. They have no claim whatever to any literary merit, and are only an effort to do some honor to one so truly loved and so deeply mourned. To me, though it would be a great joy to know that men recognized the wisdom and greatness of his actions, it would be of far greater account to have them realize his goodness, nobility, honor, self-sacrifice, courage and honesty. There may, and must, always be a difference of opinion about questions of polity and administration, but the true elements of greatness lie in the soul of man, and are of far higher value than praise and popular estimation, often attained through a turn of Fortune’s wheel.

I close this memorial chapter with some extracts from the sermon preached by Dr. Nevin at the funeral of Mr. Buchanan. Dr. Nevin chose for his text the words: “I would not have you to be ignorant, brethren, concerning them which are asleep, that ye sorrow not, even as others which have no hope. For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so them also which sleep in Jesus will God bring with Him.”

...... In connection with this momentous subject, the occasion on which we are now met together is full of more than ordinary interest and significance, such as may well invest it with the most profound solemnity for all who are here present.

We have before us, and will be called soon to follow to the grave, the mortal remains of James Buchanan, the fifteenth President of the United States; who, after taking an active part in the politics of this great nation for half a century, having filled the highest places of honor and trust in the gift of his country, and having represented her for a long time with prominent distinction in the diplomacy of the civilized world, has now, at the advanced age of almost four score years, been gathered to his fathers, and enrolled on the catalogue of the great and illustrious dead. His name has been famous, not simply through his own merits, but through association, also, with the leading political characters and the leading political interests of the times in which he lived.

He belonged to a generation of eminent statesmen, giants in their day, whose names were once household words in the land, but who, in him as their representative, we can all feel have passed away forever from the drama of our national life. There is something peculiarly affecting in this thought. He was the last link that held us in communication with that buried age; and in parting with Mr. Buchanan, it is as though we were called to part again with Clay, and Webster, and Benton, and Calhoun, and Jackson, and Cass, and the whole political world to which they belonged. Now, more than ever, their age has become to us, in view especially of the late war, like the years before the flood. Then the occasions with which he has been intimately connected, especially in the latter part of his public life, have been of the most momentous, as well as the most difficult and trying character, involving in the end a crisis which amounted to a full revolution for our own country, while it made itself felt, also, as of truly world-historical importance for the age at large.

This is not the place nor the time, of course, to enter into any consideration of Mr. Buchanan’s public career, or to pronounce any judgment in particular on the policy of his administration as President of the United States. The time, indeed, has not yet come for a fair and competent historical verdict on this subject, in any quarter. We stand too near the vast and mighty struggle through which we have just passed, and from whose surging billows we have not yet fully escaped, to understand it properly, or to estimate fairly its moral and political merits.

Only this much, in justice to the dead, I may be permitted to say, in the form of two general observations:

In the first place, we have no right to judge Mr. Buchanan’s conduct at the beginning of our late civil troubles by the course of events subsequently, when the contingent became actual, and the problematical certain, in many ways, which only the eye of Omniscience could previously foresee. How far this ex post facto judgment (cruel and wrongful in history, full as much as ex post facto statutes in legislation), has been carried in the case before us, all who care to look into the matter can easily see and know. Every man, every public man especially, has a right to demand that his opinions and actions should be measured by the circumstances and conditions of his own time, and not by the circumstances and conditions of another and, it may be, a wholly different time. Any other mode of judgment is at once grossly unhistorical, grossly unphilosophical, and I will also add, grossly unchristian.

My other observation is, that whatever may be thought by others, now or hereafter, of Mr. Buchanan’s Presidential administration on the eve of the rebellion, he himself never changed his mind in regard to the righteousness or wisdom of the course which he saw proper to pursue. That his own policy was thwarted and overwhelmed by another policy, altogether different, never led him to believe that, in the circumstances of the country, as they then were, his own policy was not right. “Had I to pass through the same state of things again,” he would say, calmly but firmly, “I do not see, before God, how I could act otherwise than as I did act.”

This, of course, does not prove that his course was the wisest and best for the exigencies of that fearfully volcanic time, as they came to view afterwards in the lava flames of our civil war; but no one who was intimately familiar, as I have been, with the last years of Mr. Buchanan’s life, could doubt, at all events, the sincerity of his own convictions, thus expressed in regard to the closing portions of his political career.[188] Whether absolutely wise or not in all his counsels, he was, in this time that tried men’s souls, honest, at least, conscientious and patriotically true to what he conceived to be the highest interests of his country.

Footnote 188:

Only a few days before his death, in a conversation with Mr. Swarr, when the hope was expressed that he might still live to see his public life vindicated, he spoke on this subject as follows: “My dear friend, I have no fear of the future. Posterity will do me justice. I have always felt, and still feel, that I discharged every duty imposed on me conscientiously. I have no regret for any public act of my life; and history will vindicate my memory from every unjust aspersion.”

But these political surroundings of the present solemnity, however they must unavoidably crowd upon our thoughts while we are engaged in it, form not, by any means, what we should all feel to be, for us now, its main interest. The relations of time, however otherwise vast and momentous, are here to-day, swallowed up and made small by the relations of eternity. Mr. Buchanan has passed away, not simply as a politician and a statesman, but as a Christian; and this it is we now feel, standing by his coffin and his grave, to be a distinction of infinitely higher account than all the honors and dignities of his life, under any other form.

These, at best, are but of ephemeral significance and worth. One generation of politicians passeth away and another generation cometh. Where are the voices that, thirty or forty years ago, filled our Congressional halls and electrified the land with their eloquent words? Kings and Presidents, the princes of the earth—terrestrial gods, as they are sometimes called—die like other men. “All flesh is as grass, and all the glory of man as the flower of grass; the grass withereth, and the flower thereof falleth away, but the word of the Lord endureth forever.” And where do we find this enduring word of the Lord in full presence and power, save in the Logos Incarnate, our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the Alpha and Omega of the whole creation, the same yesterday, to-day and forever?

Happily, the venerable sage of Wheatland, as he has sometimes been called, sought and found here what he himself was ready to acknowledge as something better than all the greatness of the world; an humble but strong trust in the atoning righteousness of Christ, which brightened the whole evening of his life, which proved to be the strength of his spirit, when heart and flesh began to fail, and which now makes his death but the quiet sleep that precedes the morning of the resurrection. He died in the Lord; this is our great comfort in following him to the grave. We sorrow not as those who have no hope. “For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so them also which sleep in Jesus will God bring with him.”

In some sense, Mr. Buchanan was a religious man, we may say, all his life. Brought into the Presbyterian church by baptism in his infancy, he enjoyed at the same time the unspeakable advantage of an early Christian training, which made itself felt more or less sensibly on all his character and conduct in later years. In serious conversation with me on this subject less than a year ago, he referred, with moistened eyes and faltering voice, to the lessons that had been instilled into him as a boy, especially by his pious mother. She had taught him to pray; and her presence, as an invisible ministering spirit, seemed to hold him to the duty, as it were in spite of himself, through the whole of his subsequent public life. Whatever of worldliness there might be in his thoughts and ways otherwise, his conscience would not allow him to give up the outward exercise, at least, of some private as well as public, forms of devotion. He made it a point to read the bible, honored the Sabbath, and observed more or less faithfully stated times for secret prayer.

His general character, at the same time, was always good. Those who stood nearest to him in his public life, and who knew him best, have ever united in bearing the most favorable testimony to what he was in this view. He has been known and spoken of on all sides as a true gentleman of the old school, distinguished for his personal integrity, a man of honorable spirit, upright in his deportment, and beyond the common measure virtuous in his manners. He was unquestionably one of the purest in mind, and most exemplary in life, belonging to the generation of public men, which has now come to a close in his death. It is, indeed, something wonderful, that in his peculiar circumstances he should have been able to pass through such a long life of exposure to all forms of corruption and sin, so generally unscathed as he seems to have been by the fiery ordeal. In this respect, he is worthy of lasting admiration, and may well be held up as an example for the study and imitation of younger candidates for political distinction coming after his day. When will all our public men lay to heart, as they ought, that true oracle of the olden time: “The memory of the just is blessed; but the name of the wicked shall rot?”

All this, however, Mr. Buchanan himself very well knew, fell short of what was required to make him a Christian in the full sense of the term; and as he advanced in life accordingly, he seems to have turned his mind more and more seriously to the necessity of becoming a follower of the Saviour in a more inward and strict way. This practical discipleship he believed himself to have reached in some measure years before he withdrew from political life. Yet, he made then no open profession of his faith, in the way of what is commonly called joining the church, under the idea that there was some reason for postponing it in the peculiar circumstances in which he stood as a public man. That idea, of course, was a serious mistake, as he himself acknowledged it to be afterwards, when earnestly spoken with on the subject. He ought to have joined the church sooner, he said, and especially before he left Washington. As it was, he took this important step in due course of time, subsequently, after full serious consideration, by connecting himself in form with the Presbyterian church of Lancaster, which had been his regular place of worship previously, where he continued to worship afterwards, and in communion with which he has now departed this life, “looking for the general resurrection in the last day, and the life of the world to come.”

It was my privilege to converse with him frequently on religious subjects, during these his last years, and I can say his mind seemed to be always clear and remarkably firm, as well as consistent, in the apprehension of Christianity, under its simplest and most commonly acknowledged evangelical form. He had studied carefully, I may be allowed to state, the Heidelberg Catechism (that most œcumenical, and in some respects most genial of all the Reformed Protestant Confessions), and he was accustomed to speak highly of it at all times, as being a summary of religious truth, to which he could cordially subscribe as the full expression of his theological faith.[189]

Footnote 189:

Conversing with his executor and friend, Mr. Swarr, in regard to his decease, a short time before it took place, he took occasion to say, in the way of dying testimony: “The principles of the Christian religion were instilled into my mind in my youth; and from all I have observed and experienced in the long life Providence has vouchsafed to me, I have only become more strengthened in the conviction of the Divine character of the Saviour, and the power of atonement through His redeeming grace and mercy.”

More particularly, however, it was during the last summer, that I had the opportunity of coming to the most intimate knowledge of his Christian views and hopes, on the occasion of his returning home from Cape May, under an attack of a strange sickness which threatened at the time to carry him to the grave. The sickness was attended with but little bodily pain, and it left his mind perfectly clear and free, while yet it was of such a character as to produce in his own mind the strong impression that it would end in his death. In these solemn circumstances, I had interviews with him day after day for some time, in which I talked with him, and prayed with him, as a dying man; and in which he talked also most freely himself with regard to his own condition, giving utterance to his views and feelings in a way which furnished the most satisfactory and pleasing evidence that religion had become with him, indeed, a deeply-settled principle in the soul, and such a conviction of faith as could not be shaken by the powers either of earth or hell. Let it be sufficient here to say, that he was able to resign himself with full filial confidence and trust into the hands of God as a faithful Creator and Saviour, and that he found Him an all sufficient help in his time of need. At the same time, his faith was far more than a vague trust merely in God’s general goodness and mercy. It was most explicitly the humble, penitent reliance of one who knew himself to be a sinner, on the mercy of God secured to men through His Son Jesus Christ. At this time, especially, more than before, he was brought to see and feel the importance of simply looking to Jesus (in the spirit of St. John’s gospel and of the Apostle’s Creed), as being Himself the sum and substance of the whole Christian salvation. His mind fastened with peculiar interest on the text: “Lord to whom shall we go? Thou hast the words of eternal life. And we believe and are sure that Thou art that Christ the Son of the living God.”[190]

Footnote 190:

These pastoral conferences—_horæ vespertinæ_ they might be called, held as they were mostly in the autumnal twilight, on what seemed to be for us the utmost verge of time—were peculiarly interesting and solemn to myself, as they were always most cordially welcomed also by Mr. Buchanan. There was no reserve or hesitation in his manner. His habitual diplomatic caution was gone. At the same time there was no excitement or agitation in his mind. He was perfectly calm, and had no fear of death whatever. Still it was full before him, and he had no disposition to hide from himself its awful presence. He wished to be talked with as a man who felt himself to be on the borders of the eternal world, and who was fully awake to the dread issues of the life to come. But with all this, his spirit abode in quiet confidence and peace, and the ground of his trust throughout was the mercy of God through the righteousness of Jesus Christ. There was nothing like enthusiasm, of course, in his experience; the general nature of the man made that impossible. His religion showed itself rather in the form of fixed trust in God, thankfulness for His past mercy, and general resignation to His holy will. In these twilight hours, thus circumstanced, it could not be but that central regard was had continually to the person of Jesus Christ, and the significance of the Christian redemption as comprehended in the idea of His coming in the flesh. This Christological way of looking at the gospel was in some measure new to Mr. Buchanan, or at least it had not taken hold of his mind, as he confessed, in the same manner before. Now, however, it gave him great satisfaction, and he considered it one special benefit of his sickness, that it had taught him to see in the simple exercise of “looking to Jesus” what he found to be, for himself, at least, the most consoling and the most strengthening practice of Christian faith.

Altogether it was a death-bed experience, full of tranquil light and peace, the calm evening sunset of a long life, which seemed to be itself but the brightening promise of a new and far better life beyond the grave.

His late sickness, which has now terminated in his death, was more prostrating for him throughout, both in body and in mind, than that of which I have just spoken. Through it all, however, his views and feelings in regard to religion he declared to be, in the prospect of quitting the world, just what he had over and over again witnessed them to be before. He bowed with entire submission to his Heavenly Father’s will. His last intelligible word, indeed, whispered in the ear of anxious affection bending over him, as he was turned somewhat painfully upon his bed, and felt, no doubt, that the end had come—after which he fell away into the gentle sleep that some hours later closed the scene—was the short Christian prayer: “O Lord, God Almighty, as Thou wilt!” Thus he passed away. His trust was in Christ crucified and risen from the dead, and in Christ alone. He died in the full faith of the gospel, and in the joyful hope of having part at last in the resurrection of the body and the life everlasting.

He sleeps in Jesus. Be this his epitaph; the last and crowning honor of his long, illustrious life; the richest ornament of his public, no less than of his private memory and name. Be this also the consolation of his sorrowful friends as they look upon that venerable majestic form here lying in state before us, and are called now to follow it in slow melancholy procession to the grave. We sorrow not as others, which have no hope; for if Jesus died and rose again, them also which sleep in Jesus will God bring with Him. The aged statesman has been gathered to his fathers full of years, like a shock of corn fully ripe and laden with fruit; he has served his country well, and enjoyed its honors largely, in his generation; he has left behind him a fair example of justice, benevolence, integrity and truth, a bright record indeed, of honorable and virtuous character in all respects. In all this we find matter for thankful satisfaction, and occasion for bowing in meek submission to the Divine will, which has now at last removed him from our sight. But, through all this, at the same time, we triumph and rejoice most of all, as Christians, in what we know to have been his Christian death, and in the assurance that we have, therefore, of his being still with us, and near to us, in Christ.

To Whom, now let us offer our united and unfeigned thanks for that victory over death and the grave, which he has obtained for us and for all who sleep in Him; while we pray also for power to follow the faith of those who have gone before us, “that we may enter at death into their joy, and so abide with them in rest and peace, till both they and we shall reach our common consummation of redemption and bliss in the glorious resurrection of the last day.” _Amen._

The remains of James Buchanan lie in a beautiful rural cemetery near the city of Lancaster, beneath a simple monument, which records only the date of his birth and of his death, and the fact that he was the fifteenth President of the United States. It is well that the soil of Pennsylvania holds his ashes, for he was the most eminent statesman yet given by that great commonwealth to the service of the country since the Constitution of the United States was established.

INDEX.

ABERDEEN, LORD, Course of, on Oregon question, i., 568; Is informed by Mr. McLane of Mr. Buchanan’s despatch on Oregon Question, 558; Gives information that Oregon treaty is approved, 604.

ABERDEEN LORD, Premier, ii., 104; Ministry of, ii., 105, 107.

ADAMS, CHAS. F., Nomination of, ii., 9.

ADAMS, JAMES H., Commissioner from South Carolina, ii., 370.

ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY, Candidate at popular election of 1824, i., 38; Received unanimous votes of what States, 39; Election of, by House of Representatives, 44; Opposition to, who composed, 57; Administration, who were friends of, 58; Minority of friends in Congress, 70; Reference to election of, in 1825, 506; Reference to administration of, 511, 394; Referred to by Mr. R. P. Letcher, 514; On secession, ii., 603.

AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, i., #219#.

ALABAMA, Secession of, ii., 42.

ALBERT, PRINCE, of Prussia, i., 207.

ALBERT, PRINCE, ii., 112.

ALEXANDER, EMPEROR, of Russia, i., 155, 221.

ALFONSKOI, Russian physician, i., 195, 196, 198.

ALLEN, WILLIAM, U. S. Senator, reference to, on Texas question, i., 519; ii., 195, note.

AMERICA, CENTRAL, Negotiations with Lord Clarendon concerning, ii., 126 et seq.

AMERICAN INSTITUTE, i., 201.

AMERICAN SYSTEM, Mr. Buchanan’s views of, i., 76.

ANDERSON, MAJOR, Removal of, from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, ii., 365, 370; Temporary truce of, 449 et seq.; Extraordinary despatches from, 497; Letter of, to General Dix, 496, 518.

ANNE, EMPRESS, of Russia, i., 204.

ANNEXATION. (See Texas.)

ANNUNCIATION, Cathedral of, i., 199.

ANTI-MASONS, who were called, i., 231.

ANTOINE, REV. FATHER, Abbot of monastery, i., 202.

APPLETON, JOHN, of Maine, Mr. Buchanan’s Secretary of Legation in London, ii., 179.

APPROPRIATION, ANNUAL, Motion to strike out salary of minister to Russia, i., 129.

ARGYLE, DUKE of, Lord Privy Seal, ii., 105.

ASHBURTON, LORD, i., 504.

ASSUMPTION, Cathedral of, i., 199.

ATHERTON, CHAS. G., i., 519.

ARTHUR, PRINCE, Son of Princess Lieven, i., 217.

AUTHOR, Refutation a duty of the, ii., 511, 517.

BAKER, J. B., Letter to, ii., 622.

BAKER, MRS. GEO. W., Niece of Mr. Buchanan, i., 531, note; Death of, ii., 159.

BALDWIN, MR. JUSTICE, Death of, i., 561, 26.

BALTIMORE LADIES, Spirit of, in 1863, ii., 612.

BANCROFT, GEO., Letter of, to Mr. Buchanan, i., 590; Mission to England, 574, 575.

BANK OF THE UNITED STATES, i., 184; Mr. Buchanan an early opponent of, 15.

BANK QUESTION, Retrospective view of, i., 411, 416.

BANKRUPT ACT of 1841, Mr. Buchanan’s speech on, i., 461.

BANKRUPTCY, Meaning of, under the constitution, i., 30.

BANKRUPTCY BILL, Discussion on, in 1821-22, i., 31.

BARBOUR, GOV. JAMES, of Virginia, i., 606.

BARBOUR, PHILIP P., i., 26.

BARGAIN AND CORRUPTION, i., 41, 56; Unfounded charges of, 43; Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, 41, 56; Revival of, i., 506.

BARLOW, S. L. M., MR. (of New York), quoted, i., 22, note; Account by, of proceedings of Cincinnati Convention, ii., 170 et seq.

BARNWELL, ROBERT W., Commissioner from South Carolina, ii., 370.

BASHNIA, SOUCHAREVA, i., 196.

BATES, JOSHUA, Partner of Baring Bros. & Co., i., 226, and note.

BEALE WILLIAM, State Senator, i., 10.

BELL, MR., Senator from Tennessee, ii., 195, note.

BENTON, THOMAS H., Opposed to administration of John Q. Adams, i., 58; Politics of, 232; Resolutions of, on surplus money, 243; Resolutions of, in relation to defence of U. S., in case of war with France, 268; Expunging resolution of, 291, 293, 294, 305, 306; Antipathy of, to paper currency, 496; Subject of vituperation by his party, 510; Hue and cry against, 512; Pretensions of, to Presidency, 517; References to, 519, 528; Conduct and speech of, on Oregon question, 559; Course of, on Oregon question, 570; Reference to, 612.

BERNARD, GENERAL, Reference to, as favoring General Jackson’s election, i., 55.

BERNSDOFF, COUNTESS, ii., 159.

BERRIEN, J. MACPHERSON, Reference to, i., 545.

BEVERLY, CARTER, Conversation of, with General Jackson on incidents preceding the election of Mr. Adams, i., 49; Visit of, to General Jackson, 49.

BIGLER, MR., U. S. Senator, Note of, to President, ii., 465.

BILLS IN CONGRESS, Conscription, 1815, i., 9; Bill for relief of surviving officers of revolution, 58; Panama appropriation, 67; Alteration of tariff, 75; Cumberland Road, 81; To amend and extend judicial system, 95; To repeal 25th section of judiciary act, 110; Fortification Bill, 240; Removal of executive officers, 281; Removal of the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, 291; To restrain use of mails for the circulation of incendiary publications, 338; To accept services of volunteers for defence of frontiers, 368; To prevent interference of Federal officers with elections, 378; For the renewal of the charter of United States Bank, 413; To rescind the Specie Circular, 417; To authorize issue of Treasury notes, 422; To prevent Pennsylvania Bank from reissuing and circulating notes of old bank, 423; For a bank with power to establish offices of discount, 459; To create a Fiscal Corporation of the United States, 459; Bankrupt Act, 461.

BIRNEY, JAMES G., Anti-slavery candidate for Presidency, i., 543.

BLACK, JEREMIAH S., ATTORNEY GENERAL, ii., 194; Letter of, 309; Opinion of, 319; Objects to the answer of President Buchanan to commissioners, 379; Fears of, in regard to inauguration of Lincoln, 491, 514; Letter of, to Mr. Schell, 519; Letter of, to Mr. Buchanan, 562.

BLAKE, DR., Letters to, ii., 601, 614.

BLAKE, JOHN B., Letters of, to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 524, 525.

BLIGH, MR., British Minister at Russian court, i., 150; Accompanies Mr. Buchanan as far as Cronstadt, 217.

BONAPARTE, NAPOLEON, References to, i., 198, 222.

BORGO, COUNT POZZO DI, Conversation with Mr. Buchanan, i., 175; Called on by Mr. Buchanan, 220; Mr. Buchanan dines with, 222; Reference to conversations with, by Mr. Buchanan, 234.

BRANCH, MR., ii., 491.

BRECKINRIDGE, MR., Candidate for Vice Presidency, ii., 177; Nominated by Southern Democratic Convention, 288.

BRIGHT, JESSE D., Senator from Indiana, ii., 360.

BROGLIE, DUC DE, Visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 221; Conversation of, with Mr. Buchanan in 1833, 234; Reference to his note to Mr. Barton, 239; His assurance to Mr. Livingston, 252; Conduct of, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, 271; Letter to, by Mr. Livingston, 273; Famous letter of, to Chargé at Washington, 274; Letter of, to M. Pageot, 279.

BROWN, AARON V., Postmaster General, ii., 194.

BROWN, JAMES, Senator in Congress from Louisiana when Mr. Buchanan entered that body, i., 25.

BROWN, SIR WILLIAM, Mr. Buchanan dines with, at his country house, i., 137, 138 and note.

BRUNNOW, BARON DE, Reference to request of, i., 167.

BUCHANAN, Family of, Scotch-Irish, i., 1, 3.

BUCHANAN, MISS ANNIE, On Mr. Buchanan’s character and last days, ii., 674 et seq.

BUCHANAN, GEO. W., Brother of the President, i., 3; Letter of, to his brother James, 109.

BUCHANAN, JOHN, Grandfather of the President, i., 3.

BUCHANAN, MRS., Mother of the President, Letter of, to her son James, i., 134; Death of, 209, note.

BUCHANAN, JAMES, Father of the President, i., 1; Letters of, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14.

BUCHANAN, JAMES, the President, His autobiographical sketch, i., 1 et seq.; Birth of, 4; Education, 4; College career, 4, 6; Admitted to the bar, 7; A Federalist in politics, 8; Volunteers in the War of 1812, 8; On defence of the country, 8, 10; Oration of, on July 4th, 1815, 12; Elected to the legislature, 8; Re-elected to the legislature, 14; Counsel for an impeached Judge, 16; Rising to eminence as a lawyer, 17; Suffers a great disappointment in love, 17 et seq.; Elected to Congress, 23; First debate of, relative to military establishment, 30; Speech on tariff of, 1823-4, 36; Professional income, 37; Scandals as to supposed agency of, for Mr. Clay, 40; Action of, in regard to, 41; First acquaintance with General Jackson and Mr. Clay, 41; Interview with General Jackson at Seven Buildings, 42; Letter of, to General Jackson, 44; Integrity of, 51; Letters of, to Mr. Ingham, 51, 54; Letter of, to General Jackson, 55; Opposition of, to administration of John Q. Adams, 58; Speech of, in support of bill for relief of officers of Revolution, 59; Speech of, on Panama Mission, 65; Remarks on slavery, 68; Opposes Mr. Chilton’s resolution on abolition of offices, 71; Replies to Mr. Everett, 72; Powers as a debater, 74; Views of, on tariff, 74; Speech on tariff, 74; Replies to Mr. Sprague on tariff, 75; Views on subject of navy, 78; Opposition of, to administration, how carried on, 80; Speech of, on appropriation for surveys, 80; Course of, on Cumberland Road, 81; Speech on Cumberland Road, 82; Speech of, against second election to Presidency, 92; Action of, in election of General Jackson, 94; Report of, on judicial system, 95; Chairman of judiciary committee, 95; Re-election of, to Congress in 1828, 95; Speech of, on judiciary act, 95; Supports bill on judiciary system, 99, 100; Favors increase of Supreme Court Judges, 104; Views on judicial appointments, 105; Report of, on recommendation of judiciary committee, 107; Trial of Judge Peck, 108; Speech as a manager of the impeachment, 108; Letter from his brother George, 109; Remarks on twenty-fifth section of judiciary act, 113; Spoken of as candidate for Vice Presidency, 122; Letter of, to George Plitt, 122; Qualifications of, for great success at bar, 123; Letters from his brother George, 124, 125, 126; Letters of, to Mr. Eaton, 130, 131; Letter of, to General Jackson, 134; Letter of, to his brother Edward, 138; Diary of, on journey from Lancaster to Europe, 136; From London to St. Petersburg, 140; Letter of, to General Jackson, 142; Letter of, to his brother Edward, 144; Letter of, to John B. Sterigere, 146; Letter of, to his brother Edward, 147; Letter of, to General Jackson, 149; Letter of, to his brother Edward, 152; Letter of, to Mrs. Slaymaker, 154; Letter from his mother, 158, note; Letter of, to his brother Edward, 159; Letter of, to General Jackson, 164; Interview with Count Nesselrode, on commercial treaty, 165; Despatch of, to Secretary of State at Washington, 167; Commercial treaty, summary of, by, 168; Letter of, to General Jackson, on maritime treaty, 174; Failure of the latter, 174; Despatch of, to Secretary of State, 176; Letter of, to Secretary of State at Washington, 181; Letter of, to Mr. Sterigere, 189; Journey of, to Moscow, 192; Arrives at home, 227; Elected to the Senate, 228; Senator’s duties, 230, note; Remarks of, on relations with France, 236; Reply of, to Mr. Clay, in relation to France, 238; Remarks of, on President’s message in regard to France, 238; Position of, in relation to France, 236; Vindicates an amendment to fortification bill, 241; Surplus revenue, remarks on resolution of Mr. Benton concerning, 243; Speech of, on power of removal by the President, 282; Speech of, on expunging resolution, 293; Views of, on censure of President by Senate, 292; Course of, as to slavery, 315; Remarks on slavery, 316; Remarks on reception of Quaker memorial, 319 et seq.; Presents a petition from Society of Friends, 337; Remarks of, on bill to restrain circulation of incendiary publications, 340 et seq.; Remarks of, in favor of admission of Michigan, 358; Remarks of, on bill for services of volunteers for defence of frontiers, 368; Speech of, on interference of Federal officers with elections, 378 et seq.; Speech of, in support of bill against Pennsylvania Bank, 423; Relations of, to political warfare on the currency question, 449 et seq.; Letters of, 452-457; On the administration of President Tyler, 459; Reply of, to Mr. Clay on veto power, 460, 472 et seq.; Opposes bankrupt law of 1841, 461 et seq.; Describes the Exchequer Board, 471; Opposes ratification of treaty with England, 504; Reference to conversation of, in 1825, 507; Letters of, 509, 511; Third election of, to the Senate, 515; Proposed nomination of, for Presidency, 516; Withdraws from canvass, 517; Letters of, 518, 519, 523, 524 et seq.; Domestic and social life of, 531; Letters of, to Miss Lane, 533; Domestic circle of, 534; Private fortune of, 535, note; Letters of, to Miss Lane, 536 et seq.; Remarks of, on annexation of Texas, 545; Becomes Secretary of State, 547; Interviews with Mr. Pakenham at State Departments, 555; Despatch of, to Mr. McLane, 558; Letters of, 559, 574; Despatch of, to Mr. King, on Texas question, 584; Action of, in regard to Texas, 585, 586; Despatch to Mr. Slidell on Mexican question, 595; Further instructs Mr. Slidell, 596; Position of, as to Presidency, ii., 8; Reference to, 9; Letters of, to his niece, 11 et seq.; Supports compromise measures, 11; Letter of, to Central Southern Rights Association of Virginia, 23; Letter of, to Shelton F. Leake and others, 24; Letter of, to John Nelson, William F. Giles, etc., 26; Address of, to citizens of Philadelphia, 28; Candidate for nomination, 34; Letters of, 39, 40, 41, 42; Speech of, at Greensburgh, Penn., in 1852, 43 et seq.; Offered mission to England by President Pierce, 76; Conversation of, with Mr. Pierce on English mission, 76 et seq.; Letters of, to President Pierce, 69, 83 et seq.; Declines a farewell dinner in Lancaster, 93; Letters to Miss Lane, 94 et seq.; Arrives in Liverpool, 99; Visits Lord Clarendon, 100; Conversation of, with Sir Edward Cust, on court etiquette, 107 et seq.; Letters of, to Miss Lane, 109, 112 et seq.; Attends the Queen’s first levee of the season, 112; Dines with the Queen, 113; Letters of, to Mr. Marcy, 117 et seq., 119, 121; Letter of, to Mr. Capen, 120; Letters of, to Gov. Bigler and Mr. Marcy, 122, 123; Letter of, to his housekeeper, Miss Hetty Parker, 124; Letter of, to his niece, Mrs. Baker, 124; Social position of, in England, 142; Letters of, to Mrs. Baker and Miss Lane, 148 et seq.; Returns to United States, 169; Nomination of, for the Presidency, 170; Letters of, to Messrs. Wm. B. Reed, James C. Dobbin, Nahum Capen, 178-181; Letter of, on Pacific Railroad, 183; Letter of, on Presidential election, 183; Letter of, on subject of mission, 185; Inauguration of, as President, 187; Inaugural address of, 188 et seq.; Cabinet of, 193; Upholds the Territorial government in Kansas, 197; Results of this action, 198; Position of, as President, in regard to slavery, 202 et seq.; Administration of, 211; Foreign relations of United States during this period, 211 et seq.; Policy of, in regard to Mexico, 219; Messages of, to Congress, Dec., 1859, 220, Dec., 1860, 221; Complimentary gift to, from Prince Albert, 228; Letters of, to Queen Victoria, 229, 231; Letters of, to Miss Lane, 240 et seq.; Protest against action of House of Representatives, 249 et seq.; Letter of, to Mr. J. G. Bennett, 261; Letter of, to Arnold Plumer on election, 286; Letter of, to C. Comstock, 289; Speech of, from White House, 290; Soundness of views of, on anti-slavery, 295, 296; Course of, in 1860, after Mr. Lincoln’s election, 304 et seq.; Letter of, to editors of Lancaster _Intelligencer_, Oct., 1862, 307; Refuses to garrison Southern forts, 307; Reasons of, for not acting upon General Scott’s views, 309 et seq.; Letter of, to Attorney General Black, 319; History of annual message of Dec., 1860, 330 et seq.; Message of Dec., 1860, 337 et seq.; Reception of message in cabinet, Congress and country, 352; Account by, of General Scott’s second recommendation, 367; Letter of, to Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, 368; Interview of, with South Carolina commissioners, 372, 377; Result of the interview, 374; Orders of, to Major Anderson, respecting the forts, 375; Reference to conversation of, with General Jackson, 381; Draft of proposed answer to commissioners, 384; Modified by Judge Black, 386; Letter of, to General Cass, 398; Memorandum of, on resignation of General Cass, 399; Action of Congress on annual message, 418 et seq.; Letter of, to James Gordon Bennett, 431; Special message of, to Congress, 433 et seq.; Course of, reviewed, 444 et seq.; Attacked by Jefferson Davis, 444; Interview of, with Senator Clay, of Alabama, 452 et seq.; Letters of, to Mr. Tyler, 466, 467; His account of an interview with, 468; Message of, of Jan. 28th, 1861, quoted, 473; His action in regard to Fort Sumter 474; Note of, to Mr. Holt, 474; Conference of, with General Scott and Mr. Holt, 475; His account of the neglects of Congress, 478; No suggestion made by, to Mr. Davis, of Confederate commissioners, 485 et seq.; Special message of, 494; Note of, to Mr. Tyler, 495; Knowledge of, and reverence for, Constitution, 502; His interview with Mr. Lincoln, 505; Departure of, for Wheatland, 506; Letter of, to Mr. Toucey, 514; Letter of, to Miss Lane, 522; Letter of, to Judge Black, 523; Letter of, to John B. Blake, 524; Noble conduct of, 526; Letters of, to Messrs. Holt and Bennett, 530; Letters of, to General Dix, 535; Letters of, to Mr. J. B. Henry, 541, 548; Letter of, to Mr. J. C. G. Kennedy, 546; Letter of, to General Dix, 542, 544; Letter of, to Mr. Stanton, 545; Letter of, to Mr. Baker, 545; Letter of, to Dr. John B. Blake, 562; Letter of, to Mr. Hallock, 555; Letter of, to Mr. King, 557; Letters of, to Mr. Leiper, 559, 561; Letters of, to Mr. King, 563, 567, 569, 579, 582, 636; Letters of, to Mr. Bates, 565; Letter of, to a committee of the citizens of Lancaster County, etc., 565; Letters of, to J. B. Henry, 566, 578, 598, 601, 657; Letters of, to Miss Lane, 569, 571, 572, 576, 597, 605, 609, 612, 623, 631, 632; Letter of, to Mr. Cobden, 570; Letters of, to Mr. Leiper, 572, 578, 588, 593, 604, 613, 615, 622, 624, 627, 633, 641; Letter of, to Charles Graffin, 651; Letter of, to J. W. Wall, 635; Letter of, to Messrs. Osborne and Baldwin, 652; Letter of, to Rev. P. Coombe, 636; Letter of, to Miss Jane Buchanan, 650; Letters of, to Dr. Blake, 573, 580, 584, 587, 588, 591, 594, 595, 598, 601, 605, 606, 609, 614, 615, 629, 646, 661; Letter of, to Judge Woodward, 577; Letters of, to J. Buchanan Henry, 578, 598, 625; Letter of, to John A. Parker, 579; Letter of, to Mrs. Boyd, 583; Letter of, to Mr. Stanton, 583; Letter of, to Judge Black, 585; Letters of, to Isaac Toucey, 586, 599, 620, 641; Letters of, to Wm. Flinn, 591, 634, 645; Letter of, to Mr. Hughes, 595; Letter of, to C. E. Bennett, 596; Letters of, to Mr. Capen, 596, 599, 604, 607, 608, 609, 616, 617, 618, 624, 626, 630, 639, 644, 649, 651, 654, 655, 657, 658, 663; Letters of, to Mr. Schell, 610, 617; Letters of, to Mr. Hassard, 627; Letter of, to Mrs. Viele, 619; Letters of, to Mr. J. B. Baker, 611, 622, 633, 644, 655, 658; Letter of, to James Buchanan, 623; Letter of, to Mr. Johnston, 633, 659; Letter of, to editor of _Evening Post_, 637; Letter of, to Horace Greeley, 639; Letter of, to a friend, 641, 645; Letter of, to C. J. Faulkner, 643; Letter of, to Manton Marble, 643; Letters of, to Mrs. Johnston, 645, 648, 649, 653, 656, 660, 662; Letter of, to Miss Henrietta Buchanan, 647; Letter of, to Rev. Ed. Y. Buchanan, 652; Letter of, to Mrs. Shunk, 654, 656; Letter of, to Mr. Schell, 659; Letter of, to Miss Baker, 662; Death of, 664; His character as a statesman, a man and a Christian, 664 et seq.

BUCHANAN, WM. SPEER, Brother of the President, i., 3; Death of, 158.

BULOW, BARON, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; Dines at Lord Palmerston’s, 225.

BURKE, EDMUND, Quoted, i., 302; His use of word “expunge,” 310.

BURNETT, MR., From Kentucky, ii., 491.

BURR, AARON, Visits Talleyrand, i., 225.

BUTLER, W. O., Nomination for Vice Presidency, ii., 8.

BUTTRE, JOHN C., Engraver, Referred to, ii., 240.

CABINET, CRISIS, ii., 383, 385; Reconstruction of, 400; Scene in, 518, 521; Letter of Mr. Schell to Judge Black concerning, 518 et seq.; Judge Black’s reply, 519, 520; John B. Floyd, 518; Pretended remarks of Messrs. Black, Holt, Stanton, Dix, etc., in the cabinet, 519.

CALDERON, MADAME, Wife of Spanish minister, letter to Mr. Buchanan, i., 618.

CALHOUN, JOHN C., Secretary of War under President Monroe, i., 24; Vice President, 94; In the Senate, 232; Remarks on relations with France, 239; Illustration referred to, 288; Position towards slavery in District of Columbia, 315; Votes against memorials being received, 319; References to, 322, 333, 341, 343; Reference to a bill of, 345; Report on defence of Western frontiers, 372 et seq.; Secretary of State under President Tyler, 543; Popularity on entering Senate, 559; Political death referred to, 570; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 576; Plan for bringing Texas into the Union, 581; Reference to, ii., 9; Death of, 10, note; Correct conclusion from doctrines of, 315; Senator from South Carolina, 361.

CALIFORNIA, Demand to be admitted into the Union, ii., 9.

CAMBRELENG, CHURCHILL C., Enters House of Representatives with Mr. Buchanan, i., 25.

CAMIDGE, REV. MATTHEW, Pastor of English chapel in Moscow, i., 199; Dines at Mr. Cavenaugh’s, 204.

CAMPBELL, G. W., Memorial from bar of Nashville, in relation to seventh circuit, i., 96.

CAMPBELL, JUDGE, ii., 514.

CANCRENE, COUNT, Minister of Finance at St. Petersburgh, opposition to commercial treaties, i., 152, 162, 166, 168.

CANNING, SIR STRATFORD, Ambassador from England, refused by the Emperor of Russia, i., 216.

CARLISLE, ii., 607.

CARLOS, DON, Possible succession to throne of Spain, i., 149.

CAROLINA, SOUTH, Celebrated ordinance adopted by, in 1832, i., 183; Secession, ii., 316, 319; Commissioners from, arrival in Washington, 367; Ordinance of secession adopted by convention of, 370; Attitude of, 369, 372; Demands of her commissioners, 372, 375; President Buchanan’s draft of answer to the commissioners of, 385; The reply which was sent, 386, 392.

CASS, LEWIS, i., 559, 570; Position in regard to Presidency, ii., 8; Nomination for Presidency, 8; Candidate for nomination, 34; Influence of, 74; Secretary of State, 193; Letter of, 217, note; Resignation of, 396; Letter to President Buchanan, 397.

CASTLEREAGH, LORD, i., 161.

CATHARINE, EMPRESS of Russia, Character of, i., 154.

CATHARINE SECOND, of Russia, i., 204.

CATON, BETSY, Younger sister of Lady Stafford, ii., 102.

CATRON, MR. JUSTICE, Conversation with President Jackson, i., 235, note; Reference to, 529, note.

CAVENAUGH, MR., Dinner given by, i., 204.

CHAMFORT, French writer, quoted, i., 38.

CHANNING, REV. WM. E., Quoted, on anti-slavery, ii., 296, and note.

CHANTRY, LADY, ii., 153.

CHARLESTON, Democratic convention at, ii., 287.

CHASE, ORMOND, Fate in Mexico, ii., 218.

CHASE, WM. H., Commander of State troops in Pensacola, Florida, ii., 461.

CHATHAM, LORD, Reference to letters of, i., 533.

CHEVES, LANGDON, i., 26.

CHICAGO CONVENTION which nominated McClellan, ii., 624.

CHILTON, MR., Resolutions on curtailing expenses of Government, i., 70.

CHINA, Relations of United States with, ii., 226; Amendment of treaty with, ibid.

CLARENDON, COUNTESS, Asks for autograph of Gen. Washington, ii., 113.

CLARENDON, LORD, Foreign Secretary, ii., 104, 116; Action on Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 126, 133, 135, 184.

CLARKE, JAMES, Candidate for election to Senate in 1834, i., 228.

CLAY, HENRY, Reference to, i., 26; Candidate for the Presidency in 1824, 38; Course in regard to, 39; Reference to Mr. Buchanan in 1827, 53; Views on subject of protection, 74; Candidate of Whigs for the Presidency, 231; Leader of Whig party in 1832, 231; Reference to, 232; Resolution on removal of deposits, 291; References to, 295, 297, 301, 302; Course on slavery, 333; Reference to remarks of, 347; References to, 496, 502, 503, 506; Conversation in Jan., 1825, 507; Secretary of State under J. Q. Adams, 511; His meaning in “carrying the war into Africa,” 514; Whig candidate for Presidency, 520; His position in regard to annexation of Texas, 544.

CLAY, Senator from Alabama, President Buchanan’s memorandum of visit from, ii., 452, 454.

CLAY, J. RANDOLPH, Reference to, i., 558; Letter to, 560.

CLAYTON-BULWER Treaty, ii., 82; Negotiations with Lord Clarendon concerning, 126, 133; Ambiguity of, 212.

CLAY, HENRY, Compromise measures of, ii., 10, 47.

CLAYTON, JOHN M., Senator from Delaware, references to, i., 232, 263; Secretary of State, ii., 9.

CLAYTON, JOSHUA, ii., 195, note.

CLINTON, DE WITT, ii., 49.

COBB, HOWELL, Secretary of Treasury, ii., 193.

COBDEN, HON. RICHARD, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 560.

COCHRANE, JOHN, From New York, ii., 491.

COLCOCK, WM. F., United States Collector at Custom House in Charleston, resigns, ii., 483.

COLEMAN, MISS ANNE C., Betrothed to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 17 et seq.; Their engagement broken off, 17; Sudden and melancholy death of, 17, 22; Lasting sorrow produced by it, 21, 22.

COLEMAN, ROBERT, Father of Miss Anne C. Coleman, i., 17, 21.

COLOGNE, Mr. Buchanan visits, i., 219.

COMMERCIAL TREATY between United States and Russia, when and where signed, i., 169, 170.

COMPROMISE MEASURES, Supported by Messrs. Webster and Calhoun, ii., 10; Become a law, 11.

COMPROMISE, The Crittenden, ii., 421.

CONFEDERATE CONGRESS, First Assembly at Montgomery, ii., 476; Of what States composed, ibid.

CONFERENCE, OSTEND, ii., 136.

CONGRESS, The fatal inaction of, ii., 420 et seq.

CONNECTICUT, Memorial to President Buchanan; his reply, ii., 199 et seq.

CONRAD, CHAS. M., Secretary of War, ii., 11.

CONSCRIPTION ACT, Constitutionally valid, ii., 610.

CONSTANTINOPLE, i., 195.

CONSTITUTION, Nature of the United States, as understood by Mr. Buchanan, i., 283.

CONVENTION between United States and France, i., 234.

CONVENTION, The Peace, ii., 439, 445; Mr. Buchanan’s account of, 439, 444.

CORRUPT COALITION, Charge of, between Adams and Clay, i., 44.

CORWIN, THOMAS, Secretary of Treasury, ii., 11.

COURT COSTUMES, Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, ii., 110, 116.

COVE GAP, President Buchanan’s birthplace, i., 2.

COVODE INVESTIGATION, Account of, ii., 246 et seq.; Mr. Buchanan’s message on, 254, 260.

CRAMPTON, MR., British minister, ii., 81; Recall demanded by the United States, 134.

CRANWORTH, LORD, Lord Chancellor, ii., 104.

CRAWFORD, JOHN, Candidate at Presidential election in 1824, i., 38, 45.

CRAWFORD, MR., Commissioner from Confederate States, ii., 486; Representations of Mr. Buchanan by, 487.

CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE, History and rejection of, ii., 420 et seq.

CRITTENDEN, JOHN J., Senator from Kentucky, i., 378, 379; Attorney General, ii., 11.

CRONSTADT, Mr. Buchanan visits, i., 217.

CUMBERLAND ROAD, Bill for, discussion of, i., 32, 33; Historical Sketch of, 82, 83.

CUSHING, CALEB, ii., 78, 80; Visit to Charleston, 368; Letter delivered by, 368.

CUST, SIR EDWARD, Interview with Mr. Buchanan, ii., 111.

CUTHBERT, ALFRED, Senator from Georgia, i., 355, 357.

DALGOROUSKI, PRINCESS, A friend of Mr. Buchanan, i., 155.

DALLAS, GEO. M., Vice President, i., 528.

DASCHKAW, COUNT, Grand Master of Ceremonies at St. Petersburg, i., 206.

DAVIDSON, DR., Principal of Dickinson College, i., 4.

DAVIS, JEFFERSON, Secretary of War, Conversation in regard to appointments, ii., 78, 81; Theory of, on secession, 328, note; Senator from Mississippi, 360; Vote on Crittenden Compromise, 423; Course on secession, 424 et seq.; Assumes the Presidency of the Confederate States, 470, 484, note, 485 et seq., 489.

DAVIS, JOHN, Senator from Massachusetts, i., 345.

DAVYDOFF, MR., Accompanies Mr. Buchanan to the American Institute, i., 201.

DAYTON, MR., Candidate for Vice Presidency, ii., 177.

DEDAL, MR., Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224.

DEMOCRATS, Who were, in 1828, i., 52; Who were, in 1832, 231, 232.

DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, Course in 1860, ii., 287 et seq.; Becomes divided, 288, note; Factions of, 289.

DEMOCRATIC PARTY, Platform of, ii., 8, note.

DERRICK, A. H., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 591.

DEVITCHER, Monastery of, i., 198.

DIARIST, The anonymous, confuted, ii., 393, 395.

DIARY of a public man, ii., 391, note.

DICKERSON, MAHLON, Senator from New Jersey, i., 58.

DICKINSON, DANIEL S., Candidate for nomination, ii., 34.

DICKINSON COLLEGE, Mr. Buchanan a graduate of, i., 4-6.

DINO, DUCHESSE DE, Wife of Prince Talleyrand’s nephew, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224.

DIPLOMATIC INTRIGUES, i., 167.

DIX, JOHN A., Letter of, to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 288, note; Secretary of Treasury, 401; Letters of, 401, 495, 514; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 533, 537, 543, 551, 556, 568.

DIXON, MR., Senator from Kentucky, ii., 194.

DOUGLAS DEMOCRATS, ii., 603.

DOUGLAS, MR., Candidate for nomination, ii., 34; Author of Kansas-Nebraska Act, 195; Discussion by, 195 et seq.; Nomination of, 288, 360.

DROGOMIROV, BARRIER DE, i., 198.

DUANE, MR., Secretary of Treasury, i., 205, 297.

DURHAM, LORD, How received at St. Petersburg, i., 150.

EATON, JOHN H., Reference by General Jackson in 1827, i., 53; Colleague and friend of General Jackson in Senate, 42; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 130, 131, 132.

ELDON, LORD, Reference to letters of, i., 533.

ELECTIONS, Interference of Federal officers with, i., 378; Result of, in 1856, ii., 177; Author’s comments upon, 177.

ELIZABETH, EMPRESS of Russia, Reference to, i., 204.

ELLMAKER, AMOS, Letter of, i., 19; Candidate for election to the Senate in 1834, 231.

ELLSWORTH, MR., Action in regard to impeachment of Judge Peck, i., 108.

EMINENT MEN in Congress, notices by Mr. Buchanan, i., 25-30.

ENGLAND, Threatened war with, i., 553; Relation of the United States towards, ii., 212; Her protectorate over the Mosquito coast, 212.

ESTCOURT, COLONEL BUCKNALL, British Commissioner to United States, i., 604.

ESTERHAZY, PRINCE, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; Dines at Lord Palmerston’s, 225.

ETIQUETTE, A question of court, met by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 105 et seq.

EVERETT, EDWARD, Supports administration of John Q. Adams, i., 58; Peroration of, 63, note; Action on impeachment of Judge Peck, 108; Reference to, ii., 81; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 184.

EWING, THOMAS, Senator from Ohio, i., 232; Reference to, ii., 9.

EXECUTIVE OFFICERS, Removal by President, i., 281; President Jackson attacked for, 281.

EXPUNGING RESOLUTION of Mr. Benton, i., 291.

FAIRFIELD, JOHN, Reference to, i., 519.

FARRAGUT, ADMIRAL, Victories of, ii., 626.

FEDERAL EXECUTIVE, Power of, i., 405.

FEDERAL OFFICERS, Interference of, i., 379, 398.

FEDERALISM in 1820, i., 23.

FEDERALISTS, Opposition to the War of 1812, i., 8; A political sermon, 8, note.

FERDINAND, KING of Spain, Reported death contradicted, i., 149.

FIGLEMONT, COUNT, Austrian Ambassador at Russian Court, i., 143.

FILLMORE, MILLARD, Accession to Presidency, ii., 10, 35, 45, 81.

FLORIDA, Secession of, ii., 427.

FLOYD, JOHN B., Secretary of War, ii., 193; Resignation of, 406, 409 et seq.; Supposed distribution of arms by, 411, 416.

FORCE BILL, Introduction of, into the Senate, i., 183.

FOREIGN RELATIONS during Mr. Buchanan’s administration, ii., 211, 227.

FORSYTH, JOHN, Minister to Mexico in 1856, quoted, ii., 215.

FORTIFICATION BILL, Amendment of, i., 240; Opposed by Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay, 240; Vindication by Mr. Buchanan, 241; Fails to become a law, 242.

FOULKE, JOSEPH, Member of Society of Friends, ii., 181.

FRANCE, Conduct of, i., 234 et seq.; How viewed by Mr. Buchanan, 236; Danger of war with, 237; Recommendation by President of partial non-intercourse with, 237; Mr. Buchanan’s opinion of this measure, 238 et seq.; Mediation of Great Britain, 280.

FRANKING PRIVILEGE, ii., 610.

FRANKLIN, WALTER, Judge, impeached, and defended by Mr. Buchanan, i., 16.

FRELINGHUYSEN, THEODORE, Senator from New Jersey, i., 232.

FREMONT, GENERAL, Candidate for Presidency, ii., 177.

FRIENDS, RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF, Memorial of reception in Senate, i., 319; Mr. Buchanan’s views concerning, 320 et seq.

“GALAXY”, Knot of young men from South Carolina, i., 26.

GALITZIN, PRINCE, Dinner given by, i., 211.

GALLATIN, ALBERT, Eligibility to Senate, i., 304; Reference to, by Mr. Letcher in 1825, 508.

GALLIARD, JOHN, Senator from Louisiana, i., 25.

GEARY, Governor of Kansas, Resignation of, ii., 198.

GEORGE IV., King of England, i., 217, note; Friendship for Prince Esterhazy, i., 225.

GEORGIA, Secession of, ii., 427.

GERMAINS, LORD ST., Guest at White House, ii. 238.

GEVERS, MR., Accompanies Mr. Buchanan as far as Cronstadt, i., 217.

GLADSTONE, HON. WM., Chancellor of Exchequer, ii., 104.

GORHAM, BENJAMIN, Enters House of Representatives with Mr. Buchanan, i., 25; Opposes the new tariff, 36.

GOVERNMENT, CONFEDERATE, Commissioners sent from, 485, 490.

GOVERNMENT, Federal and State, i., 401; Attitude left in by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 501, 506.

GRAHAM, SIR JAMES, First Lord of the Admiralty, ii., 105.

GRAHAM, WM. A., Secretary of Navy, ii., 11.

GRANT, GENERAL, Rising reputation of, ii., 626.

GRANVILLE, EARL, President of Council, ii., 104.

GREELEY, HORACE, Action on secession, ii., 427 et seq.; Opposition to coercion, 428.

GREEN, DUFF, References to, i., 55; Visits President elect, Mr. Lincoln, ii., 426; Letter of, 426.

GRETSCH, MR., Editor of the _Bee_, at St. Petersburg, i., 198; Visits the cathedral with Mr. Buchanan, 199.

GRIER, MR. JUSTICE, Successor of Mr. Justice Baldwin, i., 563, note.

GRIMES, MR., of Iowa, ii., 514.

GROW, MR., of Pennsylvania, ii., 491.

GRUNDY, FELIX, Senator from Tennessee, Reference to, as, i., 96; Reference to remarks of, 346.

GUADALUPE-HIDALGO, Treaty of, signed i., 601.

GUIZOT, M., Present at death-bed of Princess Lieven, i., 218, note; Reference to, 568.

HALE, JOHN P., Senator from New Hampshire, ii., 361.

HALL, NATHAN K., Postmaster General, ii., 11.

HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, Reference to, i., 225.

HARRIS, MR., American chargé d’affaires in Paris, i., 219.

HASTINGS, WARREN, Impeachment of, i., 302.

HAYNE, J. W., Visits the President, ii., 452, 487.

HAYNE, ROBERT G., Senator from South Carolina, i., 58; Debate with Mr. Webster on nullification, i., 183; Reference to, ii., 161.

HENRY, J. BUCHANAN, Domestic circle of Mr. Buchanan described by, i., 534; Reference to, ii., 161; Account of inauguration by, 187; Account of incidents of administration, 235; On Mr. Buchanan’s character, 671 et seq.

HENSEL, W. U., Account of ex-President Buchanan’s journey from Washington to Wheatland, ii., 507 et seq.

HERALD, The New York, President Buchanan’s appeal to editor of, ii., 431.

HERBERT, SIDNEY, Secretary of War, ii., 104.

HEYTESBURY, LORD, English ambassador at Russian court, i., 143.

HICKMAN, MR., of Pennsylvania, ii., 491.

HOLLAND, LADY, Reference to, i., 218; ii., 161.

HOLLAND, SIR HENRY, Reference to, ii., 151; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 231; Guest at White House, 238; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 592.

HOLT, J., Secretary of War, Note to President concerning Fort Pickens, ii., 462; Letter to officers at Fort Pickens, 464 and note; Answer to demand by Governor Pickens for surrender of Fort Sumter, 457 et seq.; Note to President on defence of Washington City, 492; Memorandum of President on, 493; Letter to President Lincoln, 498; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 531, 536, 550.

HOPKINS, MR., of Lancaster, Mr. Buchanan studies law with, i., 7.

HOUSTON, GEN. SAMUEL, Conversations in 1824-5 on election of Gen. Jackson, i., 514, note.

HUGHES, BISHOP, Offered a mission to Mexico, ii., 627, 628.

HUNTER, SENATOR, ii., 485.

IMPEACHMENT of Judge Franklin, i., 16; Ably defended by Mr. Buchanan, 17; Of Judge James H. Peck, managers appointed to conduct the, on part of House of Representatives, 108; Article of, prepared by Mr. Buchanan, 108.

INCENDIARY PUBLICATIONS, Bill to restrain use of mails for circulation of, i., 338; Mr. Webster’s remarks on, 339.

INGERSOLL, MR., American Minister at London, ii., 100.

INSTRUCTION, Doctrine of, i., 229, 230; Mr. Webster’s views on, quoted, 230, note.

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, Meaning of, i., 35; Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, 79, 80 et seq.

ISCHERMOFF, Reference to, i., 195.

IVAN VELIKOI, Belfry of St. John’s Church, Moscow, i., 197.

JACKSON, ANDREW, The President, Candidate for Presidency in 1824, i., 38; Receives unanimous vote of what States, 39; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 45, 47, 48, 49; Wrong impressions concerning Mr. Buchanan’s conversation, 1824-5, 50; Integrity of, 51; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 52; Increased popularity in 1826, 70; Election of, to Presidency, 94; Supposed illiteracy of, 129, note; Letter to Mr. Eaton, 132; Course in regard to Russian complaint of American press, 176; Proclamation against nullifiers, 183; Views on nullification, 185; Regard for Emperor of Russia, 213; References to, 224, 228; Second election of, 231; Opposition in Senate to administration of, 231 and note; Message in regard to France in 1834, 235, note; Reception in Paris as a threat, 237; Partial non-intercourse with France recommended by, 237; Reference to action of, by Mr. Buchanan, 255; Reference to, by Mr. Buchanan, 257, 258; Reference to message of, 272; Secretary of Treasury removed by, 281; Attacked by opposition for removal, 281; Speech of Mr. Buchanan on bill regulating removals, 281 et seq.; Second administration of, 315; Special recommendation in Dec. 1835, 338; Devotion of followers of, 407; Reference to, ii., 47, 49; Message of, 274, note; Action of, against nullifiers, 302, 361; Excitement on election of Mr. Adams in 1825, 506, 508, 514.

JAMES, MR., Senator from Rhode Island, ii., 195, note.

JAY, JOHN, Reference to, i., 506.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS, Reference by Mr. Buchanan to administration of, i., 263; Reference to message of, to Congress, 265; Reference to, by Mr. Letcher, 507; References to, ii., 47, 212, 361.

JOHN, THE THIRD, of Russia, Reference to marriage of, i., 198.

JOHNSON, ANDREW, The President, ii., 362.

JOHNSON, Governor of Pennsylvania, ii., 28 et seq.

JOHNSON, REVERDY, Attorney General ii., 9.,

JUDGE, THOMAS J., Commissioner from Alabama, ii., 487.

JUDICIARY ACT, Proposed repeal resisted by Mr. Buchanan, i., 111; Report on, 111; Twenty-fifth section of, 114.

JUDICIARY COMMITTEE, Views on extension of Circuit Courts, i., 95.

JUDICIAL SYSTEM, i., 95; Mr. Buchanan’s views on, 95 et seq.

KANSAS, Conflict of parties in, ii., 197; Convention of anti-slavery party at Topeka in, 197; Mr. Buchanan’s letter on, 199, 208.

KANSAS-NEBRASKA Act, ii., 204.

KARAMSEN, MR., Russian historian, i., 203.

KENT, GOVERNOR, Reference to death of, i., 512.

KENTUCKY, Resolution of legislature on election of 1824, i., 39.

KERN, COL. JACOB, Speaker of Senate of Pennsylvania, i., 228.

KING, JOHN P., Senator, i., 324.

KING, REV. DR. JOHN, Pastor in Mercersburg, i., 4, 5.

KING, RUFUS, Senator, i., 25; Remarks of, 304.

KING, WM. R., Senator, elected to Vice Presidency, ii., 35, 40, 43, 69.

KREMER, GEORGE, Reference to, by General Jackson, i., 55.

KRUDENER, BARON, Reference to, i., 152; Russian minister at Washington, i., 162; Action as minister, 175.

LAFAYETTE, GENERAL, Visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 220; Policy of, 221; Loss of popularity in France, 221; Loses confidence in Louis Philippe, 221; Assists in regard to French treaty, 223; References to, by Mr. Buchanan, 244.

LANCASTER, City of, Alarm at, in 1863, ii., 609.

LANE, ELLIOTT ESKRIDGE, Reference to, i., 531.

LANE, JAMES B., Reference to, i., 531.

LANE, MARY ELIZABETH SPEER, Sister of Miss Harriet, Reference to, i., 531.

LANE, MISS HARRIET, Niece of Mr. Buchanan, i., 22; Is brought to Lancaster, 531; Education conducted by Mr. Buchanan, 531; Where finished, 532; Becomes a member of Mr. Buchanan’s household, 534; School-girl life, 535; Social position in England, ii., 142; Letters to Mrs. Baker, 142, 146, note, 147, note; Accompanies Mr. Buchanan from Washington to Wheatland in 1861, 506; marriage of, 631, 632.

LANE, MRS. ELLIOTT T., i., 531.

LANSDOWN, MARQUIS OF, Reference to, ii., 104.

LAVAL, COUNT, Chief censor of Russian Press, i., 150.

LAWRENCE, HON. ABBOTT, ii., 151.

LAW, SALIQUE, Abolition of, by Ferdinand of Spain, i., 149.

LAZAREFF, MESSIEURS, Armenian noblemen, founders of Armenian Institute, i., 201.

LECOMPTON, Convention of slavery party at, ii., 198, 201, 202; The constitution of, 206.

LE FEVRE, DR., Physician of British embassy at Russian court, Reference to, i., 148.

LEIGH, BENJAMIN W., Senator from Virginia, Reference to, i., 323; Action on slavery, 335.

LEIPER, MR., Letters to, ii., 604, 613, 622, 624.

LETCHER, R. P., Conversation in Jan., 1825, ii., 507, 509; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 510, 512; Reference to, 514.

LIEVEN, PRINCESS, Reference to, i., 217; Dinner at, 224, 225.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, The President, Reference to, ii., 301, note; Troops present at inauguration of, 301, note; Election to Presidency, 315; Policy shaped by Mr. Seward, 351, note; President elect, journey to Washington, 477, 478; Tenor of his public speeches on the way, 477, 478; Action of, towards Montgomery commissioners, 484; Inauguration of, 497; Mr. Buchanan’s account of events on March 4th, 1861, 497; Address “to whom it may concern,” 624.

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD, Senator from Louisiana, Action on proposed abolition of offices, i., 71; Becomes Secretary of State, 132, note; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 132, 135.

LOMONOSOFF, MR., Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224.

LORD, REV. DR., On abolitionism, ii., 607.

LOUIS PHILIPPE, KING, Course toward Russia, i., 149; References to, 221, 223, 233; Character of, 571.

LOUISIANA, Secession of, ii., 427.

LOWNDES, WILLIAM, Representative from South Carolina, Reference to, i., 25; Character described by Mr. Buchanan, 26, 27 et seq., 29, #note:f9.

LOWTHER, LORD, Reference to, i., 218.

LYTTLETON, LADY, Reference to, i., 604.

MACALESTER, LILY L., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 244; Mr. Buchanan’s answer, 245.

MACGREGOR, HON. JAMES, Letter on election, to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 178.

MACON, NATHANIEL, Senator from Georgia, Reference to, i., 25, 58.

MADISON, JAMES, The President, Reference to, on President’s power to remove officers, i., 285; Reference to, on sedition law, 390; Reference to, as a member of Mr. Jefferson’s cabinet, 508; References to, ii., 47, 161; Opposed to use of force against a State, 327.

MAILS. See Incendiary Publications.

MALAHIDE, LADY TALBOT DE, Reference to, ii., 153.

MANGUM, WILLIE P., Senator from North Carolina, Reference to, i., 331.

MARCY, WM. L., Candidate for nomination, ii., 34; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 35 et seq., 75, 80, 81, 90; Secretary of State, 106; Despatch to Mr. Buchanan, 111, 116; Course of, 135.

MARITIME TREATY, Report of Mr. Buchanan on, to Secretary of State, i., 172.

MARKLEY, PHILIP S., Advocate of Mr. Clay for Presidency in 1824, i., 42; Conversation with Mr. Buchanan in 1824, 51, 54.

MARLY, PALACE OF, Reference to, i., 207.

MARTIN, DR., Reference to, i., 518.

MATUSCERVIE, COUNT, Resident at English palace at Peterhoff, Reference to, i., 206.

MAURY, MRS. SARAH M., Letters to Mr. Buchanan, i., 610, 612, 613, 614, 615.

MAXIMILIAN, EMPIRE OF, Reference to, ii., 222.

MCCLELLAN, GEORGE B., Nomination for Presidency, ii., 624, 625; His letter of acceptance commended, 626.

MCCOOK, GEORGE W., Ohio, Reference to, ii., 520.

MCDUFFIE, GEORGE, Opposes Mr. Chilton’s resolution of abolition of offices, i., 71; Manager on impeachment of Judge Peck, 108.

MCINTIRE, PETER, Nominated by President as United States Collector at Custom House in Charleston, ii., 483; Senate refuses to act upon nomination, 483.

MCLANE, LOUIS, Reference to, i., 26; Opposed to administration of John Q. Adams, 58; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 191; Becomes Secretary of State, 191, note; Despatch to, by Mr. Buchanan, 212; Reference to interview of M. Serrurier with, 254; Reference to letter to M. Serrurier, the French minister, 255; Minister of United States at London, 553; Letter from Mr. Buchanan, 558; Reference to ability of, by Lord Lansdown, 569; Recalled from London, 574.

MCLANE, ROBERT M., Minister to Mexico, Reference to, ii., 218; Treaty made by, 222.

MERCERSBURG, Early residence at, by Mr. Buchanan’s father, i., 2.

MEREDITH, WM. M., Correspondence with Mr. Buchanan in regard to Wheatland, ii., 2, 3 et seq.; Secretary of Treasury, 9.

MESSAGE, President’s annual, of Dec., 1858, Reference to, ii., 108; Special, of Jan. 8th, 1861, Reference to, 433, 438.

METTERNICH, PRINCE, Feeling towards American people, i., 225.

MEXICO, Origin of war with, i., 579; War declared, 599; Consequences of war with, ii., 5; Relations of United States with, 215; Description of, by Mr. Buchanan, 215 et seq.

MICHAEL, ST., THE ARCHANGEL, Cathedral, visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 199.

MICHEL, GRAND DUKE, Reference to, i., 207.

MICHIGAN, Admission into the Union, i., 358; Speech by Mr. Buchanan in favor of admission, 358 et seq.

MILITIA, In the service of the United States, i., 16.

MINISTER, ENGLISH, Recall of the, ii., 135.

MISSION TO ST. PETERSBURG, Correspondence with Mr. Buchanan as to, i., 130, 131, 132.

MISSISSIPPI, Secession of, ii., 427.

MISSOURI COMPROMISE, The repeal of, ii., 194; The effect, 185, 197.

MISSOURI COMPROMISE LINE, Mr. Buchanan’s course on, i., 544.

MOLESWORTH, SIR WM., First commissioner of public works, Reference to, ii., 105.

MONROE DOCTRINE, Characterized by Lord Clarendon, ii., 132.

MONROE, JAMES, Administration of, i., 23-37; First and second elections of, 23; Cabinet of, 24; Veto message on Cumberland Road bill, 35; Speech of Mr. Buchanan on, 82 et seq.; Message of, on Cumberland Road, 87.

MONTGOMERY COMMISSIONERS, Appointment of, to Washington, ii., 477.

MORAN, B., Secretary of American Legation, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 234.

MORE, HANNAH, Comment of, upon Pope, i., 574.

MORTIER, MARSHAL, Duke of Treviso, French ambassador at Russian court, i., 143; Dinner given to, 149; Called upon by Mr. Buchanan, 220.

MOSCOW, Visit to, by Mr. Buchanan, i., 194; Appearance described, 194 et seq.

MUHLENBERG, PETER, Reference to, by Mr. Letcher, i., 513.

MYER, DOCTOR, An agent from St. Petersburg, i., 197.

NAPOLEON III., EMPEROR, Attempted assassination of, ii., 146; Power of, 152; Designs in regard to Mexico, 220; Interference of, 222.

NAVIGATION, Interests of, i., 78.

NEGRO SUFFRAGE, Reference to, ii., 658, 659.

NELSON, JOHN, of Maryland, Mr. Buchanan enters House of Representatives with, i., 25.

NEOPHYTE, Russian archimandrite, i., 204.

NESSELRODE, COUNT, Return of, to the capital, i., 149; Reference to, by Mr. Buchanan, 152; Head of Russian chancery, 161; Descent of, 161; Feelings of, towards Mr. Buchanan, 162; Undisposed towards commercial treaty, 162; Interview with, described by Mr. Buchanan, 167; Action on commercial treaty, 165 et seq.; Freedom of American press not understood by, 180; Interview with Mr. Buchanan, 207, 210; Mr. Buchanan takes leave of, 215.

NEUTRALS, Conduct of England towards, ii., 134.

NEVIN, REV. DR., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 644; His funeral sermon, preached at the obsequies of Mr. Buchanan, 681.

NEWCASTLE, DUKE OF, Secretary for the Colonies, ii., 104; Guest at White House, 238.

NICHOLAS, EMPEROR, of Russia, Reference to, i., 142; Referred to, by Mr. Buchanan, 223.

NICHOLAS, MR., Senator from Louisiana, i., 310.

NIESCHOUCHIN, Garden of, i., 198.

NILES, MR., American chargé d’affaires at Paris, i., 249.

NOVASELSOFF, MADAME, Mr. Buchanan dines with, i., 195.

NOVOGOROD, Mr. Buchanan visits, i., 193.

NULLIFICATION, Debate on, in the Senate, i., 183; Ordinance of, 185 and note.

O’CONOR, CHARLES, Political opinions of, ii., 619.

OFFICIAL ORGAN, Charges against, by Baron Krudener, Russian chargé at Washington, i., 175; Mr. Buchanan’s interview with Count Nesselrode on this subject, 180 et seq.

OMPTEDA, PRINCE, Dines with Lord Palmerston, i., 225.

OREGON, Dispute between England and United States on title to territory of, i., 551 et seq.; Mr. Buchanan’s course as Secretary of State in regard to, 552; Cabinet consultation in regard to, 555; Mr. Buchanan’s interview with Mr. Pakenham, British minister at Washington, 555 et seq.; Settlement of Oregon question, 560, 577. See note.

ORLOFF, Aide de Camp of Emperor, Reference to, i., 195.

ORR, JAMES L., Commissioner from South Carolina, Reference to, ii., 377.

OSTEND CIRCULAR, The, Reference to, ii., 136 et seq.

OTHO, PRINCE, of Bavaria, Reference to, i., 248.

OUROUSSOFF, PRINCE, Visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 196, 202.

OUSELEY, SIR WILLIAM AND LADY, Reference to, ii., 153, 160.

OXFORD, Commemoration day at, ii., 147, note.

PAGEOT, M., Reference to letter of Duke de Broglie to, i., 259; French chargé d’affaires at Washington, Action of, on French treaty, 275.

PAKENHAM, MR., British minister at Washington, Course on Oregon question, i., 552, 553, 554 et seq.

PALMERSTON, LORD, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; Referred to by Mr. King, 569; Home Department, ii., 104, 109; Premier, 118, 123, 184.

PANAMA, President’s message on mission to, i., 64.

PARAGUAY, Expedition to, ii., 224; Account of, by Mr. Buchanan, 224 et seq.

PAREDES, Declared President of Mexico, i., 593; Refuses to receive Mr. Slidell, 599.

PARIS, Mr. Buchanan arrives at, i., 219.

PARKER, MISS HETTY, Mr. Buchanan’s housekeeper, i., 534.

PARLIAMENT, Opening of, Mr. Buchanan’s absence from, ii., 110.

PARTIES, State of, i., 57, 231.

PASCHKOFF, MADAME, Party given by, i., 199.

PAXTON, REV. WM. M., D.D., Conversation of, with Mr. Buchanan, on religion, ii., 670 et seq.

PEACE CONVENTION, Account of, by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 439 et seq.

PECK, JAMES H., Impeachment of, course of Mr. Buchanan on, i., 107, 109.

PEDRO, DON, Reference to, i., 149.

PEEL, SIR ROBERT, Timidity of, i., 218; Course on Oregon, 566, 574.

PENSACOLA, Harbor of, Reference to, ii., 461.

PENNSYLVANIA, Invasion of, by the Confederates, ii., 609.

PETERHOFF, Fete of, attended by Mr. Buchanan, i., 206.

PETITION, The right of, Reference to, i., 323, 338.

PICKENS, FORT, Charge of General Scott in regard to, ii., 461 et seq., 465; Qualified armistice respecting, 465.

PICKENS, F. W., Governor of South Carolina, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, i., 608; Letter to the President, quoted, ii., 383; Letter to President demanding surrender of Fort Sumter, 456; His urgency to have Fort Sumter taken, 476.

PIERCE, GEN. FRANKLIN, Nomination for Presidency, ii., 34; Election of, 35, 40, 43; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 68, 74, 80; Letters to Mr. Buchanan on English Mission, 86 et seq.; The President, reception of, in Philadelphia, 91.

PINCKNEY, WILLIAM, Action in Federal convention on word “expunge,” i., 310.

PLEASONTON, STEPHEN, Reference to, i., 538, note.

POINSETT, JOEL R., Mr. Buchanan enters House of Representatives with, i., 25.

POLAND, Conduct of Russia in, i., 175, 179; Debate in House of Commons on affairs of, 213.

POLEVOY, MR., Editor of Moscow _Telegraph_, Reference to, i., 202.

POLIGNAC, PRINCE, Reference to, i., 218.

POLK, JAMES K., The President, Opposes administration of John Q. Adams, i., 58; His chances of election in 1844, 511; Election to Presidency, 520, 543; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 522; Administration of, 579; Attitude towards Texas, 582, note; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 589; Administration of, ii., 81.

POLYCARPE, an archimandrite, i., 204.

PORTER, ALEXANDER, Senator, References to, i., 328, 333, 335.

PORTRAITS of Mr. Buchanan, ii., 672, note.

POUSSIN, MAJOR GENERAL, Reference to, i., 220.

PRESIDENT, Election in 1824, i., 38; Election of, devolves upon House of Representatives, 39; Ineligibility of, 92.

PRESS, AMERICAN, Complaints about, i., 175; Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, 175; Baron Sacken’s imprudent note, 177; Liberty of, 345.

PRESTON, WM. C., Senator from South Carolina, Remarks on abolition of slavery referred to, i., 321, 335; Course on Texas, 370, 376.

PRUSSIA, KING OF, Reference to, i., 219.

PUBLIC DEPOSITS, Removal from Bank of United States, i., 291.

QUAKER MEMORIAL, Reception in Senate, i., 319; Mr. Buchanan’s remarks concerning, 319 et seq.

“RADICALS” in 1820-21, Reference to, i., 24.

RANDOLPH, JOHN, of Roanoke, Reference to, i., 26; Character of, 29; Opposes administration of John Q. Adams, 58; Minister to Russia, 129; Reference to, 189; Death of, 205.

RANLETT, CAPTAIN, Reference to, i., 207.

RASOUMOFFSKY, COUNT, Russian nobleman, References to, i., 200.

READ, JOHN M., Reference to, by Mr. Buchanan, i., 527.

“REBEL RAID” into Pennsylvania, ii., 622.

REPUBLICANS, NATIONAL, Who were called, in 1825, i., 57.

REPUBLICAN PARTY comes into the field, ii., 174.

RESIGNATION OF GEN. CASS, ii., 396, 401; Of J. Thomson, 401, 405; Of Philip F. Thomas, 404 et seq.; John B. Floyd, 406, 410, 415.

RESOLUTION offered in the Senate censuring Mr. Buchanan, ii., 600, 601.

RETRENCHMENT, Political cry of, i., 70; Discussion of, 70; Mr. Buchanan’s course on, 72.

RIGNY, COUNT DE, Reference to note to, by Mr. Livingston, i., 245; Reference to, 257; Mr. Livingston’s conference with, 269.

RIVES, W. C., Senator from Virginia, Reference to, i., 379.

ROGERS, HON. MOLTON C., Reference to, i., 41, note.

ROMAN CATHOLIC PRIESTS sent to the army by President Polk, ii., 627, 628.

ROMANOFF, House of, i., 204.

ROOSEVELT, MR. JAMES J., i., 518, note.

ROOSEVELT, MRS. JAMES J., i., 518.

ROWAN, JOHN, Senator from Kentucky, Reference to, i., 58.

RURICK, Family of, Reference to, i., 203.

RUSH, RICHARD, Reference to, i., 45; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 572, 573, 604, 605, 607.

RUSSELL, LORD JOHN, Reference to, i., 569; Ministerial leader of House of Commons, ii., 104.

RUSSIA, THE EMPRESS OF, Reference to, i., 143; Despotism in, 187.

SACKEN, BARON, Russian chargé at Washington, i., 175; Reference to letter to Secretary of State, 175; Course on subject of American press, 176.

SERGEANT, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, Reference to, i., 26; Character of, 29; Candidate of Whigs for Vice Presidency, 231.

SAULSBURY, SENATOR, Letter from, ii., 601.

SAUVEUR, ST., Cathedral visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 198.

SCHUYLER, GENERAL, Reference to, i., 225.

SCOTT, DRED, Case of, ii., 205.

SCOTT, GEN. WINFIELD, Placed in command of United States army, i., 601; His plan of campaign, 603; Claim of, to the command, 605; Nomination for Presidency, ii., 35; Electoral votes obtained by, 35, 45, 47; Civil qualifications for Presidency, 49; Views of, 297, 314; Mr. Buchanan’s reasons for not acting upon them, 309, 314; Arrival in Washington, 365; Interview with President Buchanan, 365; Advises the President, 365, 368; Blunder of, 416 et seq.; Note to President, 445; Action of, 445 et seq.; Memorandum for Secretary of War, 448; Charge against Mr. Buchanan, 462.

SEARCH, RIGHT OF, How dealt with by President Buchanan, ii., 213 et seq.

SEATON, MISS JOSEPHINE, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 589.

SEFTON, THE EARL AND COUNTESS OF, Reference to, i., 224.

SENATE, The great leaders in the, i., 233.

SERRURIER, MR., References to, by Mr. Buchanan, i., 257, 260.

SÉVIGNÉ, MADAME DE, Reference to letters of, i., 534.

SEWARD, WM. H., Letter to C. F. Adams, ii., 351, note; Action as Secretary of State towards Montgomery commissioners, 484; Charge against Mr. Buchanan concerning Federal marine, 513.

SEYMOUR, HORATIO, as Governor, ii., 610.

SHERMAN, GENERAL, Victories of, ii., 626.

SIERGE, ST., Shrine of, i., 202.

SILSBEE, NATHANIEL, Senator from Massachusetts, Reference to, i., 58.

SLAVERY, First introduction of subject in the Senate, i., 315; Petitions for abolition of, 315; Subject again discussed, 338; Summary of the questions on, ii., 262, 285; Under the Constitution, 263 et seq.; Anti-, organization of Societies of, 273; Attacks upon, 275 et seq.; Emancipation in Virginia, 277 et seq.

SLIDELL, JOHN, Mission to Mexico, i., 591, note; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 593, 601; Letter to President Polk in regard to Mexico, 603; Sketch by Mr. Barlow, ii., 173, note; Note to Mr. Buchanan, 445, note; Mr. Buchanan’s reply, 445, note.

SLOAN, MR., Member of House from Ohio, i., 507.

SMITH, GEO. PLUMER, Statement by, of origin of cabinet scene, ii., 520 et seq.

SMITH, MRS. CALEB B., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 602.

SMITH, SAMUEL, Senator from Maryland, Reference to, i., 58.

SMITH, WILLIAM, from South Carolina, Reference to, i., 25; Senator, 58.

SMOLENSKO, TOWN OF, Reference to, i., 198.

SMYTH, MR., Senator from Virginia, Proposed amendment of Constitution by, i., 92.

SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, Petition to abolish slavery in District of Columbia, i., 332.

SOMERSET, DUCHESS OF, References to, ii., 114, 159.

SOPHIA, ST., Church of, visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 193; Princess, married whom, 198; Daughter of, 198.

SOUTHARD, SAMUEL L., Secretary of Navy, Reference to, i., 24, note; Senator from New Jersey, 232; References to, by Mr. Buchanan, 244, 358, 361.

SPAIN, Relations of the United States with, ii., 222; Described by Mr. Buchanan, 222 et seq.

SPARKS, JARED, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, i., 505.

SPECIE PAYMENTS, Suspension of, during war of 1812, i., 14.

SPEER, ELIZABETH, Mother of President Buchanan, Her marriage, i., 3, 4.

SPEER, JAMES, Grandfather of President Buchanan, and his wife, Mary Patterson, i., 3.

SPENCER, AMBROSE, Manager, on part of House, on impeachment of Judge Peck, i., 108.

SPRAGUE, PELEG, Speech on tariff, i., 74; Motion of, 75.

STACKELBERG, BARON, Visits Imperial House of Education with Mr. Buchanan, i., 195.

STAFFORD, LADY, Reference to, ii., 163.

STANTON, EDWIN M., Reference to, ii., 514; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 528, 531, 533, 534, 535, 538, 539, 540, 541, 547, 549, 552, 553, 554, 558, 559, 640.

STAR OF THE WEST, Fired upon, ii., 447 et seq.; Arrival off harbor of Charleston, 448.

STATE RIGHTS, Virginia principles of, i., 24.

STATUS QUO, Supposed pledge of, ii., 375, 382.

STEIGLITZ, BARON, Conversation with Count Cancrene, i., 171.

STEPHENS, ALEXANDER H., Vice President of the Southern Confederacy, ii., 476.

STERIGERE, JOHN B., Letter of Mr. Buchanan to, i., 524.

STEUBEN, BARON, Reference to map obtained from library of, i., 506.

STEVENSON, ANDREW, Enters House of Representatives with Mr. Buchanan, i., 25.

STORRS, HENRY R., Manager, on part of House, on impeachment of Judge Peck, i., 108; Action of, 108.

STUART, ALEXANDER H. H., Secretary of Interior, ii., 11.

STURGIS, MRS. RUSSELL, ii., 152.

SULLIVAN, JOHN, Reference to, i., 542, note; Death of, ii., 609.

SUMNER, SENATOR, Assault upon, ii., 175.

SUMTER, FORT, Reference to, ii., 302, note, 445; Governor Pickens’ demand for the surrender of, 456; The President’s reply, 457, 460.

SUTHERLAND, JOEL B., Candidate for election to Senate in 1834, i., 228.

TALLEYRAND, PRINCE, Reference to, i., 161; Dines at Prince Lieven’s, 224.

TANEY, ROGER B., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, i., 133; References to, 175, 297.

TAPPAN, BENJAMIN, U. S. Senator, Reference to, i., 519.

TARIFF of 1823-4, Discussions on, i., 36, 74.

TAYLOR, GEN. ZACHARY, Military movement of, in Texas, i., 596; The President, Character of, ii., 6; Nomination of, for Presidency, 7; Election of, 8; Administration of, 9 et seq.; Death of, 10, 49.

TCHENCHINE, MR., Principal Director of Alexander Institution, Reference to, i., 201.

TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH to Montgomery from Charleston via Augusta, ii., 476.

TENNYSON, The poet, Reference to, ii., 147, note.

TEXAS, Independence of, i., 368; Affairs of, 370; Petition of Philadelphia citizens on, 370; Annexation to the Union, 543, 562; Negotiation with, 580; Proposed admission into the Union, 580; Secession of, ii., 427.

THAL, MR., Accompanies Mr. Buchanan to the Barrier of Drogomirov, i., 198.

THOMPSON, JACOB, Secretary of Interior, ii., 194; Resignation of, 401 et seq.; Secretary of the Treasury, resignation of, 404.

THOMPSON, MR. JUSTICE, Appointment to Supreme Court, i., 24, note.

TICKNOR, GEORGE, Letter from Paris, quoted, i., 237.

TIVER, a Russian town, Reference to, i., 193.

TOD, MR. JOHN, Mr. Buchanan enters House of Representatives with, i., 25.

TOUCEY, ISAAC, Secretary of Navy, References to, ii., 193, 513; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 515, 620, 642.

TRACY, ALBERT H., of Buffalo, Reference to, i., 26.

TREATY between United States and England, Negotiation of, i., 504.

TREATY, COMMERCIAL, with Russia, i., 161.

TRIBUNE, The New York, Strange course of, ii., 427, 430.

TROOPS at the Capital, ii., 491, 492, 495, 506.

TROSTZA, Monastery of, i., 202, 203.

TRUCE, Temporary, of Major Anderson, ii., 449, 454.

TSCHERBATOFF, PRINCESS, Reference to, i., 153.

TSIDORE, Monk, Reference to, i., 204.

TYLER, JOHN, President, References to, i., 495, 528, note; Marriage of, 529, note; Cabinet of, 543; Attitude towards Texas, 581; Letters of, to President Buchanan, ii., 466, 467, 469; Commissioner, 472; Interview with the President, 472; Note of, 489.

UNITED STATES. See Constitution.

VAIL, AARON, American chargé in London, Reference to, i., 146; Dines at Prince Lieven’s, 224.

VAN BUREN, JOHN, Reference to, ii., 603.

VAN BUREN, MARTIN, Senator from New York, Reference to, i., 25, 58; Secretary of State, 132, note; Vice President, 231; Democratic candidate for Presidency in 1837, 232; Reference to, 394; Pretensions to Presidency, 517; Reference to, 519; Conduct of, 524; Relations to election of 1844, reference to, 550; Attitude towards Texas, 581; Nomination of, ii., 9.

VERNON, MOUNT, Reference to, ii., 230.

VETO POWER, Mr. Buchanan’s reply to Mr. Clay on, i., 472, 504, 550.

VICTORIA, QUEEN, Satisfaction in regard to Oregon settlement, i., 604; Cabinet of, ii., 104; Ministry of, 105; Accession of, 105; Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 231, 233.

VIRGINIA, Intervention to prevent war, ii., 471, 478; President Buchanan’s message to Congress, 479, 484.

VOLUNTEERS, President Buchanan’s reasons for not calling for, ii., 501.

WALES, PRINCE OF, Arrives in Washington, ii., 230; Becomes a guest at the White House, 230; Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 590.

WALKER, ROBERT J., Secretary of Treasury under President Polk, i., 540; Territorial Governor of Kansas, ii., 198; Instructions given to, by President, 198; Attempted insurrection suppressed by, 201.

WALL, GARRET D., Senator from New Jersey, Reference to, i., 379.

WALWORTH, REUBEN H., Enters House of Representatives with Mr. Buchanan, i., 25.

WARD, COMMANDER, Expedition organized for, ii., 621.

WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT, Message in 1796, referred to, i., 364; Reference to, ii., 47, 60.

WEBSTER, DANIEL, Speech on the war of 1812, i., 13, note; Supports administration of John Q. Adams, 58; Becomes a Senator, 58, note; Views on subject of protection, 74; Debate in Senate on nullification, 183; Views on question of instruction, 230, note; Opposes administration of General Jackson, 232; References to, 263, 267; Construction of Constitution by, 284; On expunging resolution, 292, 306; Reference to, 328; Opposes bill to restrain use of mails for incendiary publications, 339, 344, 350, 351, 353, 357; Treaty negotiated by, in 1842, 504; Retires from President Tyler’s cabinet, 543; Attitude towards Texas, 581, note; Opinion on Texas question, 582; Secretary of State, ii., 11, 35; Relations to question of right of search, 213, 361.

WEED, THURLOW, Reference to, ii., 51.

WELLESLEY, MARCHIONESS OF, Sister of Lady Stafford, ii., 102.

WELLINGTON, DUKE OF, Described by Princess Lieven, i., 218; Reference to ii., 105.

WESSENBERG, BARON, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; Dines at Lord Palmerston’s, 225.

WHARTON, WILLIAM, Reference to, ii., 181.

WHEATLAND, Purchase of, by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 1, 3.

WHEATON, HENRY, Author of Elements of International Law, i., 218, note.

WHIGS, Who were called, i., 231; Rivalry among, 409.

WHITE, HUGH L., Senator from Tennessee, i., 58; References to, 290, 306.

WICKLIFFE, CHARLES, Reference to, i., 108.

WILCOX, MISS, Niece of Mr. Ingersoll, Reference to, ii., 100.

WILLIAM IV., Reference to, ii., 104.

WILMOT, PROVISO, Reference to, i., 544.

WOOD, SIR CHARLES, President of the Board of Control, References to, ii., 105, 121.

WOODBURY, MR. JUSTICE, Reference to, i., 175.

WRIGHT, Governor of Indiana, Reference to, ii., 182.

WRIGHT, SILAS, JR., References to, i., 331, 332, 366, 519, 522.

YATES, JAMES BUCHANAN, Reference to, i., 536, note.

ZAITSOVA, Inn at, i., 193.

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Transcriber’s Note

On p. 395, the second footnote has no anchor in the text. It is presumed to have been intended to follow the closing paragraph.

The use of quotation marks is sometimes ambiguous, where opening or closing marks are missing. These have been rectified, where the voice or context clearly indicates the correct reading.

Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. Since a large portion of the text is quoted material, consideration was given to any apparent idiosyncrasies. The references are to the page and line in the original. Those references prefixed with ‘i’ refer to the page, column and line in the Index.

The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions.

5.3 transferred his household go[o]ds to Added. Wheatland

11.22 [“]WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER Added to balance closing quote.

15.15 taken before the judge or Removed. commiss[s]ioner

45.42 as well as others of a simil[i]ar Removed. character

52.18 his views on “secret or oath-bound Removed. societies.[’]”

54.43 I admit a respecta[c/b]le political Replaced.

61.7 This ‘American excellence’ never Removed. belonged to him.[”]

123.1 the Se[c]retary of State Added.

131.14 dominion over Nicara[ug/gu]a Transposed.

145.1 would never hear of my taking such a Added. journey[.]

254.5 and the procee[e]dings of the Covode Removed. Committee

256.14 [“]The committee proceeded for months Added.

259.1 ‘removal from office,[”/’] Replaced.

276.17 derived from the incessant Replaced. co[m/n]templation of one idea

308.67.88 J. S. BLACK[”]. Added.

311.38 Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a Removed. garr[r]ison

438.108.21 on an occasion so important.[”] Added.

457.1 [“]In the communication Added.

460.26 [‘/“]The character of this letter is Replaced. such

473.23 Defence, and not aggress[s]ion Removed.

493.38 in response to the resolution.[”] Removed.

503.16 I know not [k]now what will become of Added. it.

505.4 even Tennessee[e] and Missouri Removed.

506.38 Alca[n]traz Island _sic_

509.11 Mr. Buchanan, in re[s]ponding to this Added. speech

518.41 [“]MY DEAR SIR:— Removed.

521.36 which you sent me?[”] Added.

576.6 his fund of amusing as well [as Added. ]important anecdotes,

614.8 the immediate interests of the Replaced. Democratic party[,/.]

676.4 in such a way as that it should be Transposed. re[num/mun]erative

683.5 [“]Happily, the venerable sage of Removed. Wheatland

i701.1.29 MONTGOMERY COMMIS[S]IONERS Added.

i702.2.4 PASCHKOFF[S], MADAME Removed.

i705.1.11 STACK[LE/EL]BERG, BARON Transposed.