CHAPTER XVII.

GEUZNA. FEVER EPIDEMIC IN MERSINA.

_July 21st._—The heat of the sun as he rose above the horizon was very great, and we felt it severely as we had no shelter; we hastened therefore to breakfast and start, but not before leaving a few medicines for the patient of last night, who is in a dangerous state. This valley must be a very hotbed of fever; the dampness is excessive, and the air heavy and enervating. It is always so in valleys at the foot of lofty mountain ranges. Our course was parallel with the river, over undulating hills and across ravines half cleared of forest and full of rich herbage. High chains of mountains shut in the valley north and south. In about an hour we entered the virgin forest. Here in the valley it consists entirely of juniper trees (ardidj), but very fine indeed. This forest is too distant for the “tahtajis” to cut, and the trees, from springing up closely together, grow tall and tapering, not like junipers usually are, very thick at bottom, then quickly tapering and short. Here excellent masts for the largest ships might be cut; I saw hundreds together, straight and taper as a dart, and from seventy to eighty feet high. The heights above are covered with an equally luxuriant growth of pine (tcham) and “ketràn.” All the mountain ranges from this point along the coast of Karamania westwards—one may say almost all the way to Smyrna—are full of forest. But the noblest forests of all, are between Selefke (Seleucia) and Anamour (Anemurium). There, the trees grow as they have grown for centuries; it is only of late years that the woodman’s axe has been heard in those stately woods, and as yet much of the forests of South Karamania are virgin.

At length we emerged from the woods of juniper, passed some extensive clearings and a tchiftlik (farm), and began to approach the river. Its banks here are fringed with magnificent planes; a little way back are groves of walnut and oak; the mountains all along, are densely covered with pine and ketràn. The river itself resembles an English trout stream, and the most beautiful glades and bits of natural meadow-land occur along it at intervals. There seem to be scarcely any inhabitants, and from Efrenk downwards we only saw two or three Yourouks.

After following the stream about an hour and a quarter, we turned up the mountain side to our left; a very steep ascent brought us to the summit; here we found a small encampment of villagers. As yet I had not been able to discover our route on the map, and was uncertain where we were, but one of the elder villagers came up while we were resting and allowing the horses to graze, and on questioning him, I found that we had come much farther to the north than I had supposed. He pointed out the direction of Deirmen Deresi, Nemroun, and Geuzna; then turning to me, “But I have never seen you, Effendim, in Mersina; Ajeba! have you come to farm the dîme?” We laughed heartily at the tone in which he asked the question.

At last we saw the back of the ranges which overhang Mersina, of broken and very beautiful outline, and overspread with dense forest. Through this portion of the chain, which forms the outposts of Bulghar Dagh, three rivers make their way to the plain—the river of Pompeiopolis, the river of Ichma, and the river of Mersina, the same whose head waters we had crossed above Efrenk, and along whose course we had been all the morning advancing. The ravines of these rivers are bordered by walls of red limestone, not perhaps so great as some of the vast precipices I had seen in the interior, but still very grand and imposing. There was one of these precipice-bordered ravines just below the spot at which we now left the river, and the strip of land in the river bottom was richly cultivated, and green as an emerald.

I asked the name of this spot from several wayfarers whom we met. At last I learned it was called Soundrass or Soundratch. The village of the same name is on the west side of the river, opposite to the spot where we turned off eastwards; near the village a magnificent spring bursts from the rock and falls into the river, and this source forms the main water supply of the town of Mersina.

We were now gradually approaching the last mountain bulwark which separated us from the plain and from the sea, but many and steep were the ascents and descents before the last great descent was reached. The country was extremely picturesque, full of deep rocky dells, and broad hills with precipitous sides; the open spaces brown and yellow with grain crops, which the people were busily reaping; everywhere patches of forest, and the whole surface of the country green as in England in “the leafy month of June.”

At length from the top of the last ridge I saw the sea, and the plain thickly covered with a curtain of cloud and mist. Pleasant thoughts of home gave me fresh strength, though I was much exhausted by the hard work and bad fare of the last few days, for we had been in the saddle eight hours and a half on the 19th, nine and a half on the 20th, and to-day, instead of four or five, as we had been told, we rode eight hours and a quarter before we reached our halting place—Geuzna. But we had wandered a little out of our way, and the direct road from Efrenk to Geuzna occupies only six hours and a half.

The descent to the plain was down one of the great clefts in the chain, such as I have before described, and bordered on either side by great precipices of limestone or sandstone, furrowed by deep rifts, and full of caverns. The change of climate and of vegetation was here very sudden and remarkable. Instead of the dry, cold, bracing, and healthy air on the plateaux and mountains of the interior, there is a warm, damp, enervating atmosphere; instead of the towering pine forest, with almost no undergrowth of brushwood or vegetation, a region succeeded full of the densest underwood, and of trees altogether different—a curious mixture of Northern European and semi-tropical vegetation—the oak, ash, ivy, hawthorn, bramble, honeysuckle, and other trees and shrubs of Northern Europe, but mixed with myrtle, arbutus, jujube, Judas tree, wild olive, clematis, and other southern trees and shrubs. The most beautiful ferns and creepers abounded. The season of flowers is past; in the spring and early summer these romantic ravines and river dells must be full of a charming flora, but with the returning heat comes malaria, and fever lurks in every corner! This richness of vegetation is due to the abundant rainfall which occurs daily along this the most southern line of the mountain range.

The sea breeze, loaded with moisture, begins to blow about ten o’clock A.M. Soon the mountain tops are covered with vapour, and heavy rain ensues at intervals. It was so now; the thunder clouds gathered, and a heavy downpour descended on us.

At 5 P.M. we reached the bottom of the descent, but did not advance into the plain. The nearest village in the plain was still several hours distant, and we hoped to reach Geuzna by sunset. There we should find Europeans, and hear news of Mersina and Europe.

The precipice on our left receded gradually, and it was on the other face of the mountain to which this belonged, that Geuzna was situated. We turned towards the left near a small ruined Saracenic fort, and began to mount transversely the face of the mountain, through a wood more like a thick English wood than anything I had before seen in the East, following a path made by the cattle through the tangled brush and thick underwood, the rain all the while falling heavily. Night had closed in when we saw above us in a deep cleft the lights of the village of Geuzna. The music of plashing runnels from many a fountain struck pleasantly upon the ear, and at length, after passing numerous houses amid umbrageous gardens, we reined in our tired horses under a wide-spreading plane tree near a resounding source, and Nahli went to search for a lodging. He found one in the house of the Austrian Consul, Mr. Castravelli (since dead). He was himself in Mersina, but his housekeeper offered me a room. It was more difficult to find food for the horses, and an hour and a half passed before Nahli could procure barley and straw (“saman”) for them, and then only by paying exorbitantly.

On his return Nahli told me, with the peculiar laugh he always had when there was disagreeable news to communicate, or the misfortunes of anyone to relate, that “cholera had appeared in Syria and was spreading both in Damascus and Beyrout; that the Ottoman Government had imposed a quarantine of ten days at least on all arrivals from Syria; that the Russian line of steamers would be suspended, the next steamer being the last that would call at Mersina; and it was even reported that the service of the French line of steamers also would be discontinued.” This was indeed unpleasant news, especially to one who knows what quarantine signifies in the Levant; for in nearly all these countries the quarantine establishments are perfectly atrocious! I bitterly repented now not having gone on from Isaura to Smyrna. By this time we should have been more than a third of the way there; but regrets were useless.

_July 22nd._—The balcony of Mr. Castravelli’s house commanded nearly the whole of this pretty little settlement, the yaila of the Europeans of Mersina, and partly also of Tarsus and Adana. It is situated in a gorge, a depression at the top of the first high range between the coast and Bulghar Dagh. Many intermediate heights of less elevation rise between it and the plain, and down the gorge Mersina with its shipping—few indeed just now—and a long line of coast could be distinctly seen. On all sides the cliffs, as on yesterday’s route, were thickly covered with trees and brushwood, from base to summit. The rainfall is very great here, and almost every day several heavy showers fall. The houses of the village are scattered about along the sides of the gorge, almost every one has its garden and orchards. Several were pointed out to me as having once belonged to an English gentleman, a certain Captain Dingwall, who some fifteen years ago came out to Cilicia, and either from a spirit of reckless speculation, or deceived by false representations, invested a vast sum of money in the province. His first speculation—a large purchase of cotton—was most lucrative; but soon afterwards the American civil war came to an end, and heavy losses succeeded to the previous profits. Then he began to import Manchester goods, but to such an enormous extent, as to glut the market completely. Prices were depressed not less than 50 per cent., and even then sales could only be effected on credit. At that time the money-lenders of the country were in the habit of advancing money to the cultivators, on the security of their crops, at the usurious interest of 5 and 6 per cent. per month, and in order to recoup his enormous losses this unfortunate gentleman, through the agency of some Syrians resident in the province, began to make advances to the native cultivators on the additional security of the borrowers’ land and real property. But with such recklessness was this done, that at last even his agents refused to act, and sent back some of the sums consigned to them for investment. In the meanwhile the state of the country became continually worse; no money could be recovered from the debtors, land was unsaleable, matters came to a complete dead-lock, and for six years, incredible as it may seem, no communication took place between Captain Dingwall and his agents; at length, about the year 1871, he came out to Cilicia. His agents handed over to him all that was left out of the wreck of his fortune, but he was completely ruined; the shock proved fatal, and I saw his tomb in the Greek cemetery at Mersina.

When a vessel becomes derelict, no wonder if plunderers use the opportunity. The Dingwall succession was in this position. It fell into the hands of a knot of dishonest Syrian Christians, and a large portion even of what had been left, disappeared, so that when at length liquidators were sent out from England, the mischief was past remedy, and I believe not much above five per cent. of the moneys invested was ever recovered. I am credibly informed that the value in all of about 90,000_l._ in money and goods was lost. This extraordinary case is far too complicated to relate in full, but the main facts are as I have given them, and I relate them as a warning. The island of Cyprus has lately become a part of the British Empire, and it is to be feared that much too sanguine expectations have been formed concerning it. Cyprus is doubtless rich in resources, but if it at all resemble Karamania, those resources will require a long time to develop; probably much British capital will disappear in the process, and it is certain that the ports of the Levant abound with clever, plausible, and dishonest persons,—notably some of the native Christians able to speak English—who in their own country are adepts in every kind of chicanery.

The climate of Geuzna is mild and agreeable, but extremely damp, and I much doubt if it be healthy now, but the autumnal months must be charming here, and it is inhabited by a few of the natives all the year round, although winter brings with it a deep snowfall.

Just as we were about to start, our souriji appeared. He objected to go down to Mersina; he wished to be paid, as he desired to return at once to Karaman. Had I consented, this would have entailed another day’s delay. Nahli advised me to let him go, and deduct some of his pay, but this did not suit me. I told him “he had agreed to carry my baggage down to Mersina, and unless he fulfilled his agreement, I should not pay him. He must not suppose he could treat me as he pleased; we were not now in Kara Dagh or Allah Dagh” (at which he looked somewhat taken aback). I then asked him what he meant to do. To which, after a little hesitation, he replied, “Neh yapaim?” “What can I do? I will go.”

We started at 10 A.M. The road, though very steep, is good, and in some places well made of large blocks of stone fitted together. It is one continual descent through lovely dells and romantic river valleys, (Karanlik Dere and Dalak Dere) to the plain. It is a descent from moist, cool spring, to burning and yet _damp_ heat, far worse than the worst autumnal weather in Egypt. The side ravines, the richly cultivated lands in the dells, the fine trees in the river bottoms, the luxuriant vegetation along the whole route, are perfectly charming. At eleven heavy rain came on and lasted an hour and a half. At 2 P.M. we came to a small café, but it was full, literally, of people sick of fever. More than a dozen were lying on the floor, or in the balcony, in various stages of the sickness; some rolled up in thick rugs, were shivering with the deadly chill, although the heat indoors was now above 85° Fahrenheit. Others had passed out of the cold stage, and were lying exhausted, with dull glazed eyes, and sallow, shrunken faces. The cafeji was too ill to attend to us. It was a very ill-omened sight, and on the road we met several other sick people on their way to Geuzna, in order to escape the heat and malaria of the plain. Alas! too many only carry their death with them, so deadly and obstinate is sometimes the form of malarious fever which prevails on the lowlands of Cilicia!

At 3 P.M. we came to the little village of Boloukli; it is on a rocky height, about 500 feet above the level of the plain, and close upon its edge. The air of the place, though far from being good, is yet a little fresher than the air of the town, and it is near, being only an hour and a quarter’s ride from Mersina, so that many of the business people of the town have country houses there.

Here I found Mr. Tattarachi, the British Vice-Consul, sick of fever and dysentery. Although recovering, he is still miserably weak, too weak, indeed, for a sea voyage, even if quarantine did not deter him from leaving.

At 6 P.M. we started to cross the plain to Mersina. Although so late in the day, the sun was still very powerful, and the stifling heat of the town and plain quite overpowering. As we approached Mersina through the gardens which surround it, I saw many sick people lying on mattresses spread upon the ground at the door of their houses. They had been brought out for air; as for coolness, it was not to be had, day and night being almost equally hot. The mortality during the past two months has been very great, and several of my interpreter’s personal friends had died. I hoped, however, to be on the sea in two days, but as we entered the town we heard that in all probability the Russian steamer would not call at Mersina.

There was yet another disappointment: we halted at Nahli’s house, but found that during his absence his brother-in-law had sublet it; so our only shelter was the khan, which, however, is good and clean, being new, and open only to respectable people. Sleep was impossible; the damp and stifling heat quite prevented it, not to mention the incessant attacks of sandflies and mosquitoes.

_July 23rd._—Rose utterly exhausted. Nahli has engaged himself in the Government service as a collector of the dîme, and has brought me his young brother-in-law to wait upon me. He offers to buy from me the horse he has ridden on the journey; the price is very low, but he has acted so well throughout, that I have done him this little favour on condition that if all the lines of steamers should be suspended (as it is reported will be the case), the sale shall be void, and in that case he is to give up the Government service and come with me overland to Smyrna, for I cannot pass all the summer in Asia Minor.

Went out together to breakfast at a little Greek restaurant, and found the cookery tolerable. The number of people who are sick in the town is truly astonishing. The news from Damascus is bad—cholera reported on the increase, and it is feared that it may appear any day at Adana. The agent of the Russian steamer cannot say whether or not the steamer is coming—in his opinion, _not_. This will entail at least eight days’ stay either in Mersina or Boloukli, or in Geuzna. A room in Mr. Mavromati’s house at Boloukli has been offered to me, but the house is empty—not so much as a divan in it—no company, and no place at which I can obtain food, and I know no one there except Tattarachi, who is still very sick. Geuzna is even worse in these respects, and six hours distant. But the heat of Mersina was so oppressive that I prepared to start for Boloukli. At the last minute, however, I decided upon staying in the town, as it is just possible—though unlikely now—that the Russian steamer may call, and I must not throw away any chance.

I hear that our Yourouk friend, Mustafa Tekerlèk, is likely to fall into great trouble; indeed, it is thought that he will be sent to the Government arsenal at Larnaca, in Cyprus, where in all probability he would soon die, accustomed as he is to the free life and pure air of the mountains; for it is a most unhealthy place. It seems that years ago he used to rob travellers and caravans passing through his district, whenever the opportunity offered; but when the Government began to be severe on such practices he turned over a new leaf. By his own account he was a thoroughly honourable man, who looked tenderly after the welfare of travellers. It seems, however, that of late he has begun to resume his old practices, being rendered a little desperate owing to the seizure of his wheat by the Kaimakam of Mersina for arrears of taxes. The people here said that he had treated us with much courtesy, “for him,” partly because of the letter of recommendation to him from the man at Ibrala, partly because it is dangerous to molest Europeans—above all, those who are known to the authorities—and I cannot help thinking that our pistols had some little effect, and all the more in consequence of Nahli’s exaggerations about them. Our informant also said that Mustafa was not hospitable, and seldom or never gave any refreshment to strangers. Certainly, what we had received from him was not much, all the supper I could obtain being a small cup of milk, and a little bit of native bread! Our breakfast next morning we purchased of one of the other Yourouks. The troublesome fellow, too, who was so pertinacious in his attendance, was well known to the police of Mersina as a suspicious character and associate of thieves, and I am convinced that the object of his coming so often was to spy out the contents of my zinc case. On the principle, I suppose, that two of a trade never agree, Mustafa did not like our souriji. Certainly the latter, as I have said, is no souriji by profession. He seems to know little or nothing about the duties of such a calling; and since he has been in Mersina he has sold one of his mares, and is haunting the drinking shops all the day long—by no means like a good Muslim! Happily for us, no harm arose from it all. To rob a European so near the coast would make too much noise—farther inland it would be very different—besides, they would at least _expect_ to be resisted, and with good European arms, whatever resolution the traveller might himself come to on the point! Still, if the people of the country were determined to rob travellers they could very easily do it, and all resistance would be worse than useless. This must be remembered to their credit; nor in so wild and thinly peopled a country would malefactors find much difficulty in concealing themselves.[27]

_July 24th._—The Russian steamer has not arrived, nor is it telegraphed. It is certain now that she will not come, so I must wait yet a week for the French Messageries boat; but it is rumoured that even that will not come! The heat and malaria here are awful. Should the French steamer fail, nothing will remain but either to go up to Geuzna or Kulek Boghaz, and wait till the cholera ceases, quarantine is relaxed, and the steamers again call, or else to make my way as best I can, overland to Smyrna—a journey of some twenty-three days. Nahli has promised to see me through; but shall I be able to stand the journey? Every day in this heat enfeebles me more and more. Should I ever again travel in this country, on no account will I stay so late in the season. Although it is a most beautiful and interesting land, yet the pleasure is balanced by the pain, danger, and trouble inseparable from such a journey so late in the season.

Passed a dreadful night; the air of the room—nay, of the whole town—is like that of a damp, yet hot, oven. How the people can endure it at all, is to me most strange! As it is, the amount of sickness is appalling! In every street are many poor fever-stricken patients, lying at their doors, with sallow, shrunken faces and dull eyes. Many who are not actually prostrate are still so ill that they can hardly crawl. Greek, Turk, and Syrian all suffer alike. I have seen several of the people from the mountains lying for days together in the street facing the sea, and no one seems to take any notice of them, or to offer them any help. The hospital is crowded; the poor khanji who has charge of my horse is a wretched spectacle. Most of these poor people either cannot afford to buy quinine, or what they can procure is of bad quality; and there is no other remedy to be obtained here.

Breakfasted at the Greek restaurant, and fell in with the Austrian naturalist, Haberhauer, whom I had seen at Tchukour Bagh, near Kulek Boghaz. He was on his way to Europe, and he gave me good news that a telegram had just been received from Constantinople announcing the departure of an Ottoman steamer from Smyrna. She would come to Mersina, and leave again on the same day, so that we should escape quarantine. This report, however, proved unfounded.

At about 7 P.M. went out to Boloukli. I think that another three days’ stay in Mersina would have caused me a dangerous sickness; the climate now is perfectly pestilential. I was strong and vigorous when I came down from the mountains, but now all my strength is gone. Nahli’s brother-in-law, Gabriel, a young lad of seventeen, came out to wait on me; but though a native of the place, and accustomed to the climate, he suffers as much as myself!

As we passed through the village of Christian Keui (formerly Giaour Keui), half-way between Mersina and Boloukli, I saw that the inhabitants were suffering just as in Mersina, and the souriji, a mountaineer, who was bringing out what I needed, muttered to himself, as his eye fell on the poor people lying about, “Sitma! sitma!” (fever! fever!).

Arrived at Mr. Mavromati’s country house, I managed to fit up a kind of plank bedstead on trestles. Tattarachi lent me a few necessaries, but it was very uncomfortable. Slept heavily, but was not refreshed.

_July 25th._—So utterly exhausted that I lay in a half stupor all day, and seemed to be sickening for a severe fever; my head all wrong, and all sorts of horrid dreams and visions present; at times I was almost delirious. Can remember Gabriel coming in now and then and looking at me, but can remember nothing else. Towards sunset came the crisis, as it were a severe struggle going on in my head, and a feeling as if something was being driven out of my brain. Very profuse perspiration came on, and I was able to rise and take a strong dose of quinine, and give a dose to Gabriel, who is also suffering. At about 8.30 crawled into Tattarachi’s house to beg a little food, as the young lad is too ill to procure anything for me, and there is no one else to do it. Passed a tranquil night, but could not sleep.

_July 26th._—Tattarachi, who is better, came up to see me. I was just taking another dose of quinine (about five grains). He laughed and said that was too little; that he has often been obliged to take doses of fifteen and twenty grains at a time. Only very strong doses would stop the fever of this country. Can this be so? Surely the quinine must be adulterated.

Boloukli is a bad place for an invalid. There is nothing to be had—no meat, no milk, no butter—or else my poor attendant is too ill to go about and forage. It seems to be a choice between fever in Mersina and starvation here. I am like a prisoner in my room. I have a plank bedstead and two or three rush chairs, and I shift uneasily from one to the other all the day long. The position of the house is very good; it is at the highest point of the village, commanding a view of Mersina, Christian Keui, and the plain and sea. There is a small enclosed garden attached to it, but quite uncultivated; and at one corner of it a spring bursts out from under the rock with a volume of water as large as a man’s thigh.

The heat is tolerable till about 8 A.M. At about 10 A.M. the sea-breeze begins to blow, but at this season of the year it is extremely slight. Owing to the position of Mersina, shut in by lofty mountain ranges, there is almost a stagnation of the air except for the sea-breeze; this comes in, charged and saturated with moisture, but only serves now to render the air yet more oppressive and relaxing. It dies out at about 4 P.M. Then follows stifling, steamy heat, till, at some uncertain hour in the night, a breeze blows from the mountains. It hardly deserves the name of a breeze now, for it is scarcely perceptible, and resembles the softest possible sigh. Still it produces some little effect, and at least renders the early morning cool and pleasant. In short, Boloukli is a wretched place, and yet its air is certainly better than the air of Mersina.

_July 27th._—Tranquil night, determined to ride into Mersina every morning, and return to Boloukli each night. But found it very hard to pass the time in Mersina. All places in the town seem to be alike. Never have I felt so utterly exhausted. Mind and body alike lose all spring and energy in this enervating air and heat. The sickness in the town increases daily, and many funerals pass under my window. This morning I counted five in a very short time.

At sunset returned to Boloukli. The chief crop round Mersina at this season is sesame seed. The grain crops have long been reaped, but much of the soil is uncultivated and covered with brush.

_July 28th._—Slight improvement in the weather, but only for one day. News to-day from Syria worse. Every one fears an outbreak of cholera in Adana, and consequently its appearance also at Tarsus and Mersina. If so, there will be nothing left but to make my way as best I may, across Asia Minor to Smyrna. The ride to and from Boloukli is not unpleasant. I am generally accompanied by some of the people who are settled for the summer at Boloukli, mostly Greeks or Syrians; nearly all speak French. It is remarkable how great an influence France has upon the Roman Catholic population of Syria. After the burning day in Mersina, the cool spring in the garden of my dwelling is most refreshing, but I am cautioned not to drink much of it, as the water is of bad quality. The water of the town, which is good, though not cool, is supplied by an aqueduct from the river to the west of the town. A few years ago the only water supply came from wells; it was extremely unwholesome, and caused deadly fevers.

I dispensed with Gabriel’s attendance at Boloukli. The former owner of the house is permitted by Mr. Mavromati to live there still, and he looks to my horse and makes my coffee.

_July 29th._—No record. Same monotonous life.

_July 30th._—Roused early by a visit from Nahli. He looks dispirited, and is disgusted with the Government service. It seems he had been sent to some villages near Tarsus, to take account of the dîme. Many villages purchase the dîme of their own crops, and at harvest time a Government officer is sent round to estimate the amount due to the Government, which is then paid in directly by the villagers. It is the most advantageous arrangement for both parties, but at the same time offers great scope for fraud, if only the inspector can be bribed—usually no very difficult matter in this country. It seems the village he first visited is inhabited by Nusairiyeh (“fellahhin,” as Nahli called them), and the owner of the land was the Kaimakam of Mersina, himself a Nusairi. When Nahli arrived, he had a very discourteous reception. The grain was yet in the sheaf, unthreshed, and the villagers insisted on his estimating the dîme of the crop in that condition, telling him “it was the custom” there. When he refused to do this, and said “that he could not estimate the crop until the grain had been threshed out,” high words arose. Nahli tried to mount his horse and go away, but the men would not allow him to leave; and it was evident that had he resisted he would have been seriously maltreated. At length they forced him to affix his signet to a paper, already prepared, to the effect that “he had estimated the dîme of their harvest, and it amounted to so much.” Afraid to go to any other of the Nusairiyeh villages in his district, he returned to Mersina and complained to the Medjlis (Town Council). They, however, were unwilling to quarrel with the Kaimakam, and advised him “not to trouble about the matter, but to leave things as they were,” and they would give him another district. The fact is, the man is too honest for this country; and the advice I gave him was rather “politic” than “high principled”—viz. “to float with the stream,” “that he could not expect to reform the prevalent abuses; that he would only stir up for himself a host of enemies, without effecting any good result.”

Nahli tells me a strange tale of the audacity of the wolves. A certain Mr. Geoffroi (a French subject residing in Mersina) and some others, had a flock of 104 choice sheep feeding in the plain close to Mersina, on the east side of the town. The usual guard of dogs and shepherds was with them. No one could have supposed them in danger from wild animals; but about a week ago a troop of fourteen or fifteen wolves came down from the mountains in the night, drove off the dogs, and in a very few minutes killed twenty-six of the sheep, and fearfully mangled many more. Some had a portion of the tail—so large in the Karamanian sheep—torn away; others had the throat bitten through. Out of the whole number, only about forty escaped uninjured. The shepherds gave the alarm, great fires of straw and brushwood were kindled, and a chase of the wolves began; but, though many shots were fired at them, not one was killed. There is nothing, or very little, to eat in the interior, as the flocks have perished, and the wolves are pressed by hunger; but such an incursion as this was never heard of before in Mersina. If they are so bold and fierce now, what will they be in winter? Sometimes, although rarely, accidents occur—e.g. about three winters ago, a Greek was devoured by wolves near the cemetery, quite close to the town. There was deep snow in the mountains, and the animals were fierce with hunger.

Whilst I was breakfasting with Nahli at the Greek restaurant, my former interpreter, Hanna, came in. He was in no wise abashed, although he slightly started back at first. When I reproached him for his bad treatment of me, he defended himself; utterly denied that he had cheated us; laid all the blame on my friend’s severity and harsh language to him; said that his pay had been less than Nahli’s, and therefore he had only done himself justice by going off with our money. In short, he is an impudent rascal, and, from what I now hear of his character, capable of any bad action; so I was well rid of him (and, indeed, I have often thought how easy it would have been to do me some serious mischief in one of those out-of-the-way places in the interior; no one would have ever been the wiser, and the people here tell me that this man is perfectly capable of such a deed. I may have done him wrong by admitting such a thought, but here he bears a very bad character). Hanna did, however, admit that he had not acted well in leaving me in a strange place, with the care of the poor sick patient. I had the barren satisfaction of telling him, before all the company, and in the most concise and forcible terms I could use, that he was dishonest and untruthful; but he took it all with the utmost equanimity, and only smiled. Said Nahli, as we went out, “Did you ever notice what round eyes Hanna has? We have a proverb in Turkish, ‘Beware of a man with round eyes.’” As we left the restaurant, the Greeks and Syrians present gathered round him to hear his account of the matter. About two hours after this, I met him in the street, and he saluted me very politely. I could not help laughing at the fellow’s impudence. But, with all that, I believe I unwittingly escaped a very serious risk when Hanna left me at Adana; and I could not have fallen in with a more agreeable and more honourable man, and one at the same time better adapted for a travelling companion in these countries, than my good friend Nahli Sabbagh.

Nahli rode out with me to Boloukli in the evening. He wished to show me the hot springs at Ichma, but the place lay some little distance out of our way, and I preferred to go quietly to Boloukli, being too wearied and indifferent to explore any more at present. My horse is in very bad condition, owing to hard work and insufficient food, but I have sold him for T. 10_l._ to a good master. He has served me well. I bought him for T. 12½_l._, and I have ridden him throughout the whole journey. He has never once stumbled; never been sick; has borne the longest and most difficult marches (often with very insufficient food) with the utmost fire and spirit; in short, it was a fortunate purchase. On the other hand, he could never agree with other horses, and his fierce pugnacity often caused us much trouble.

_July 31st._—To my great joy, saw the French mail steamer coming up to the anchorage soon after daybreak. Being now sure of the means of departure, I can telegraph home.

Again and again, as we rode across the plain into Mersina, I turned to look once more at that stately line of heights which walls in the lowlands.

Never, probably, again shall I visit this country, but to the last day of my life I shall retain a vivid recollection of its entrancing beauty and absorbing interest. Yet beautiful and interesting though it be, it has many dangers. Not the least of these is its climate, and I carried away with me the seeds of a dangerous fever, which at one time threatened the most serious consequences, and which, during nearly a year after I had left Cilicia, prostrated me again and again.

This was entirely due to the delay in the plain, for I was in good health, and cared little for fatigue, privation, and exposure when I descended from the mountains; and could I have left Cilicia at once, I should no doubt have escaped these unpleasant consequences. But a few days’ stay in the deadly air and heat of the lowlands during summer is enough to break down the strongest.

Herr Haberhauer, a veteran traveller, and a strong, robust man, suffered as much as myself. “Ah,” he said to me, one day, “we are both blackened now by the sun; but if we stay here a few days more in this damp heat, we shall be bleached.”

In the course of the morning I sent off a telegram to England. The line through Koniah was occupied in transmitting Government messages; but the chief of the telegraph, a young Greek, most kindly sent my telegram to a friend at Diàrbekìr, with a request that he would forward it immediately. While I was still waiting in the office, a reply was received from Diàrbekìr that it had been safely received, and had been sent on at once to Pera.

The telegram, which was in English, was thus sent back from Cilicia to the frontiers of Mesopotamia, and thence through Constantinople to England. It was duly received at its destination the same afternoon, and correctly, excepting that the address was given wrongly by the telegraphic agent in the place to which it was addressed, who wrote “Muscat,” and then “Messina,” till, on reference to London, the correct name was given, “Mersina.”

I had felt unwell all day, and on going to the office of the Messageries to take my passage for Marseilles I was seized with a sudden chill and shivering, and forced to go back to my lodgings. At about six o’clock I was well enough to proceed to the ship. Although she lay only about 400 yards from the shore, the boatmen would not take me off under two medjidiehs (8_s._). They laughingly declared that “it was not every day they had the chance of meeting an European ‘hawaja,’ and I must pay!” All these boatmen, and indeed almost all the labouring people of Mersina, are Arabs of Syria. Arrived at the ‘Ilyssus,’ I bade Nahli a hearty farewell. A good-natured Turk—one of the passengers on board—carried my baggage up the ladder, for I was too weak to do it myself, and none of the crew seemed inclined to do it—and, adieu Mersina.

_August 1st._—Towards sundown the ‘Ilyssus’ left her anchorage. The whole expanse of plain between the mountains and the sea was covered by a curtain of deep blue and silvery haze, which in places mounted like the vapour of a furnace, and marked the extreme humidity of the air. It seemed to throw a soft, mysterious veil over the deeper purple of the hills and nearer heights, and set off in strong contrast the rich orange tones of the higher ranges, still coloured by the setting sun. As our ship stood out to sea, the rose-tinted cones of Harpalik and Metdesis, the loftiest snow peaks of Bulghar Dagh, were faintly outlined against the sky, till evening slowly faded into night, and the long line of colonnade at Pompeiopolis could be just distinguished as we came abreast of the old city, the last object on which my eyes rested in this lovely, but dangerous, land.

The ship was crowded with Syrians from Beyrout and the coast towns, escaping from the cholera; and the ex-Pasha of Bagdad, with his suite, was on board _en route_ for Constantinople. Half the quarter-deck was curtained off for the women and children of the party.

The Pasha had brought with him several of the fine white Hedjazi donkeys, and some tolerably good horses, but none equal to five or six Arab horses from the Syrian desert, exported from Alexandretta by an English officer, Captain Upton, who had purchased them from (I think) the Anazi tribe. He had been obliged to go nearly to the river Euphrates before he could obtain any, and had paid high prices for these. I never saw any horses with so broad a forehead between the eyes, or with such deep jaws. Though rather small, they were beautifully formed, and the eye was very lustrous and intelligent.

In about thirty hours from Mersina we came to Rhodes. We had been in sight of the highlands of Karamania for nearly the whole distance, and the night before were near enough in shore to see an immense conflagration in the forest.

The voyage was most tedious; we were three days in quarantine at Vourla (Klazomenæ), (not being permitted to approach Smyrna). We could not, of course, land at Messina or Palermo. The heat, though not so great as in Cilicia, was still most oppressive, and I was laid up half the voyage, from fever.

Arrived at Marseilles, we were placed in quarantine for four days in the Island of Frioul, and finally released on August 17th, when I hastened homewards towards the north.

What an immense change has come over the Ottoman Empire since I left Cilicia!

What unutterable misery has been brought upon its people!

Is there a heart so hard, as not to feel deep commiseration for the poor victims, Christian and Muslim, of that Nineteenth Century Crusade, that “more than knightly mission” of a cruel, treacherous, hypocritical despotism?

Doubtless, the inscrutable wisdom of the Most High is visiting on the Osmanli people the many and deadly sins of its ancestors. National punishment follows inevitably upon national sin; but in our just detestation of the evil Osmanli _Government_, let it not be forgotten that there is also an unfortunate Osmanli _people_, and let us not exclude _them_ from our human sympathies.

The vast majority of _them_, at least, contributed nothing to the causes which led to the late atrocious war; _they_ could exercise no influence on the march of events!

And if the Osmanlis are suffering in great measure for the sins of their fathers, must we not also believe that in His own time the justice of the Almighty will bring to judgment that system of organized hypocrisy and cruelty—that incarnation of brute force and injustice—the Russian Government and the Russian Imperial rule?

The poet’s words are as true of nations as of individuals—

“Raro antecedentem scelestum Deseruit pede Pæna claudo.”

CONDITION OF THE MUSLIM PEASANT IN ASIATIC TURKEY.

It might be supposed from the complaints of certain English orators, that the Muslims _as a class_ systematically oppressed the rayahs _as a class_. So far as my own experience extends, this is not the case. Both classes suffer alike: both have to bear the burden of a corrupt and immoral bureaucracy; both are crushed under a taxation which, though in itself not excessive, is, compared with their resources, most burdensome.

Certainly the rayah, besides the very real and tangible grievances which he has in common with his Muslim fellow-subjects, has also grievances of his own (e.g. he is practically excluded for the most part from State employ), and grievances too of sentiment; but in most _essential_ points he is on the same footing as the Muslim; and not once, but several times, Christians in the interior of Karamania have admitted to me that the Central Government _at least tried_ to act justly towards both classes alike.

The misfortune is that so much depends on the character of provincial governors, and of the leading members in the provincial councils (medjlis), for these give the tone to the administration. If such administration as that of Midhat Pasha in Bulgaria was more common, less would be heard of complaint against the Central Government; unfortunately, such governors are very rare. Such grievances, however, can hardly be cured by mere legislation, but the natural course of events is gradually removing them. The Greek and Armenian Christians, for instance, are rapidly rising in numbers, wealth, and education, while the Muslim is stationary, or even falling back, in these respects, and this in a short time must have an effect.

Turkey is essentially agricultural and pastoral. Her manufactures are inconsiderable, and constantly diminishing under the influence of European imports. But she is a vast producer of raw material. Her climate and much of her soil are magnificent, but she has neither the population nor the capital requisite for developing the gifts of nature. Immigration—the grand resource of all under-peopled countries—is for her impracticable. European colonization on a small scale has been tried, and failed; immigration of Europeans on a large scale would be dangerous while Europeans can claim at pleasure foreign support and enjoy special immunities such as no other class in the empire possesses.

The State is in theory the owner of the land in Turkey, and any land lying uncultivated for five years, reverts _ipso facto_ to the State, and can be granted afresh. Even Europeans can obtain land by submitting to the same conditions as the natives, and renouncing (in so far as they become landowners) the special privileges secured to them by the Capitulations.

But though the experiment has been often tried by private individuals, it has never succeeded; sooner or later the European landowner has been obliged from one cause or other to retire, often with heavy loss.

Nor must it be assumed that there is an unlimited quantity of waste land capable of cultivation. At least one-fourth of the surface of Anatolia, and much more in Karamania, never can be utilized except as pasture land. No doubt such districts as the great plain of Cilicia, and many of the river valleys, contain much waste land, and would easily support threefold their present population, but their climate is unhealthy; even the natives prefer the poorer mountain lands to the rich soil of these plains. How, then, could the European colonist thrive, or even live in such positions?

What the population of Asiatic Turkey is, can only be guessed. I have heard the most ludicrous discrepancies in the estimates made by Turkish officials as to the population even of the town in which they lived, and a census is impossible. It is supposed, however, that the Muslim population of Asiatic Turkey exceeds the rayah by at least tenfold.

It is therefore on the former that the great amount of the State burdens fall. There is no difference in the taxes paid by these classes, for, be it remembered, it is not the _man_, nor even the _land_, but the _crop_, which pays, and the days are nearly past when a pasha or Government official could plunder, imprison, or put to death with impunity, the provincials subject to his rule. Still less will such deeds be possible in future should the Turkish parliament begin to exercise an influence in the State. And even already the much-reviled Khatti Humayoon has secured a great deal for the rayah.

The backbone of the State, then, is the Muslim peasant, holding his land directly from the Government, or cultivating in partnership the land of another, somewhat on the “metayer” system.

In general the peasant is miserably poor, for in the first place he is not industrious. His wants are few, and neither the climate nor his surroundings tend to render him enterprising. Partly from these reasons, partly from lack of skill, of capital, and want of communications with the outside world, he does not draw from his land nearly as much as he might. At least a third of his arable land must lie fallow every year. At intervals of a few years, drought ruins his crop—this is a constantly recurring trouble; his son is drafted as a conscript into the army (a fate which the rayah avoids, or has avoided hitherto, at the moderate cost of from five to ten shillings per annum); the Government inexorably exacts its dues. Too often, sooner or later, the unfortunate peasant is obliged to resort to the money-lender (who is nearly always a Christian, for his religion forbids the Muslim to lend money on interest), and then his fate is sealed!

Even when the seasons are favourable, and the harvest abundant, this is of no permanent benefit to him; the Osmanli never seems to accumulate capital; he lives from hand to mouth; his surplus resources (if any) are never expended on some remunerative undertaking. A pilgrimage to Mecca on a larger scale than usual, a new wife, or some such folly, speedily absorbs all his profits, and then when the pinch comes, there is nothing between him and want. This was abundantly proved during the great famine year of 1873-74.

The Government taxes him, but does almost nothing for him. There are not a dozen roads in the empire; and though a heavy debt has been contracted, there is very little internal improvement to show for it. Still it would be unjust to lay all the blame upon the Government. The character and spirit of the people, their prevailing form of religion, their unhappy political position, and the accumulated evils of centuries of misrule, all, in various degrees, tend to make the Ottoman empire what it is—a scandal to civilization, and a constant source of trouble to Europe.

The Asiatic provinces of Turkey, then, are inhabited by a population, poor and unenterprising, but sober, peaceful, hospitable, religious, loyal even to a fault—and this last virtue is one of the greatest obstacles to their progress. The Padshàh is not only the head of the State, but the head of their religion also. What is done in his name is accepted with implicit submission. They may suffer, but they submit! Of late, however, the abuses of the Government are beginning to wear out even their patience, and in conversation with some of the more intelligent, I have heard the opinion freely expressed that the only persons who benefited by the present state of things were some few thousand officials and others at Stamboul. But I never heard the least complaint against the Sultan personally. “The Padshàh is good!” “The Padshàh does not know all this.” “If only the Padshàh knew,” &c., &c. Such are the excuses made for the head of the Government. We may smile at this unreasoning loyalty, but there it is, a great fact, unfortunately, for the well-being of the people themselves. It must not be supposed that they are wanting in spirit, but their religion teaches them to look upon the Sultan as the vicegerent of Allah, and this is really the great obstacle to revolution. Were they subject to a Christian Government to which their religion did not bind them to yield passive obedience, they would certainly never submit to similar treatment.

Much has been made of the supposed fanaticism of the Muslim population, and certainly there are districts of the empire where, owing to the opposition of races, the fiercest bigotry is at times displayed, as, e.g., in Damascus, and some other portions of Northern Syria. Amongst certain of the official class also, and the well-to-do tradesmen and merchants, there is much of the old jealousy and hatred of Christians, but this sentiment is far from common. It may exist, but it is dormant, if not dying out.

It is true that neither the people nor the Government approve of conversions from Islam to Christianity, and in fact they are exceedingly uncommon (while on the other hand conversions to Islam are not uncommon, though due almost always to some bad or mean motive); but is it such an unheard-of thing, even in Europe, that converts should suffer in some respects when they change their profession of faith? But further, even as compared with many of the Christian Governments of Europe, the Turkish Government is singularly tolerant. Every sect is allowed the free and unrestrained exercise of its public worship, and may possess property and administer its internal affairs without hindrance or interference from the Government, unless internal dissensions render such interference necessary. Even such bodies as the Protestant communities throughout the empire are gradually obtaining an official recognition, which has only been delayed hitherto because the Government requires that every religious community should have a recognized official head, and the Porte could not at first comprehend a Church without a patriarch or some such ecclesiastical chief.

Amidst the many grievous defects and faults of the Ottoman Government, let us at least give it credit for its toleration in religious matters. It is not so very long ago since we ourselves passed the Catholic Emancipation Act; and as compared with Russia, Spain—even with France—the Government of the Sultan has no reason to be ashamed of its legislation and practice in matters ecclesiastical.

The principal taxes of the Turkish empire are—(1) The dîme, or tithe of the crops (really 12½ per cent.). (2) The “vergui” or “salyan,” a kind of property tax, which, being arbitrary, and arranged between the Government officials and the leading members of the village council, is often the means of much oppression. (3) The sheep tax, of 2½ piastres (about 6_d._) per annum for each head of sheep or goats, in return for which they have the right of pasturage on the Government lands. (4) The “timùttaa,” an income tax of 3 per cent. on the annual gains or revenue of each person; even the poorest is obliged to pay this. This tax is estimated by the town council. The lowest amount accepted is 7½ piastres; but it is usually fixed at a very low rate. (5) “Imlak,” a property tax on houses, magazines, &c., founded on the saleable value of the property. This is fixed by the Government through the town council. A man who occupies his own house pays only 4 piastres per cent. on the value. If the property be let, the percentage is much higher; the valuation is, however, low, and of course there are ways of arranging matters. (6) “Import and export duties,” respectively 8 and 1 per cent. on the value of the merchandise. Usually the estimate of value is low. (7) The tobacco duty, which is fast destroying the culture of tobacco. Several of the villagers who used to grow large quantities of tobacco have told me that, so great was the annoyance and loss caused by the arbitrary method of levying the tax, that they intended to abandon the cultivation. The farmers of the tax examine the growing crop, make an estimate of the probable produce, and on this the amount of the tax is fixed. Often the crop falls short of the estimate, yet the amount is exacted. Endless, in short, are the vexations connected with this tax. (8) The “bedeliyeh,” or exemption tax from military service—established after the Crimean war in place of the “kharaj,” or capitation tax—paid only by Christians, and amounting to from 5_s._ to 10_s._ per annum.

Of all these taxes, two only—the dîme and the “vergui”—much affect the peasant. The import duties scarcely touch him; so few are his wants, that hardly anything foreign is consumed by him except coffee and calico. His clothing is mostly of home manufacture, and in many districts the women spin a coarse but durable cotton cloth. His household furniture is simple even to bareness—no chairs, no tables, no knives and forks, no crockery, no glass. A few cushions stuffed with cotton, and some quilted coverlets, form his bedding. He sits, sleeps, and eats upon the floor. His plates and dishes are of copper, and last a lifetime. The few and simple agricultural implements he employs are of home manufacture; his plough is of wood, for he never ploughs more than a few inches deep. Nearly every article of iron work that he uses is manufactured in the country; and some of the towns in the interior (e.g. Marash) turn out very good work in iron, and in native cloth; others excel in leather work, and the current prices of these articles are surprisingly low. Scarcely any machinery is imported. Production is slow and cumbrous, for nearly everything is made by hand; yet some special articles are of an excellence and finish not to be attained in Europe.

The frugality of his diet is unexampled. His drink is water or coffee; wine or spirits he would not touch, even had he the opportunity. His chief food is unleavened bread of rye, barley, or mixed wheat and barley. Meat he does not eat once in twelve months. Whilst he had a flock, milk formed the chief item of his food; but since the loss of the flocks even that has been cut off in great part. In short, the Turkish peasant has reduced the expense of living to a minimum; it would not be possible to live at all on less!

Much has been said and written touching the resources of Turkey, and the chief items indicated are the mines of the country, its forests, and its waste lands.

As to the last, I have before said that the waste lands which can be utilized are, after all, less extensive than would be supposed; and even of them the best portion is unsuited to the European. But whence could the requisite skill and capital come, except from Europe? from what other quarter can immigration be looked for?

No doubt the mines are valuable, but mines are chiefly of value as supplying materials for manufacturing industry. Mines that can only be worked by foreigners cannot add very materially to the wealth of a country. Moreover, European mining enterprises in Turkey have not often succeeded.

Last, as to the forests, no doubt it would be easy, and very profitable for the moment, to sell or lease the forests to foreign companies; but when the mountains had been bared of their wood—which would soon be brought about—the effect both upon the climate and the population could not fail to be disastrous. Nor would much be gained by clearing the land. The great mountain ranges of the south are covered with forest that extends almost without a break from Adana nearly to Smyrna, and again eastwards round the great plain of Cilicia almost to Alexandretta; but the soil is rocky—only a small portion of it could ever be cultivated—much of it, indeed, is covered with three or four feet of snow for a large part of the year.

The great resource of Turkey, after all, is her agriculture, and the mainstay of her agriculture is the Muslim peasant. The essential point, therefore, is to improve the condition of the poor down-stricken agriculturists of the interior, by urging economy at Constantinople, by helping to open up the country through roads and railways—above all, by ceasing to advance loans, which even now would probably be only squandered, and can but increase the burdens and miseries of a population that is already almost crushed to the very earth.

(Since writing the above, two articles have appeared in the ‘Nineteenth Century Review’ for August and October, 1878—viz. “The People of India” and “The Bankruptcy of India.” If the statements in them be correct—which I presume there is no reason to doubt—it is evident that a very sad state of things exists in one of our own dependencies, and that even our own Government is not quite blameless as regards its treatment of the millions of Indian cultivators under its sway.)

THE ARMENIAN KINGS OF CILICIA.

The commencement of the Roupenian line of kings who ruled Lesser Armenia, comprising Cilicia and portions of the neighbouring provinces of Cappadocia and Isauria, dates from A.D. 1080. Gagik, the last king of Armenia Major, was assassinated in the fortress of Kizistra by the Byzantines. Roupen or Reuben, one of his relatives, escaped to Cilicia, and being aided by the Armenians who were settled there, began to make war upon the Greeks. In 1086 the Greeks were driven out of Armenia by Malik, Shah of Persia. He treated the Armenians well, but upon his death the Persians began to oppress them, and many emigrated to Cilicia. Roupen was succeeded by

CONSTANTINE I. (1095 A.D.). His reign was a continual series of wars with the Byzantines. The first Crusade took place in A.D. 1096. Constantine assisted the Crusaders, and after the capture of Antioch, was made by them a knight and marquis. Constantine was succeeded by his son

TOROS I. (A.D. 1100). Attacked in turns by all his powerful neighbours, Toros maintained the independence of his country. He captured Anazarba from the Byzantines, and made it his capital. In 1108 the Persians invaded Cilicia, but were repulsed. In 1110 the Tartars also invaded Cilicia, but without success. Toros captured and punished the murderers of Gagik. He was succeeded by his brother

LEO I. (A.D. 1123), who also made war on the Byzantines and captured “Mamestu” (Mopsuestia). In 1130 Leo was treacherously taken prisoner by Baldwin of Antioch, and obliged to surrender Mamestu, Adana, and the fortress “Sarwand,” and to pay a ransom of 60,000 gold pieces. On his release, however, he made war on the Latins and recovered his cities. A peace was at last mediated by Jocelyn of Edessa.

In consequence of Leo’s encroachments on Isauria, the Greek emperor, John Comnenus Porphyrogenitus, invaded Cilicia with a great army, before which Leo was forced to retreat. The Greeks captured Tarsus, Adana, and Mamestu. They laid siege to Anazarba, and after thirty-seven days captured it by assault, but they suffered fearful losses, and the garrison cut their way out. Vahkah, a fortress to the north of Sis, and which had been the first seat of the Roupenian thakavors, was captured. Leo at last was blockaded in the mountains, and forced to surrender. He was sent to Constantinople, and imprisoned with his wife and sons. The Armenian troops were driven from Cilicia, and 12,000 Greek troops left in it in 1137. The captives were well treated by the emperor, and released from prison for a season, but Leo was again imprisoned, and died in confinement. Thereupon Toros was released and kept near the emperor.

John Comnenus died in 1142, and was succeeded by Manuel Comnenus. Upon this Toros secretly fled to Cilicia, and concealed himself in the mountains.

TOROS II. (1142 A.D.) headed a revolt of the Armenians against the Greeks. Captured Vahkah, Amuda, Adana, Sis, and Anazarba. The Emperor Manuel then sent Andronicus, his general, with a great army under orders to extirpate the Armenians. But the Greek army suffered a terrible defeat, in one of the passes of Mount Taurus.

About this time the Tartars began to attack the Armenians of Cilicia, but were on several occasions repulsed. A long desultory war continued between the Greeks and Armenians. Toros died in A.D. 1167, and was succeeded by his brother

MILEH I. as regent to the young son of Toros. At the end of the first year of his regency he dethroned the son of Toros, but after a reign of five years he was killed by his own troops. He was succeeded by the nephew of Toros,

ROUPEN II. (1172 A.D.). The war between the Greeks and Armenians continued, and Roupen recovered Tarsus and Amuda, which had again fallen into the hands of the Byzantines. In 1183 Roupen was treacherously captured by Bohemond of Antioch, but released, and after a reign of eleven years he abdicated, and was succeeded by his brother

LEO II. (A.D. 1183). He extended his dominion beyond the Taurus. This king rebuilt Sis and made it his capital, but he resided alternately at Sis and Tarsus. The Sultan of Iconium having attacked him, he defeated the Seljouks, invaded and conquered great part of Isauria, and attacked Syria.

In 1189 occurred the Crusade of the German Emperor Frederic Barbarossa. The Crusaders were assisted by the Armenians, but the Emperor Frederic was drowned in the Calycadnus at Seleucia (Selefke). The emperor had promised to crown Leo; and Henry, son of Frederic Barbarossa, performed the promise, by inducing Pope Celestine to send a crown, and Conrad, Archbishop of Moguntia (Mayence), to perform the ceremony. The emperor also sent to Leo a standard, on which was represented a “lion rampant.” Henceforward the kings of Armenia bore this as their device instead of the ancient device, “the eagle, dove, and dragon.” A close connection with the Latins ensued, and the king married successively two Latin princesses. He continued to resist successfully the Iconians and the Muslims of Aleppo under Kaikayuz and the son of the Sultan Nour-ed-din. In 1207, however, dissensions arose between Leo and the Latins, and in consequence he expelled all Latins from Cilicia. Leo died in 1219, and was buried at Sis. He was succeeded by his daughter

ZABEL, who had married a Latin, Philip; but the latter was divorced, and the queen dethroned, and married to

HETHOUM I. The reign of this king was one long series of sufferings and disasters. The great inroads of Zengis Khan caused vast disturbances over the whole East. Jellal-ed-din, Sultan of Persia, had been driven from Persia by the Tartars, and on the death of Zengis, Jellal-ed-din made a successful attack on Iconium, but all the Seljouk and Turkman chiefs of Asia Minor, combined against him and defeated him. The Tartars invaded Armenia and Cilicia, and the Iconians again attacked Hethoum, but were repulsed.

In 1260 the sultans of Egypt began to attack Palestine, and many people of Palestine fled into Cilicia. Hethoum, fearing to be attacked, made his submission to the Tartar chiefs Mango Khan and Houlagou, and allied himself with them, but this did not save him from the vengeance of the Egyptians, and in 1265 Cilicia was invaded by the terrible Beybars Bundoukdar. The Armenian army was defeated, Toros, younger son of the king, was killed; Leo, the elder, taken prisoner, and the Egyptians laid waste the entire country, but they were unable to capture the fortresses. Leo was kindly treated by Beybars, and eventually released by him. In 1269 Hethoum abdicated, and was succeeded by his son

LEO III., an amiable but unfortunate king. Beybars again invaded Cilicia and captured Tarsus. But he was defeated by a sudden attack of Leo. Next the Iconians and Muslim chiefs of Lycaonia invaded Cilicia; Leo repulsed them, and in his turn invaded Lycaonia. Leo died in 1289, and was succeeded by his son

HETHOUM II. (1289 A.D.), a very devout prince. Cilicia was invaded by Melik el Ashraf, Sultan of Egypt, but he was forced to return by a revolt in Egypt. Kaitbey, his successor, made peace with Hethoum, who abdicated in favour of his brother

TOROS III. (A.D. 1293). He also abdicated, and persuaded Hethoum to reign again. The two brothers paid a visit to their sister Mary, who was married at Constantinople, to Michael, son of the Emperor Andronicus. Their brother Sempad, who had been left regent during the absence of the king, revolted, and the two brothers on their return from Constantinople were driven out by Sempad, and forced to take refuge with a Tartar khan, Gazan, who slew Toros and blinded Hethoum. Constantine, another brother, revolted against Sempad, dethroned and imprisoned him, and released Hethoum, who after two years recovered his sight; Constantine acting in the interim as regent. Hethoum was again obliged to reign, but Constantine having begun to raise revolt, he and Sempad were sent to Constantinople and imprisoned for life by the Greek emperor. The Egyptians and Syrians of Damascus attacked Hethoum, but were repulsed. Hethoum adopted his nephew, Leo, and abdicated in his favour.

LEO IV. (A.D. 1305). Dissensions arose amongst the Armenians about Church ceremonies and theological matters. The disaffected party persuaded Bilargu, a Tartar chief, who had 1000 Tartar troops garrisoning Anazarba for Hethoum, to kill both him and Leo. The Tartars, however, were expelled from Cilicia. Leo was succeeded by

AUCHIN I., youngest brother of Hethoum (A.D. 1308). The Sultan of Egypt, El Melek en Nasr, invaded Cilicia, but was defeated. Auchin died in 1320, and was succeeded by his young son

LEO V. (1320 A.D.), under the regency of Auchin Païl. The regent captured Tyre, and imprisoned the sister of the late king, who was widow of the Count of Tyre. The Sultan En-Nasr again invaded Cilicia, and laid siege to Baias or Aias; but the Egyptians were defeated. They laid siege a second time to Baias, and captured it. Cilicia was laid waste by the Egyptians and Iconians. On the retirement of the Egyptian army, help was asked from the Latins, and in revenge En-Nasr determined to extirpate the Armenians. This, the third great invasion of the Egyptians, was the most terrible of all. The very tombs were opened, and the dead bodies cast forth, and the whole face of the land devastated in the most awful manner. Adana and other cities were captured, and 20,000 Armenians carried prisoners to Egypt. No help could be obtained from the Pope or the Europeans, but aid was promised by the Tartar khan, Abou Said, upon which En-Nasr made peace. Leo put to death Auchin Païl, and his brother Constantine. In 1334, on report of another Crusade, the Egyptian sultan determined to attack the Armenians again; but as there was a truce between him and Leo for fifteen years, En-Nasr sent the Emir of Aleppo into Cilicia, who in 1335 again laid the country waste. Leo, unable to resist, shut himself up in the fortresses. In 1337 another inroad of the Egyptians took place, but En-Nasr made peace on condition Leo should never again ask help from the Europeans. Leo, however, broke his oath, and the Egyptians once more attacked him, but the bishops and chiefs insisted on all intercourse with Europeans being abandoned. Leo died in 1342, and was succeeded by his cousin Johannes, who took the title of

CONSTANTINE, a man of a dissolute character and violent temper. He quarrelled with the chiefs, and endeavoured to make the Armenian Church conform to the Roman Church. After a reign of one year, he was killed by his troops, who had mutinied. He was succeeded by his brother Guido, who became king in 1343.

GUIDO (1343). The dissensions of the Armenians rendered them an easy prey to the Egyptians, who plundered and ravaged the country almost without resistance. Guido gave all power and office to Latins, he chose all the governors of his fortresses from them, and endeavoured to force the Armenian Church into conformity with the Roman Church. But in 1345 a conspiracy was formed against him, and he was killed. He was succeeded by another Constantine, not of the Roupenian line.

CONSTANTINE II. (1345). He had some communications with the Pope and the western Europeans, and thereupon the Egyptians determined to extirpate the Armenians, so as to prevent all further trouble from Europe. But though the king repulsed them, the country was reduced to a miserable condition of distress and anarchy. The king died in 1363, and the Pope exhorted the Armenians to union, and recommended them to elect for their king, Leo Lucian, a relation of King Guido.

LEO LUCIAN (A.D. 1366), a good king, but fallen on very evil times. As was always the case, the dissensions of the Armenians laid Cilicia open to the attacks of the Egyptians. In 1371 they invaded the country, and their ravages caused so terrible a famine, that in Sis a bushel of corn cost 500 pieces of silver. In consequence of a revolution in Egypt, El Ashraf Shaban became sultan, and he sent an army to attack Cilicia. After a siege of two months, Sis was captured, the tombs of the Armenian kings were opened, and their bodies burnt; the country was changed into a complete wilderness; and the Egyptians committed the most horrible cruelties. Leo was blockaded in the mountain fortress of Gaban, and after nine months forced by famine to surrender. The captives were carried to Cairo, their lives were spared, and even liberty offered to them on condition of embracing El Islam, but this they refused to do, and were therefore imprisoned.

The successor of El Ashraf, the Sultan Melik Mansour, made the same offer, but the captives refused, and remained seven years in prison.

With the capture of Leo in 1375, the Armenian monarchy in Cilicia came to an end. The country remained in possession of the Egyptians for some time, and then passed into the hands of the Ottomans. On the death of Melik Mansour, his brother Melik Saleh, a child of six years old, succeeded, and Juan, king of Spain, by means of presents and ambassadors, persuaded the council of the young sultan to release the Armenian royal family in 1382; pledging himself that no future trouble to the Egyptians should be given by them. Leo with his family being released, went to Jerusalem to return thanks, and to visit the Holy Sepulchre. Thence they went to Rome to visit the Pope, Urban VI.; afterwards they went to Spain. During the war between France and England, Leo was sent with the Papal legates to mediate. He tried to obtain help from the kings of France and England, in order to recover Cilicia from the Mohammedans, but in vain. He died at Paris in 1393, and was buried in the convent of the Celestins. His queen, Mary, died at Jerusalem in 1405. From the capture of their royal family by the Egyptians, the Armenians have been a wandering and inglorious people, annihilated as a nation, and the fame of their old renown is only known to the few who care to study their annals!

HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

Mersina occupies the site of an ancient town, the name of which is not known. The coast line along all this part of Karamania is full of ancient ruins, attesting its former prosperity and populousness. Between the present town and the river, to the west, is a wide space full of ancient remains, fragments of pottery, bricks, bits of marble, &c. Texier says Mersina is on the site of the ancient Zephyrium, but Forbiger[28] calls Zephyrium “a tongue of land.”

Ritter[29] says: “Mersina is a small coast town, like Alexandretta, but more picturesquely situated, and surrounded by orange gardens and mulberry plantations. Near the quarantine station are some pretty country houses of well-to-do people, especially of the Consuls at Tarsus. As the commerce of the place has become more active, the open roadstead is visited by many ships, especially French, although the sea-breeze sometimes renders landing difficult, and even impossible, for several days together. The marshy lowland exposes the inhabitants to dangerous fevers, which are said to be generally cured by the application of leeches. These are exported thence in great numbers to Europe. In order to escape from the danger of the damp ground, people build themselves airy wooden structures, resting on poles. Some Druses, driven away from the Lebanon, have established here village settlements. A very good carriage-road leads from this place to Tarsus.”

F. A. Neale, ‘Eight years in Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor’[30]: “The passage from Alexandretta to Mersine, the seaport of Tarsous, usually occupies twenty-four hours. Mersine is a small village somewhat similar in size to Alexandretta, though infinitely more picturesque. It abounds with orange and mulberry trees, and herein consists its superiority over Alexandretta; for in the latter place there is but one solitary palm-tree to be seen. There is a neatly-built lazaretto, and close by are three or four pretty summer houses, the property of gentlemen residing at Tarsous, who resort hither during the hot weather. Mersine, though but an open roadstead, is much frequented during the summer months by French vessels, though even then, so soon as the sea breeze sets in, such a surf gets up that frequently all landing operations have to be suspended for a day or two. The town is twelve miles from Tarsous, but the road is so excellent and level that one might easily drive all the way in a carriage. Mersine is famous as a resort of the little bird called the francolin, which is never disturbed except during two months of the year.”

SOLI, or POMPEIOPOLIS.—The ruins of Pompeiopolis are on the west side of the little river Liparis (at present without a name); the site of Soli is on the east side of the stream. According to some ancient authors, Soli was founded by Argive colonists, who came to it from Cyprus. Afterwards a Rhodian colony, and still later an Athenian colony, settled there, and some of the coins of Soli bear the image of Athene, with an owl on the reverse. Under the government of the satraps, placed there by the kings of Persia, Soli became a very flourishing place.

During the invasion of Persia, Soli seems at first to have been severely treated by Alexander: “Having recovered his health, Alexander sent Pannemion to occupy the defiles which separate Cilicia from Syria. He himself marched from Tarsus in one day to Anchialon. Thence he went on to Soles, placed a garrison in the town, and, taking with him all his cavalry and his light troops, he attacked the Cilicians of the mountains, reduced them, either by force or arrangement, in the space of seven days, and returned to Soles.”[31]

A little further on he again mentions Soli: “Alexander, having been detained successively at Tarsus by his sickness, at Soles by the games which he caused to be celebrated there when he heard of the success of Asandros and Ptolemy in Caria, and in the mountains of Cilicia by his expedition against the barbarians,” &c.

After describing the battle of Issus, he continues: “After the victory at Issus, Balacros, son of Nicanor, was named Satrap of Cilicia; the town of Soles obtained a remission of the fifty talents, which still remained of the sum it had to pay, and its hostages were restored to it.[32]

“Soles showed itself grateful. During the siege of Tyre, three galleys of Soles and of Mallus joined the fleet of Alexander.”[33]

Scarcely anything is known of the history of Soli under the Seleucidæ.

Tigranes, king of Armenia, in his wars against the last Seleucids, ravaged Soli, and removed its inhabitants to his new capital, Tigranocerta.

It was one of the penitentiary colonies in which Pompeius Magnus placed such of the Cilician pirates as he thought fit to spare. The town had decayed, probably in consequence of the Mithridatic war.[34]

Its port and colonnade (once consisting of 200 columns) are said to have been constructed by Pompeius Magnus; but the architecture of the colonnade marks a time of decadence, and rather resembles the style usual in the age of the Antonines. Pompeiopolis was much injured by an earthquake in the reign of Justinian, A.D. 528, and was restored by that emperor.

Sir F. Beaufort, in his ‘Karamania,’ says:—

“At length the elevated theatre and tall columns of Soli, or Pompeiopolis, rose above the horizon into view, and appeared to justify the representation which the pilots had given of its magnificence. We were not altogether disappointed. The first object that presented itself on landing was a beautiful harbour or basin, with parallel sides and circular ends. It is entirely artificial, being formed by surrounding walls or moles, which are fifty feet in thickness and seven in height. They are constructed of rubble, bedded in a strong cement, but faced and covered with blocks of yellowish, shelly limestone, which have been clamped together with iron dovetails.

“Opposite to the entrance of the harbour a portico rises from the surrounding quay, and opens to a double row of 200 columns, which, crossing the town, communicates with the principal gate towards the country, and from the outside of that gate a paved road continues in the same line to a bridge over a small river. At the end next the harbour there are indications of the two rows of columns having been united by arches; and possibly the whole colonnade was once a covered street, which, with the avenue, the portico, and the harbour, must have formed a noble spectacle. Even in its present state of wreck the effect of the whole was so imposing, that the most illiterate seaman in the ship could not behold it without emotion. The columns, however, taken singly, do not appear to much advantage.

“As there are no inhabitants within the walls of Pompeiopolis, we found great difficulty in ascertaining its proper modern appellation. Three different names were collected.... ‘Mezetlu,’ however, united the greatest number of suffrages.”

TARSUS.—One of the most ancient cities in the world. It is mentioned in the list of Asiatic cities conquered by Rhamses III. (nineteenth dynasty). The traditions of its foundation mount to the mythological ages of Greek history, but its real founders were probably Assyrian. One tradition assigns its foundation to Triptolemus, who had been sent by the Pelasgic king, Inachus, to search for his daughter, Io. Ammian says: “Ciliciam vero, quæ Cydno amne exsultat, Tarsus nobilitat, urbs perspicabilis (hanc condidisse Perseus memoratur, Jovis filius et Danäes—vel certe ex Ethiopia profectus SANDAN quidem nomine, vir opulentus et nobilis),” &c.[35]

Two derivations of the name “Tarsus” have been given: (1) From the verb τερσομαι, “to become dry,” ταρσός, “dry.” (2) ταρσός, “any flat surface,” “the flat part of a foot,” “the flat of a wing.” The latter derivation refers to the feather from the wing of Pegasus, or to the hoof of Pegasus, which was broken by his alighting. But the former derivation seems preferable; and, indeed, the plain around Tarsus has evidently, at some former period, been a great marsh.

The latest settlement at Tarsus was of an Argive colony, and with this is connected the mythical hero Perseus. The presence of an Assyrian colony is indicated by the tradition which marks out the curious monument called the “Dunuk Tash” as the tomb of Sardanapalus, an Assyrian king. (It is, however, just possible—at least, judging from the passage in Ammian quoted above—that this mysterious monument may have had a non-Assyrian origin.) However this may be, no satisfactory account of its origin has as yet been given, nor has it been possible satisfactorily to establish any connection between the founder of the monument and any one of the Assyrian kings known under the name “Sardanapalus,” although M. L’Anglois has a long dissertation on it in his ‘Cilicie.’ Texier writes thus: “Les historiens Grecs et Latins qui ont fait mention de la fondation de Tarse, citent une inscription célèbre qui était (croyaient-ils) placée sur le tombeau de Sardanapale. ‘Sardanapale, fils d’Anaxynderax, a bâti Tarse et Anchiale en un jour. Passant, mange, bois, ris; le reste ne vaut rien.’” (The translation of Texier is in some parts erroneous, e.g. of “παίζε.”)

This inscription is mentioned by Strabo, xiv. 672; Arrian, ‘Exped. Alexandri,’ ii. 5; Cicero, ‘Tuscul.’ v. 35.

It is possible that some light may be thrown on the point by future Assyrian discoveries.

The late G. Smith’s curious and learned work, ‘History of Assurbanipal,’ does not help to clear up the riddle of the so-called tomb of Sardanapalus. Mr. Smith arrives at the conclusion that Assurbanipal is _not_ that Sardanapalus under whom the Assyrian empire was overthrown. He says (p. 324): “Assurbanipal reigned forty-two years and died in the year B.C. 626, when he was succeeded by his son ‘Assur-ebil-ili,’ or ‘Assur-ebil-ili-Kainni,’ of whose history we know nothing. It is generally supposed that under him the Assyrian empire was overthrown.”

History is completely silent as to the fortunes of Tarsus under its dynasty of Assyrian or native kings. But like all Western Asia, it fell under the power of the Persian monarchy. Perhaps Cilicia rendered only a partial obedience to the Great king, for it seems to have been governed sometimes by kings, at other times by Persian satraps, and, as many medals of these rulers are extant, we must conclude that it enjoyed a certain degree of independence, for the kings of Persia always regarded with the utmost jealousy the privilege of coining money (e.g. the history of Aryandes Satrap of Egypt, as given by Herodotus).

At the time of the expedition of Cyrus, the king of Cilicia was Syennesis. Incapable of resisting the invader, he sent his queen, Epyaxa, to meet Cyrus. She accompanied the army till it reached Iconium, in Lycaonia. Thence the queen was sent back by the shortest route into Cilicia (probably by one of the passes to the west of the Pylæ Ciliciæ). Cyrus himself seems to have entered Cilicia by this latter pass. According to Xenophon, near Dana (Tyana), a rich city of Cappadocia, the defiles which led into Cilicia were held by Syennesis; but he retired on the approach of Cyrus, who reached the summit of the pass without resistance. Thence he could see the camp of the Cilicians, and descended into a vast and fertile plain surrounded by mountains. Xenophon describes the plain as “vast and fertile, well watered, full of vines and all kinds of trees, and producing much wheat, barley, sesamum, and millet.” Across this plain he marched in one day to Tarsus. The entire march from Tyana to Tarsus occupied four days, and was twenty-five parasangs in length, equal to about seventy-five miles English. Epyaxa had reached Tarsus five days earlier, and Syennesis was persuaded to help Cyrus. Accordingly he gave him his son and some troops, but at the same time he sent off secretly another of his sons to the king of Persia (Artaxerxes Mnemon) to explain that he had only joined Cyrus under constraint. He sent also information about the forces of Cyrus, and promised to abandon him on the first favourable opportunity. The army remained twenty days at Tarsus, and here a mutiny broke out amongst the Greek troops, who began to suspect the real object of the expedition. It was appeased by a donation of money, which seems to have been raised by plundering Tarsus.

Many ancient medals of cities in Cilicia are extant bearing the names of various satraps or semi-independent kings. The obverse of these medals is a figure of one of the principal divinities worshipped in Cilicia: Minerva, Apollo, Hercules, but, more commonly, Baal (Baaltars) seated. On the reverse is a lion, or a lion killing a steer.

The Duc de Luynes, in his work ‘Numismatique des Satrapies,’ &c., pp. 29, 30, mentions eight coins by Abdsohar, prince “of the plain” (as distinguished from the mountainous part of Cilicia), “one of those princes who have left numerous medals, and no record in history. The style of his coins and the inscriptions upon them, connect them beyond doubt with Cilicia and the mint of Tarsus. They are of very perfect workmanship, and clearly belong to the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon. The reverse of these medals is composed in accordance with the religious ideas of the Persians. A lion is represented devouring a bull, as in all the mystic groups so common upon the monuments of Asia.”

Further on he says: “This region [Cilicia] was divided into two provinces—the one mountainous, called τραχειῶτις, extended from the western slopes of the Taurus—from Isaura and the Homonadians—as far as Pisidia. The other province, named ‘plain or level’ (πεδιὰς), extended from Soli to Issus.[36] It would appear that these two Cilicias formed distinct satrapies, for Camissares and Datames, his son, governed for the king of Persia that part of Cilicia which was near Cappadocia, and was inhabited by the Leuco Syri.[37] It was perhaps the neighbourhood of these satraps, who were certainly contemporaries of Abdsohar, which induced the latter to distinguish (in the inscriptions on his coins) the province which he himself governed, by the Phœnician term, equivalent to ‘πεδιὰς.’”

The Duc de Luynes translates the inscription on these coins thus: (numisma) crassum leone (signatum) purum (cusum) ad (manum) Abdsohar (satrapæ) Campi Ciliciæ; i.e. “a full lion dollar of pure metal of Abdsohar of Lower Cilicia.” “Is the name ‘Sohar’ here the name of a person, or of the star of Venus? a divinity both male and female among the Persians. I should incline towards the former opinion.”

De Luynes mentions also coins of Syennesis “roi et satrape,” pp. 11-14; Dernès, pp. 15-21; Dernès et Syennesis, pp. 21-25; Abdsohar, pp. 26-30, all rulers of Tarsus. At Tarsus also were struck coins of Gaos, six of which are extant, pp. 31-33. Gaos, however, was not a satrap, but held Tarsus for two years as a rebel against the king of Persia. Similarly Ariæus, pp. 34, 35.

During his invasion of Persia Alexander the Great remained awhile at Tarsus. A bath in the cold waters of the Cydnus nearly proved fatal to him by bringing on a violent fever.

After the battle of Issus, Darius III. escaped by a pass lying to the N.E. of the Pylæ Cilicia (probably up the ravines of the Pyramus), as all the passes to the south were in the possession of the Macedonians. M. T. Cicero, when Prefect of Cilicia, became acquainted with this pass during his campaign against the brigands in the Amanus. In the ‘Ep. ad Familiares,’ xv. 4, he says: “Duo sunt enim aditus in Ciliciam ex Syria, quorum uterque parvis præsidiis propter angustias intercludi potest,” &c. It was probably at the eastern issue of the more northern of these passes that the Khalif Haroun er Rasheed, in 801, had the little fortress constructed, which, from his name, was called Harounji, whilst his wife Zobeyde, at the eastern entrance of the Beylan Pass at Bagras, through which then lay the principal route from Syria into Asia Minor, built a great khan, then the first and only building of the kind in that part of Syria. Harounji lies S.W. of Marash. The pass was here closed by iron gates, a double wall, and a ditch.

On the partition of the Macedonian empire, Tarsus was held by the Greek kings of Syria (Seleucidæ). It preserved its privileges as a free city, but shared all the varying fortunes of that dynasty. In 171 B.C. Antiochus Epiphanes made an expedition into Cilicia to reduce Tarsus and Mallus, which had revolted because the king had given them as a present to his concubine Antiochis.

The suppression of the great piratic confederacy of Cilicia brought Tarsus into closer relations with Rome. In the second of the great civil wars of Rome it took the side of Julius Cæsar, and remained so faithfully attached to him, and afterwards to his nephew Octavius,[38] that the latter gave it the name Juliopolis. It suffered much from the republican troops under Brutus and Cassius, for it was pillaged and heavily fined. It was the scene of the famous meeting between Antonius and Cleopatra, and was much favoured by Antonius; yet the attachment of its people to the Julian family remained unshaken.

Octavius did much for it, and under the earlier Roman emperors it became a very flourishing place, vieing in its schools and universities, even with Athens and Alexandria. Tarsus doubtless experienced the benefits of Adrian, and of the emperors of the Antonine family, equally with the other cities of Cilicia, and under these rulers it constantly preserved its privileges. It was the capital of the Cilician Community (Κοινὸν Κιλικίας), and every year great games were celebrated here in honour of the emperors.

At Tarsus were the tombs of Maximian Daza, and of the Emperor Julian; but neither remains, and even their site is unknown. Zosimus gives the inscription on Julian’s tomb, supposed to have been the composition of the sophist Libanius:—

Ἰουλιανὸς μετὰ Τίγριν ἀγάῤῥοον ἐνθάδε κεῖται ἀμφότερον βασιλεὺς τ’ ἀγαθος κρατερός τ’ ἀιχμητής.

Julian, returned from Tigris’ mighty flood, Here lies—a warrior brave, a monarch good.

The Emperor Justinian was a great benefactor at Tarsus. Amongst the other public works he caused to be executed there, was a broad canal which traversed the city, in order to relieve the main channel of the Cydnus during inundations. The city had been much damaged by floods.

On the conquest of Cilicia by the Saracens, the Khalifeh Haroun er Rasheed made it the capital of the province, and strongly fortified it. The whole territory as far as Tarsus had come into possession of the Muslims, and Haroun strongly fortified Adana, Tarsus, and Mopsuestia (Messis), besides securing the passes through the Amanus by means of forts. His son and successor, El Maamoun, further strengthened Tarsus to such an extent that, “it might have resisted the Christians for centuries.” El Maamoun was buried at Tarsus, but his tomb does not now exist.

For a short period during the brilliant reigns of Nicephorus Phocas and John Zimisces, Cilicia was recovered by the Greeks. In A.D. 963, Zimisces gained a great victory over the Saracens near Adana, and the former captured Adana and Anazarba, and the next year Mopsuestia and Tarsus. But in A.D. 969, Phocas was assassinated, through the intrigues of Zimisces and the Empress Theophanon. Zimisces succeeded to the throne. He continued the war against the Saracens, gained great victories over them, and hoped to recover Syria and Mesopotamia, and to free Jerusalem. But in 976 he was poisoned, and all these great hopes perished.

Although Tarsus was the prey of every successive race of invaders, ravaged again and again by the barbarous mountaineers of Cilicia, Isaurians, and others, destroyed by the western nations who directed crusades against its Muslim possessors, it still maintained a certain amount of prosperity throughout the middle ages.

It shared the vicissitudes of the long wars between Greeks, Armenians, and the various Muslim races who disputed with them the possession of Cilicia; but there is a blank in its history for nearly 600 years. Of late years it has revived considerably, but so great have been the changes it has undergone, topographical and other, that it is impossible to recognize the once celebrated city in the filthy and miserable modern Tersoùs.

Tarsus can scarcely be considered a Turkish city, the great majority of its inhabitants are either Armenians, or yet more Syrians, whose language is Arabic, a large proportion of the latter belonging to the Nusairi, a mysterious sect and people not to be confounded either with the Ishmaliens, or with the Druses (on whose habits, dwelling places in the mountains of Northern Syria, and their obscure tenets—supposed to be a strange mixture of Islam and Christianity—see Ritter, ‘Erdkunde,’ vol. xvii. pp. 975-95).

“Their physiognomy and religious opinions” (says the Rev. S. Lyde, speaking of the Nusairiyeh) “prove them to be a race different from the other populations of Syria. They are supposed to be aborigines whose home is in the mountainous territory lying between Mount Kasius and the Lebanon, and to have maintained themselves there whilst successive migrations of nations in the lower districts have pushed aside the other autochthones, or replaced them by a new population.”

ADANA.—The foundation of this city also mounts to mythical ages. Steph. Byzan. (sub voce Adana) says that the two brothers, Adanus and Sarus, who were sons of Ge and Ouranus, after having defeated the Tarsiots, founded the city. One gave his name to the town, the other to the river.

Beyond this obscure reference, there seems to be absolutely no notice of Adana in history till the time of Pompeius Magnus, and it seems to have been of very little importance even then. Appian[39] says that “in Mallus and Adana and Epiphaneia, and any other town of Cilicia Tracheia (_sic._), which was deserted or lacking population, Pompeius settled those of the pirates who seemed to have practised piracy, not from viciousness, but rather in consequence of the distress caused by the Mithridatic war.”

The first great benefactor of Adana was the Emperor Adrian. He gave his name to the town, as is proved by the legend on some of its coins, “Αδριανων Αδανεων.” Of the edifices constructed by this emperor, nothing exists except perhaps the last arch of the bridge on the west side. The first bridge was constructed by his order, and an inscription containing the emperor’s name existed on the present bridge about forty-five years ago, but has now disappeared. In gratitude for certain favours conferred by Maximian, Adana, with permission of the emperor and senate, assumed the title of Μαξιμιανων Αδανεων. During the fourth and fifth centuries Adana, in common with the rest of Cilicia, suffered immensely from the Isaurians. Adana owed much to Justinian. This emperor restored the bridge which had fallen into a state of dangerous dilapidation.

Procopius[40] gives a very verbose account of this great work, from which it appears that the entire structure threatened to fall into the river owing to the decay of the piers on which its huge arches rested, that the emperor caused a new channel to be dug into which the river was diverted. He then caused the ruinous piers to be taken down and rebuilt, after which the river was turned back into its former channel. Besides the bridge, the emperor caused an aqueduct or canal on arches to be constructed, and built great dykes along the sides of the stream.

This aqueduct seems to have been still in existence at the time of Paul Lucas’ visit to Adana, in 1705, but it has since disappeared. The emperor’s engineer for these works was a certain Auxentius. There is still extant on the high altar of the Greek Church at Adana an inscription which Paul Lucas saw on the aqueduct.

Of the porticus mentioned by Otter[41] and Kinneir[42] not a trace remains, and the little that still existed of the fort at the west end of the bridge, mentioned by Lucas[43] and Kinneir[44], has been lately removed. In 1385, Sultan Bayazid captured it, and afterwards repaired it; in 1388 it was again besieged and captured by the Sultan of Egypt.

Adana owed much to the Abasside khalifehs, especially to Haroun er Rasheed, but Cilicia was constantly the scene of war between the khalifehs and the Byzantine emperors. Two only of the Greek emperors appear to have been successful against the Saracens, viz. Nicephorus Phocas and John Zimisces, but after the death of the latter, Cilicia was soon lost to the Byzantines.

At the time of the first Crusade, Adana was a very flourishing city. Raoul de Caen[45] calls it “urbs munita turribus, populis capax, armis referta.” Guilliaume de Tyr[46] calls it “urbem qui nomen habet Adana, auro et argento, gregibus et frumentis, vino et oleo et omni commoditate abundantem.” The Crusades probably enabled the Byzantines to recover Cilicia, but in the course of the twelfth century the Armenians, under their Roupenian kings, after long warfare, expelled the Greeks, who were never again able to recover the country.

The Armenians were exposed to constant attacks from the Muslims of Koniah and Karaman, varied by occasional inroads of Tartars. But after the disastrous Crusade of Louis IX. against Egypt, a far more formidable enemy appeared. The terrible Beybars Bundoukdar, Sultan of Egypt, invaded Cilicia, and from this time forward, the Armenians of Cilicia were exposed to continual attacks from the Egyptian Sultans; one of them, “El Melik en Nasr,” devastated the country repeatedly in the most fearful manner (A.D. 1320-1337). He succeeded in capturing Adana, but could not reduce the great rock fortresses of Cilicia.

These invasions were renewed at intervals from 1343-1375, when the Armenian monarchy was destroyed, and their last king captured and carried away into Egypt by the Sultan El Ashraf.

Paul Lucas writes of Adana as follows (translation): “Adana appears to me to possess the most agreeable climate in the world. During the winter its air is excellent, and the days there, at that season are more beautiful than in many other places in spring time. All the year round fruits are grown there which other countries only produce at certain seasons, as, for instance, water melons, common melons, cucumbers, pomegranates, and all kinds of vegetables and herbs. During the summer, however, there does not seem to be so much enjoyment, for in proportion as it approaches, this fine town sees its inhabitants retire. From the month of April, the heats are so overpowering that the citizens are forced to take refuge in the mountains which are called ‘Laiassi’ [these are the ‘Yailas,’ summer retreats in the mountains], and which I think are the dependencies of Mount Taurus. There they stay for about six months in the year. But I am told that there also the life they pass is perfectly delicious, and that during these six months the prettiest imaginable towns are constructed on these heights, which are planted with forest and abound in grottoes and springs of water.

“At the extremity of Adana on the south, and at the foot of the walls, a river flows, as large as the Seine, called the Chaquet. On its banks is the citadel of the town; it is small, but built upon the natural rock, and of considerable strength. As I was one day passing by it, the Aga who is in command of it, ordered me to be called, and asked me if I was not the Frank Physician. I told him that I was. Then he begged me to enter, and to take a cup of coffee with him. In course of conversation he paid me an infinite number of compliments on the cures which I had effected in the town.... Finally he asked me if I wished to see the castle, and ordered one of his people to show me everything in it. After passing the outer wall, which is flanked by a number of towers, we entered by a gate as old as the citadel itself. It is made of great bars of iron, covered with great iron horse-shoes, three fingers thick, three-quarters of a foot long and half a foot wide, and secured with rivets, the heads of which are as large as a tennis ball, and cut into facets.... Then we walked round the walls. There I saw only a single piece of cannon ... and in the whole castle I found nothing worthy of notice, except a frightful prison, the very look of which was enough to make one shudder. It is of a round form like a well, and may be about sixty feet in circumference and forty in depth. It contained at that time some sixty prisoners, almost trampling one upon the other, and whose miserable condition could not fail to excite compassion.

“In this prison was placed Stephen, the Patriarch of the Syrians, with three of his Bishops, who professed the Roman Catholic faith. The schismatic Syrians (i.e. of the Greek Church), after having caused them to suffer an infinity of persecutions and grievous fines, obtained by means of bribery a firman of the grand signor against them. In consequence of that order they were loaded with chains, brought from Aleppo, and cast into this frightful dungeon. The unhappy patriarch died there, professing, even to his last breath, the Catholic faith. Several others followed his example there shortly after, and the Christians of the country assured me that they all died like veritable saints. This little fortress is only about three hundred paces in circumference.

“In passing out from the town in that direction, you cross a handsome stone bridge of fifteen arches. On the right side towards the west are some great aqueducts, at the bottom of which are to be seen a number of wheels, which draw the water of the river something like the wheels of the machine at Marly. These aqueducts carry the water of the Chaquet all over the town by means of different water conduits, and there is no place where there are more or finer fountains than Adana.

“I found only two inscriptions ... the second, which is in hexameter and pentameter verses, seems to have been set up in honour of some great personage who had secured the town against the inundations of the river. The inscription wishes for that personage a glory as immortal as those had acquired for themselves who had caused the canals of the Nile to be constructed.”[47]

Of these works not a trace could I discover. The subjoined is the inscription referred to. The text amended by Boeckh, iii. p. 212.

“Οντως σης αρετης Αυξεντιε και τοδε θαυμα δειμασθαι ποταμου χειμεριοισι δρομοις αρρηκτον κρηπιδα σιδηροδετοισι θεμειλοις ων υπερ ευρειην εξετανυσσας οδον ην πολλοι και προσθεν απειρειησι νοοιο Κυδναιων ρειθρων τευξαν αφαυροτερην. σοι δ’ υπερ αψιδων αιωνιος ερριζωται και ποταμος πληθων πρηυτερος τελεθει αυτος τηνδε γεφυραν ανασχομενος τελεσασθαι ηγεμονος πειθου του διασημοτατου οφρα σε και μετοπισθεν εχοι κλεος ισον εκεινοις οι Νειλου προχοας ζευξαν απειρεσιους.”

“Of a truth, Auxentius, this also is a wondrous work of your ability, to have constructed for the winter floods of the river an embankment that cannot be broken, on foundations secured with iron, above which you extended a wide roadway—and this many before you, owing to their inexperience (want of skill) had made too weak (to resist) the Cydnean stream, but by you it has been fixed firm and enduring above its arches, and the swollen stream becomes (thus) more gentle. Yourself, too, in obedience to the command of the most illustrious prince, patiently completed the bridge, so that hereafter a glory will be yours equal (to the fame of) those who dyked the vast streams of Nile.”

The prince is no doubt Justinian; and his engineer Auxentius, besides repairing the bridge, seems to have also constructed solid quays along the banks of the river, which preserved the town of Adana from inundations. The sixth line presents a difficulty, the river is not the Cydnus, but the Sarus, and although at various periods the Sarus and Pyramus have formed one stream, owing to changes in the respective course of these rivers, it does not appear that the Cydnus and Sarus ever flowed together.

MESSIS.—Its ancient name was Mopsuestia, but the Byzantine Arab and Armenian writers name it very variously, e.g. Mopsistea, Mampsysta, Mamista, Mamistra, Masissa, &c., &c.

It was founded after the Trojan war by Mopsus. An Argive colony, under Amphilochus, afterwards settled here, but a dispute having arisen between the two chiefs, a single combat took place between them, in which both fell. Mopsus afterwards was worshipped in Cilicia, on account of the celebrity of his oracles. Of the early history of Messis there is no trace whatever. Like many other Asiatic cities, it took the name Seleucia in honour of the Greek kings of Syria. It is mentioned by Strabo, and as a free state under the Romans by Pliny. It would seem to have been benefited by Adrian, whose name it bore, and who probably built the first bridge over the Pyramus. Later it assumed the name ΔΕΚΙΑΝΩΝ ΜΟΨΕΑΤΩΝ, from the Emperor Trajan Decius. Justinian also was its benefactor, and repaired the bridge.[48] In A.D. 950, Mopsuestia was captured by the Saracens, but in 965 recaptured, after a long siege, by Nicephorus Phocas. William of Tyre says of it,[49] “Erat autem Mamistra una de nobilioribus ejusdem provinciæ civitatibus, muro et multorum incolatu insignis, sedet optimo agro et gleba ubere et amœnitate præcipue commendabilis.” It was here that a fierce battle occurred between the troops of Baldwin and Tancred during the first Crusade. It was captured by the Crusaders in 1097. The town was often taken and retaken in the wars between Greeks, Saracens, and Armenians, and changed hands repeatedly during the Crusades and the later invasions of Cilicia by the Sultans of Egypt. Willibrand, canon of Oldenburg, visited it in the thirteenth century. According to him “Manistere” was a fine town, situated on a river, having ramparts flanked with towers, but ruinous by reason of their age. It had only a few inhabitants, and was subject to the king of Armenia. Near the town was the castle, held by a Byzantine garrison, although the town itself belonged to the Armenian king, Leo II. Both town and citadel often changed hands during the wars between Greeks and Armenians, until finally the Greeks abandoned the place.

Pierre Belon visited Messis in the sixteenth century. He also mentions the castle, and the khan at the east extremity of the bridge. The latter, a large and solidly-built edifice, was erected in 1532, and is one of the numerous khans constructed by order of the sultans Selim I. and Suleiman during the first half of the sixteenth century. It was repaired in 1830 by Hassan Pasha. In Pierre Belon’s time Messis and the Pyramus were the limits which separated the Arabic and Turkish languages, and divided the Ottoman empire from the dominions of the sultans of Egypt. The town was then what it is now, viz. a great mass of ruins, with a few wretched cottages scattered amidst it.

The only celebrated name connected with Mopsuestia is that of Bishop Theodore. He held that see for thirty-six years, and was considered as “primarily responsible” for all the theological commotions associated with the names of Nestorius and Pelagius, for it was under these names that the opinions of Theodore came before the notice of the world. Nestorius was said to have stopped at Mopsuestia as he went from his monastery at Antioch to take possession of the patriarchate of Constantinople, and there to have been imbued with heresy by the aged, and then almost dying, Theodore, and this story, though doubtful in itself, embodies an unquestionable truth. It was the influence of Theodore’s episcopate, extending over thirty-six years, during which he was a most popular preacher, which brought to a head those tendencies of Antiochene thought, whose inevitable issue was Nestorianism. And we have fragments of his writings containing the principles and many even of the very phrases of that which was afterwards known as Nestorian heresy. Thus he has been justly called “a Nestorian before Nestorius.”

In like manner as to Pelagianism. Rufinus, the Syrian monk, who first led Pelagius into heresy, openly boasted that he was the personal disciple of Theodore; and the diocese of Mopsuestia was treated by the leading Pelagians as the natural head-quarters of their party. There are even extant fragments of a book of Theodore in which he attacks S. Jerome on the question of Original Sin. Our knowledge of the man himself is as fragmentary as the remains of his voluminous works. Of his life we know only two or three episodes, derived chiefly from some letters of S. Chrysostom. Of his commentaries on the greater part of the Old Testament none remains entire, except those on the twelve minor prophets. The rest, like his great dogmatic works, exist only in scattered fragments, preserved by his theological opponents as testimony against their author, and yet they were esteemed—by friends and foes alike—as the greatest exegetical works which the school of Antioch had produced.

Theodore of Antioch, as he is commonly called, when the works written before he became bishop are quoted, was born at Antioch, about A.D. 347, being thus the fellow-townsman and contemporary of S. Chrysostom. His parents were wealthy, but beyond this we know nothing of his family history. Another brother of the same family, Polychronius, was well known as a bishop and a commentator, and his work on the ‘Prophecy of Daniel’ is still extant.[50]

We first hear of Theodore when, at about the age of twenty, he was studying rhetoric with S. Chrysostom, under the sophist Libanius. Shortly after, Chrysostom retired from the world, and persuaded Theodore to follow his example. A violent reaction followed. Theodore left his solitude determined to marry, upon which Chrysostom addressed to him one if not two letters of remonstrance; perhaps, however, the longer of the two, in which mention is made of a lady, Hermione, is addressed to some other Theodore. The result of Chrysostom’s eloquent pleading was that Theodore remained constant to his vows. Again he studied with Chrysostom, and their master having been made Bishop of Tarsus, Theodore followed him there, was ordained by him, and remained in the diocese until his death. In 393 he was himself made Bishop of Mopsuestia, the third town in what was then known as Cilicia Secunda, and under the Metropolitan See of Anazarba.

In 404 S. Chrysostom, then for the second time in exile, writing to Pœanius, a cousin of Theodore, styles the latter “his master.” In the same year he writes to Theodore himself, who, with the tact which must have been habitual to him, had managed to aid S. Chrysostom without offending the opposite party. He wishes it were possible to come to him and enjoy in person his affection, but since this cannot be he must discharge the same duty by letter. “For if I were carried to the ends of the earth never could I forget your affection, genuine, warm, sincere, and guileless, both as it used to be from the very first and as you have displayed it now. For it is no small consolation that I have received even here ... the affection of your watchful and generous soul.”

Theodore’s whole life was one of ceaseless literary and theological activity, “prope infinita scripsit Theodorus.” He wrote against the Dualism of Zoroaster. He cleared his diocese of Arianism. His work against Apollinaris belongs to the latest period of his life. His death occurred in 429.[51]

Immediately beyond Messis commences the border country of the Amanus. Writing of this district, Ritter[52] says, “The struggles, lasting for centuries in this western border country between the Byzantine emperors and the Arab khalifs, were so full of changes, so sanguinary, and so exciting for the populations engaged in them, that these mountaineers may be said to have lived in a state of constant warfare, without ever arriving at a state of rest.” At the time of the Khalif Haroun er Rasheed the whole country as far as Tarsus had come under the power of the Muslim, for this khalif built the fortresses in the passes of the Amanus, and in 758 made Adana and Tarsus into border fastnesses. Similarly Messissa was made into a border fortress by the Khalif el Mansour; all three were to serve as bulwarks for Syria, and Tarsus was still further strengthened by Khalif el Maamoun to such a degree that it “might have resisted the Christians for centuries.” Yet Abulfeda says that in his time these very towns had been wrested from the Muslim by the Armenian Christians, and that Tarsus, Ayas, Adana, and others were held by the kings of Lesser Armenia who ruled at Sis, and he prays Allah that they may soon return into the possession of the faithful. “These holy wars,” says the gloss to Abulfeda, “exist no longer, what has become of them and of their work?”

Abulfeda himself made two campaigns in company with his father. The first, in 1298, was against the Armenians of Cilicia. The Muslim army entered the country by the passes of “Marra” (Marash?) and the Pass of Scanderoun, but the only result was the devastation of the land as far as the army advanced, the killing of the men, the distribution of the women and children as booty, and their sale as slaves. In the second campaign, in 1302, Abulfeda penetrated, by way of Bagras and the Pass of Beilan, as far as Sis itself.

“It is not astonishing that such a warlike existence of populations, enflamed by fanaticism, should have led them to a constant life of plundering and robbery, which under a hated Turkish rule would be intensified through the attraction of revolt against tyrannical, and at the same time cowardly, mercenaries and feeble pashas. Nor, again, is it astonishing that such a condition of things should have prevailed even till now (1855), for besides the encouragement afforded by mountain fortresses naturally strong; there were the constant intrigues and quarrels of the pashas of Cilicia and Syria almost always ill-disposed towards each other, and thus the Amanus remains what it has ever been, the asylum of every robber, rebel, or deposed pasha.

“Under such circumstances it is not wonderful that scarcely any place of importance, except Beilan, is known to us in the interior of the mountain ranges and the valleys of the Amanus. The others that may exist are probably only ruins, or the haunts of brigands; and even the coast towns exhibit a sad picture of decay and wreck, in the midst of which every temporary improvement can but sink and fall into oblivion.”

But of late years a vast improvement has taken place (1878).

MARASH.—On the site of ancient Germanicia. There seems to be no mention of this place in any writer of classical times, nor even under any Roman emperor, though it is mentioned by Byzantine writers. Under Alexis Comnenus it was the seat of a patriarch, whose authority extended to Edessa. At the end of the eleventh century it was held by the Armenian kings of Cilicia. The Crusaders under Godfrey de Bouillon, on their march from Koniah past Eregli, lost their way in the high ranges of Taurus, and after much wandering came to Marash. After various changes of masters, it fell into the power of Masaoud, Sultan of Koniah, in 1147, but was afterwards recovered by the Armenian kings, and remained in their possession till the end of the Roupenian dynasty.

Michaud[53] gives a description of the difficulties endured by the Christian army whilst crossing the Taurus, between “Cocson” (the ancient Cucusus, place of exile of S. Chrysostom) and “Maresia” (Marash), which was about ten hours to the S.W. The chroniclers declare “that there was no path in these mountains except fit only for reptiles or beasts of prey, and so narrow that there was scarcely room to place the foot; the knights carried their arms hung round their neck; the animals could not bear their burdens, which had to be carried by hand. No one could halt or sit down, no one could help his companion, only the man behind could give assistance to his comrade in front, and the latter could only turn with much difficulty.” Maresia was the limit to these difficulties. It was inhabited by Christians, and the Turkish garrison that had held the citadel had fled on the approach of the Crusaders. Here the wife of Baldwin died, and her remains were buried in the town, &c., &c.

SIS.—On the site of Flavias, or Flaviopolis. Barker[54] supposes this to be the Pindenissus which Cicero besieged during his proconsulate of Cilicia. By Strabo it is called Πιδνίδισσος, by Stephan. Byzantin., Πιδνήδισσος. Cicero,[55] after noticing some severe losses inflicted on the Roman army by the mountaineers of the Amanus, mentions the surrender to himself of the “Pindenissæ.” Pindenissus, he says, was a city of the independent Cilicians (Eleuthero-Cilices). Its inhabitants were brave, warlike, and well provided with means for defending their city. He mentions the operations of the army. They surrounded the city with a ditch and breastwork, employed a large “agger” with a very lofty tower, a great abundance of artillery (tormenta), and many archers. After a stubborn resistance, which seems to have caused severe loss to the Romans, Pindenissus surrendered on the forty-seventh day of the siege.

This Pindenissus of Cicero, however, can hardly have been the tremendous rock fortress of Sis, which is naturally almost impregnable.

Probably there was a fortress here at a very early period, but the old city of Sis, if any existed, has utterly disappeared, and the first time the town is mentioned is towards the end of the twelfth century. The seventh thakavor, and first king of the Roupenian line in 1183, was Leo II. He was crowned by Conrad, Bishop of Moguntia, through the influence of the Emperor Henry II. with the Pope. This monarch either founded or rebuilt Sis, commencing the work in 1186, and after this time it continued to be the capital and burial place of the Roupenian kings till 1374, when the Egyptians, after a siege of two months, captured and destroyed it.

It had been besieged many times before by the sultans of Koniah and of Egypt, but owing to its great natural strength, never captured, though the rest of the country, except some of the strongholds, fell into the hands of the invaders. Of the buildings of Sis, only one or two ruined churches remain, as the town was repeatedly destroyed.

The Armenian patriarchate was established here under the protection of the Roupenian kings, after the patriarch had been forced to quit Roum Kalah in consequence of the conquests of the Egyptians. In 1441, Etchmiazin, in Greater Armenia, became the chief Armenian patriarchate, but the ancient patriarchate of Sis is still maintained, although the patriarch seldom resides there.

ANAZARBA.—Several accounts are given of the origin of its name—either from ‎‏زرب‏‎ “zarb” (yellow), referring to the colour of its rock; or from its founder (whether mythical or real) “Azarbas.” Another account is that the place was destroyed by an earthquake during the reign of Nerva, and that he sent Anazarbus, a senator, to restore it: hence its name. Zonarus[56] and Philostratus[57] call it Anabarzus and Anabarza, and the Armenians of the country call it “Anawàrza.”

The Emperor Augustus visited it, favoured it much, and gave it the name of Cæsarea ad Anazarbum. It continued to receive many benefits from succeeding emperors. Under Commodus it became “αυτονομος”; under Caracalla, “μητροπολις”; under Macrinus, “ενδοξος”; under Philip the Arabian, “libera.” In the Museum of the Louvre there is a large bronze medal of Alexander Severus, inscribed ΑΝΑΖΑΡΒΟ ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΕΙΤΩΝ.

About the middle of the fifth century it became the capital of Cilicia Secunda. A terrible earthquake ruined it in the reign of Justin, A.D. 525. The emperor restored it, and called it Justinopolis, but the former name prevailed. Another earthquake, in the reign of Justinian, almost utterly destroyed it. This emperor also restored the city, and the existing walls belong to that period. Towards the end of the eighth century it fell into the hands of the Muslim; and in 802 Haroun er Rasheed placed in it a Khorassani garrison. About 1100, the Armenians acquired Anazarba, and it continued to be the capital and residence of their thakavors till the foundation of Sis. After that time it gradually lost its importance, and fell into decay.

Near Anazarba occurred a great battle in 1130, in which Bohemond, Prince of Antioch, defeated Redouan, Sultan of Aleppo and Damascus, but was himself slain in the fight. In 1136 it was captured, after a most obstinate defence, by the Byzantines, under their brave and generous emperor, John Comnenus, who had been provoked by the encroachments of the Armenians on Isauria. The Armenian king, Leo I., was captured, and all Cilicia reduced. In 1183 it was visited and described by Willibrand, Canon of Oldenburg. Very few travellers have seen it, and the remote position of the old city has saved what remains of it from destruction. In all probability it has continued waste and uninhabited for many centuries until quite a recent period.

PYLÆ CILICIÆ.—Although this pass must have always formed the chief passage from the interior of Asia Minor to the sea-coast, it is strange how very scanty are the notices of it to be found in the Greek or Roman historians. Xenophon mentions the march of Cyrus the younger through it. Then the next incident, after an interval of more than five centuries, is the death, in A.D. 174, of the Empress Faustina at Halala, whilst traversing the Pylæ. She was accompanying her husband, Marcus Aurelius, into Syria. The emperor raised a temple to her memory, and founded a town, to which he gave the name Faustinopolis.

In the contest for the empire between Septimus Severus and Percennius Niger, one of Niger’s generals, Æmilianus, had erected fortifications to the north of the pass; but a violent storm and inundation destroyed all the works, and the army of Severus marched through without being resisted.

During the first Crusade, a division of the Crusaders under Tancred made their way through this pass to Tarsus. Albert d’Aix calls it “porta de Judas,” and the defile to the north he names “Butrente,” derived, without doubt, from the ancient city once existing in it, “Podandus.”

The strong works erected by the Egyptian Ibrahim Pasha, for the defence of Cilicia against the Sultan’s army, still extend across the valley to the north of the pass itself.

EREGLI.—On the site of an ancient town, which has been variously named (1) Herculis vicus, hence Heraclea; or (2), according to Colonel Leake, Archalla; or (3) Cybistra. Strabo’s account of Cybistra agrees very well with the present position of Eregli. Cicero stationed his army here in order to resist a threatened invasion of the Parthians.

A bishop of Cybistra is mentioned as present at the Council of Nice, in 325; another at the Council of Chalcedon, in 451. The last mentioned is under Isaac Angelus, in 1195.

KARAMAN occupies the site of ancient Laranda. There is no account of its foundation or early history. It probably yielded only a nominal allegiance to the kings of Persia, for at the time of Alexander’s invasion it was held by the Isaurians, and even during Alexander’s lifetime it revolted, in company with Isaura, against the Macedonians. Laranda, however, was stormed and captured by the troops of the regent Perdiccas, all the adult males were slain, and the rest of the population sold into slavery; the town was destroyed. Long afterwards it was held by the Cilician and Isaurian pirates on account of the fertility of its soil.

From that time forwards there is a long blank in its history. It reappears at the time of the third Crusade, when the great German Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, after defeating, near Koniah, the Seljouk sultan, Kilidj Arslan, made his triumphant entry into Laranda on May 30, 1190. Michaud[58] says, “The army of the Cross only remained two days in the capital of Lycaonia. It marched to Laranda—now Karaman.” Ansbert[59] writes: “If I desired to describe all the miseries and persecutions which the pilgrims endured for the name of Christ and for the honour of the Cross, without murmurs, and even joyfully, my efforts, even though I could speak the tongue of the Angels, could not attain to the truth. Near Laranda the crusaders were aroused in the night by a sound like the clash of arms. It was an earthquake. In this the wise saw a sinister presage of what was to come.” The pilgrims had no more to fear the attacks and surprises of the Turks, but the difficult passage through the Taurus was a great trial of their patience and their courage. The army was marching down the course of the Selef, called in Turkish Gieuk Sou, a river which rises a few hours from Laranda, and enters the sea not far from the ruins of Seleucia (now Selefke). The Emperor Frederic was marching with the van of the army, and the catastrophe which occurred is thus described by the chronicler who was a witness of it: “Whilst the rest of the pilgrims,” says Ansbert, “rich and poor, was advancing through precipices scarcely accessible to wild goats or to birds, the emperor, who wished to refresh himself (it was then in the month of June), and to avoid also the perils of the mountains, tried to cross the rapid stream of Seleucia by swimming. This prince, who had escaped so many perils, entered the water contrary to the advice of all his suite, and was piteously drowned. Let us be resigned to the secret judgment of that God to whom none dare say, ‘Why hast Thou done this? Why hast Thou made so great a man die so soon?’ Several of the nobles who were present hastened to succour the emperor, but they brought him back to the shore dead. His loss troubled the army deeply, some expired of grief, others, in despair, were persuaded that God did not protect their cause, and renouncing the Christian faith, embraced the religion of the gentiles. Mourning and unbounded grief filled all hearts.” The Crusaders might exclaim with the prophet, “The crown is fallen from our head, woe unto us sinners.” All the chroniclers of the time deplore the death of the Emperor Frederic, and express the same sentiment. They do not venture to scrutinize this terrible mystery of Providence. “God,” says the chronicler Godefroy, “did that which pleased Him, and He did it with justice, according to His unchanging and inflexible Will, but not with mercy (if it be permitted to say so) considering the state of the Church and of the Land of Promise.”

On the contrary, the Muslim chroniclers thank Providence, and regard the death of Frederic as one of the Almighty’s great mercies. “Frederic,” says Boha-ed-deen, “was drowned in a place where the water was only as deep as up to the waist—a proof that God willed to deliver us from him.” What great results might have arisen from an expedition such as the third Crusade—the reunion of the most warlike nations of the West, and of the three most powerful monarchs of that age! “Unless the Almighty, as a mark of His bounty towards us,” says Ibn Alatir, “had caused the German emperor to perish at the moment he had crossed the Taurus, later on it might have been said of Syria and of Egypt, ‘Formerly the Muslimin were masters here!’”

When the great empire of the Seljouks of Iconium came to an end, in 1308, ten emirates arose from its ruins. Laranda was already in possession of a chief belonging to the Turkman tribe of Karaman, who increased his power by encroachments upon all his neighbours.

It was during the reign of this prince that the celebrated traveller, “Ibn Batuta,” visited Laranda, in 1332. He says the town was governed by Sultan “Bedr-ed-Deen”—“Karaman Oglou”—who had seized upon it by force, and built there a royal palace. The traveller was received with great honour by the sultan—who was returning from the chase—and rode with the prince into the town as his guest. Food, fruit, and sweetmeats in silver dishes, with wax candles, were sent to him in abundance, and when he took his leave he was presented with a dress of honour, riding-horses, and other gifts. The dynasty of Karaman, at first powerful and enterprising, gradually merged in the rising house of Othman. First Mourad, and then his son, Bayazid Ilderim, established the supremacy of the Ottomans over their Seljoukian cousins. Nor, although the royal houses were united by marriage, did the Karamanian princes cease to intrigue and revolt against the house of Othman, till, in 1466, Mohammed II., the conqueror of Constantinople, extinguished the remains of their independence, and caused the last prince of the house of Karaman to be put to death. The result would have been the same even under Bayazid, had not his overthrow by Timour Lenk (Tamerlane) at Angora checked for a while the rising fortunes of the Osmanlis.

DERBE.—Serpek, the supposed site of ancient Derbe, is about 60 miles S.E. of Koniah, about 30 N.W. of Laranda, about 5 miles distant from the lake “Ak Göl”; thus agreeing with the description of Steph. Byz., ad vocem “Derbe”; only in this passage λιμνη (lake) must be substituted for λιμην (port). He calls the place Delbeia.

Derbe was the residence and seat of government of Antipater, the friend of Cicero. He also possessed Laranda, but was deprived of his possessions and slain by Amyntas Tetrarch of Galatia, to whom the Romans had given Isaura. Derbe seems to have gradually fallen into decay.

LYSTRA.—The site of Lystra has not yet been exactly ascertained; but the ruins at Maden Shehir, in Kara Dagh, probably mark the place. They are very extensive, and prove that the city flourished for many centuries after our era.

A bishop of Lystra sat in the Council of Chalcedon in 451.

MOUT.—On the site of Claudiopolis, which was a colony established by the Emperor Claudius.

The valley of the Calycadnus, in which it is situated, is the only large and fertile level in Cilicia Trachœa. From its remains, it must have been a considerable city. Very few historical events are related as occurring at this city. In the year 492, Claudiopolis, which had been recently recovered from the Isaurians by Diogenes, the general of the Emperor Anastasius, was suddenly besieged by them and reduced to the utmost extremity, but was relieved by John Cyrtus and Conon, Bishop of Apamea, who crossed the Taurus by the passes to the south of Laranda, and being aided by a sortie of the garrison, completely defeated the Isaurians; but the bishop received a wound in the battle, of which he died.

Near Claudiopolis, also, the Isaurians, and all the brigand tribes of Cilicia, who had revolted, were defeated with great slaughter by the Imperial general, John the Scythian. The survivors, and their chiefs, Ninilingis, Indes, and Conon, were besieged in Antioch of Cragus, and all destroyed.

The castle of Mout was built by the sultans of Karaman, and in the mosque are some tombs of the Karaman princes.

ISAURA.—Of the history of this city before the expedition of Alexander the Great, nothing seems to be known. Probably its people, like the Pisidians, a cognate race, maintained a virtual independence, and were never reduced to subjection by the Persian Government. They seem to have submitted without resistance to Alexander, but even before his death Isaura and Laranda had revolted, and slain the Macedonian garrison and their governor, Balacros, son of Nicanor. Perdiccas, who was regent for the young king Alexander Ægos, speedily recovered Laranda, but Isaura, which for a long period had been a rich and prosperous place, offered a desperate resistance. After two days’ unsuccessful assault, the besiegers had suffered severe loss, but the townspeople saw that they could hold out no longer, and formed a dreadful resolution; they shut up their women and children in the houses, set all on fire, and proceeded to throw into the flames all their treasures and rich possessions. On seeing this the troops of Perdiccas returned to the assault, but were again repulsed with great loss, and retired to a distance. Then the Isaurians threw themselves into the flames. When day came the troops of Perdiccas entered the town and gathered from the ashes much molten gold and silver.[60]

For a period of nearly two and a half centuries there seems to be no record of the history of Isaura. Then it reappears as one of the chief towns of the Piratic Confederacy of Cilicia. The Roman Consul Servilius (B.C. 75), in his campaign against this enemy, destroyed Isaura for the second time. Later it was given by the Romans to Amyntas Tetrarch of Galatia, who had long carried on war against the Isaurians, and he determined to make it his capital. It was Amyntas who began the splendid fortifications of the city, the ruins of which still remain. He destroyed for this purpose the old Isaura, but did not live to finish his undertaking, for he was killed by the Cilicians whilst attacking the people of Homona.[61] Strabo says there were two towns, one called the “old,” the other “euerkes” (the well-fortified), and subject to them many other smaller towns, but all addicted to piracy.

About the year 258 A.D., Trebellianus, one of the many pretenders called the Thirty Tyrants, during the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, was proclaimed emperor at Isaura, but he was slain, and the city probably again destroyed, but[62] “this obscure rebellion was attended with strange and memorable consequences.

“The pageant of royalty was soon destroyed ... but his followers, despairing of mercy, resolved to shake off their allegiance, not only to the emperor but to the empire, and suddenly returned to the savage manners from which they had never perfectly been reclaimed.... In the heart of the Roman monarchy, the Isaurians long continued a nation of wild barbarians. Succeeding princes, unable to reduce them to obedience, either by arms or policy, were compelled to acknowledge their weakness by surrounding the hostile and independent spot with a strong chain of fortresses, which often proved insufficient to restrain the incursions of these domestic foes. The Isaurians, gradually extending their territory to the sea-coast, subdued the western and mountainous part of Cilicia, formerly the nest of those daring pirates, against whom the republic had once been obliged to exert its utmost force, under the conduct of the great Pompey.”

Ammian says that in his time Isaura retained but very few traces of its ancient splendour.

Few further notices exist concerning it, but it continued to be the capital of the Isaurian nation for many centuries more. In Byzantine times, Ætius, Bishop of Isauropolis, was present at the Council of Chalcedon, and Illuarius, of the same place, at the Council of Constantinople. Its present state of utter solitude and desolation is beyond description!

ISAURIA.—Of this rugged and mountainous district, only the north part seems to have been well known to the ancient writers, and to have contained towns and cultivated lands. The south part was almost unknown, and so indeed it has remained even to the present day. Strabo names the latter division Isaurike, the former Isauria.

Its people were of the same race as the Pisidians; they were ugly, ill-grown, and barbarous, but very brave, and extremely skilful in guerilla warfare and in the use of missile weapons. Their country though mountainous was fertile, especially in grapes,[63] and this is one of its characteristics now. Though at times reduced by the Roman arms, they contrived to maintain their freedom and their savage, piratical habits. So much annoyance did they cause to the neighbouring provinces, that towards the beginning of the third century a circle of fortresses was constructed around their country to keep them in check, but it proved ineffectual to restrain them.

The Emperor Probus reduced many of their towns, and checked them for a while by planting colonies among them, but soon these became as bad as the natives.

After the third century, the Isaurians united with the people of Cilicia Trachœa, and both countries took the name of Isauria. An account is given of their plundering excursions by Ammian.[64] In A.D. 367 they cut to pieces a Roman army under Musonianus; in 376 they overran Syria and Pamphylia; and every year extended their ravages farther and farther. S. Basil, in a letter addressed to Eusebius when in exile, mentions the dangers of travel in the provinces. “Having heard,” he writes, “that all the roads swarm with brigands and runaway slaves, we were afraid to entrust anything into the hands of our brother [the messenger] lest we should even cause his death thereby. But if the Almighty should vouchsafe us a little tranquillity, if indeed we hear of the arrival of troops, we will take care to send one of our people to visit you, and inform you of all that concerns you.”

From A.D. 404-409, during the feeble reign of Arcadius, their ravages were dreadful. The emperor issued the most severe edicts against them, ordering that they should be slain whenever and wherever they could be found—and even during Lent and Easter. A different policy was tried by his successor, Theodosius II. A large number of Isaurians was brought to Constantinople under one of their chiefs, Zeno, who was a pagan, and they formed the garrison of Constantinople. Zeno died high in position and honour under Marcian, successor of Theodosius II.

Leo I., the next emperor, brought a large number of Isaurians to Constantinople, under a chief who bore the barbarous name of Trascaliseus, or Taracondiseus. He had no merit to recommend him, is even said to have been without courage, was vicious, ignorant, and rude. Yet he gained the emperor’s favour; was made by him a patrician, Captain of the Imperial Guard, General of the Armies of the Empire, and at last was married to the emperor’s eldest daughter, Ariadne, upon which he took the name Zeno. He was detested by the people, who revolted in 472, and slew many of the Isaurians. The emperor made Leo the younger, the son of Zeno and Ariadne, “Augustus;” and a few months before his own death appointed the young prince his successor. But Leo the younger only reigned six days alone after his grandfather’s death. Zeno became guardian of his son, and joint emperor. The death of the young emperor soon followed, it was supposed by poison. The reign of Zeno was one long course of cruelty, avarice, and debauch, varied by fits of devotion. His rapacity was extreme; yet at times, seized with a passing compunction, he would distribute in alms the sums he had wrung from his subjects by confiscations and heavy taxation.

He became at last so odious that a revolt broke out, headed by his mother-in-law, Verina, and her brother, Basiliscus. The empress however remained faithful, and fled with him into Isauria, taking with them all the money that could be collected. The Isaurians in Constantinople were cut to pieces, but the revolution was short lived. Illus, the general sent to attack Zeno in Isauria, was won over, and brought him back to Constantinople. Verina was reconciled to him, Basiliscus was forced to surrender, and, though a promise had been given that his life should be spared, he, with all his family, was sent to Cucusus in Cappadocia, the place of exile of S. Chrysostom, and there, in the castle of Busama, these unfortunate creatures were thrown naked into an empty cistern, and so died of cold and hunger (A.D. 477).

Restored to the throne, the emperor seemed for a brief period inclined to better courses, but soon gave himself up to fresh acts of cruelty and debauch. In consequence, fresh disturbances broke out in 481. Marcianus, brother-in-law to the empress, revolted; but after many vicissitudes, the emperor prevailed. In 484 Leontius, also an Isaurian, conspired with Verina and Illus, and proclaimed himself emperor at Tarsus; nearly all Asia Minor was gained over by the rebels, but Zeno was saved by the Goths in his service, who defeated Illus at Seleucia of Isauria. Leontius and Illus were besieged in the fortress of Papyrium; after a siege of three years the fortress was betrayed, and Illus and Leontius were beheaded.

Soon after this, the emperor, during one of his fits of excessive drunkenness, was buried alive, by order of the Empress Ariadne. He was succeeded, in 491, by Anastasius, who married Ariadne, and, to put an end to the constant revolts which occurred in Constantinople, the emperor ordered all the Isaurians to quit the capital, upon which a general revolt of them and the other associated brigand communities broke out; but the Goths, under John the Scythian, defeated them at Claudiopolis (Mout).

The survivors and their chiefs were blockaded in Antioch of Cragus, the place was stormed, and the Isaurian generals taken to Constantinople and there tortured to death.

The Isaurian forts in the Taurus were all captured, many of the people were transported to Thrace, the rest submitted, the emperor placed Isauria under the government of a “comes” (military governor), Lycaonia and Pisidia under “prætors,” with strong garrisons of troops to keep order.

The Isaurian power was thus crushed, they were never again formed into a separate corps d’armée, and were henceforward confined to their mountains; but though their brigandage ceased, they always continued barbarous and savage.

In A.D. 717, Leo, an Isaurian of low extraction, whose previous name was Conon, became emperor. He is better known as Leo the Iconoclast. In his reign occurred the famous schism between the Churches of Rome and Constantinople, caused in great measure by the emperor’s hatred of sacred images, and his persecution of those who venerated them. Although Italy was lost to the Byzantine Empire in this reign, Leo seems to have been an able, and, on the whole, a successful monarch. It is said that in his youth his future greatness was foretold to him by some Jews, and that he promised them, in case he came to the imperial power, he would put an end to the worship of images in the Christian Church. From that time forward Isauria and its people are not mentioned in history.

ITINERARY.

_Hours of riding; easy pace, and exclusive of halts._

Mersina to Pompeiopolis 1¼ Mersina to Tarsus 3 Tarsus to Asaab-el-Kef 1½ Tarsus to Adana 5 Adana to Giamli Keui 7 Giamli Keui to Osmanieh 4½ Osmanieh to Kizil Aghadj 11 Kizil Aghadj to Marash 7 Marash to Tchairlan Tchiftlik 7 Tchairlan Tchiftlik to bivouac 11½ Thence to Ajemli 10 Ajemli to ford on the Kayish and back 6 Ajemli to Kars 6½ Kars to Boudroum 5½ Boudroum to Hemita 1½ Hemita to Anazarba 8½ Anazarba to Sis 4 Sis to bivouac 9½ Thence to Adana 10 Adana to Kazouk Bash 7½ Kazouk Bash to Geuzlük Khan 7 Geuzlük Khan to Kulek Boghaz 7 Kulek Boghaz to Tchifteh Khan 6 Tchifteh Khan to Oloukishla 8 Oloukishla to Eregli 8 Eregli to Ibreez 3¼ Eregli to Devleh 8 Devleh to Serpek 6 Serpek to Karaman 8½ Karaman to Maden Shehir 7½ Karaman to Geuèzz 4 Geuèzz to Kestel 9½ Kestel to Mauga 6½ Mauga to Mout 5 Mout to Bejeh 7 Bejeh to Balabolu 7 Balabolu to Ermenek 8 Ermenek to Altoun Tash 6 Altoun Tash to Yenikishla 9 Yenikishla to Nounou 7 Yenikishla to Durgèller 4 Durgèller to Alata 6 Alata to Mernak 8½ Mernak to Khadem 2 Khadem to Ashikler 8 Ashikler to Isaura or Aijilar 1½ Aijilar to Elmasun 8 Elmasun to Karaman 8 Karaman to Ibrala 6 Ibrala to Kara Koyu 8½ Kara Koyu to Efrenk 9½ Efrenk to Geuzna 8¼ Geuzna to Mersina 5½

FOOTNOTES

[1] The myrtle along this coast is quite a large shrub, growing to twice or more than twice the height of a man.

[2] Peasant cultivators.

[3] Ædif. lib. v. cap. 5.

[4] The name given to a tomb of any holy personage.

[5] Procopius, Ædif. lib. v. cap. 5.

[6] This was written before the Russian invasion and the fighting in Bulgaria, &c.

[7] ‘Voyages,’ iv. 19.

[8] Resinous wood used for flambeaux, &c.

[9] Curdled milk, a very common article of food amongst the Turks.

[10] The reception room in a Turkish house for male visitors.

[11] It would appear, however, that _practically_ the Protestant Armenians here enjoy complete religious freedom, as was evident from what I saw on the following Sunday in their schools and churches, and their fears of a Muslim outbreak against Christians, if not groundless, were certainly exaggerated.

[12] Also called by the people of the country Saureen.

[13] Called in Kiepert’s map “Kermes Dagh,” but the Adaniots always called it Kizil Dagh. Both words mean “red.”

[14] I was told at Adana that there is a colony of mining people at Kursanti, a place N.E. from Kulek Boghaz, under Allah Dagh, said to be descendants of the old Genoese. They speak Turkish, but among themselves they use a language very like Latin, probably the Genoese dialect.

[15] The “zarf” is in shape like an egg-cup, and the “finjan,” a small coffee-cup without handle, is placed in it when used, so as not to burn the fingers. In a wealthy house the zarf is often of silver filigree work, or of gold, and set with diamonds or other precious stones.

[16] In the immediate neighbourhood of the town are a number of stagnant pools full of marsh vegetation, these alone would suffice to render Eregli an unhealthy place.

[17] These men were the personal friends of Mohammed, and from them the “Sunneh,” or “Traditions” of the Muslim Law, were derived.

[18] Compare Deuteronomy xxii. 12, and Numbers xv. 38; also the dress of Aaron as it is described in Exodus xxviii.

[19] It may be interesting to compare some of the prices of times past with those of the present day in Turkey.

The Baron de Tott, who wrote his ‘Mémoires sur la Turquie,’ about a century back, informs us that the “asper,” of which there were three to the “para,” was worth six deniers or one demi sol of France, equal to 2½ centimes; but that a deduction of 20 per cent. must be made in consequence of debasement.

The “asper,” therefore, was worth 2 centimes, and the piastre 2 francs 40 centimes. A hundred years earlier the piastre was worth nearly the double of this. This we learn from a traveller named Poullet, who published an account of his travels in 1668. “Thirty-five or forty ‘aspers’ made at most from 25 to 30 French sols.” He says that at Van he expended for himself and his horse one piastre per week.

The physician, Paul Lucas, who travelled in the Levant by command of Louis XIV., in the years 1705-6-15, says that at Smyrna partridges were sold at 1 sol each; woodcocks at 1½ sol. At the village of Kourou Kaidji, not far from Baluk Hissar, the “katerji,” who accompanied the traveller, bought a fine horse for 16 piastres.

The “seymens” (foot soldiers) who were stationed in the forests for the protection of travellers, used to exact 4 paras from every Christian.

When Paul Lucas was leaving Cavalla, he met, at some 200 paces from the town, a janissary, who attacked him, pistol in hand. “I drew out,” he says, “one of my own pistols in order to obtain satisfaction for this affront, but my valet, who was a sworn enemy of firearms, gave him 3 paras, with which the rascal was so well contented that he went off at full gallop, firing his two pistols in the air.”

One may perceive what influence “paras” could exert in Turkey in those days.

The same traveller writes, “At a village five hours from Ferré, six of us dined for 4½ sols, and even filled our flasks. It may be imagined that we did not fare luxuriously; but is it possible to obtain at less cost eggs, butter, cheese, and above all good wine, of which we were not sparing?”

About the middle of last century, when the piastre was worth about 3 francs, the following were the prices of certain articles:—

At Trebizonde, wrought copper cost 30 paras the “oke” (2¾ lbs. avoirdupois); walnuts, 7 or 8 paras per thousand.

At Rizeh, in the same province, Egyptian rice cost 60 paras per “kileh” of 40 okes; the rice of Philippopoli, 40 paras; “Pastourma” (dried and spiced beef) cost 10 paras per oke, sold by retail; black olives, 4 to 5 paras per oke; green olives, 13 to 14 paras; Crimean butter of first quality, 20 to 22 paras per oke; filberts, 90 to 100 paras per “quintal.”

At Guerzeh, a place seven to eight hours from Sinope, planks of walnut wood 8 feet long, 2½ feet wide, and 6 inches thick, cost 25 to 30 paras each. Similar planks of plane wood cost 15 to 16 paras.

Joists of oak 8 feet long and 3 inches in diameter cost 3 to 4 paras each. Planks of fir wood, narrow and thin, for constructing ceilings, cost from 40 to 50 paras per hundred.

The authority for these prices is a book on the commerce of the Black Sea, written by Peyssonel, a French traveller, in about 1750.

The same writer says that at Sinope a ship of war of two decks, pierced for seventy cannons, and launched with her masts, but without rigging, sails, or guns, cost only 15,000 to 16,000 piastres. A trading vessel of three masts could be built for 1800 piastres.

In 1657 a Turkish galleon was wrecked in the harbour of Alexandria. It was secured by fourteen anchors; the cables parted, as they had become rotten from having been left nine months in the water. “The Turks,” says Thevenot, “had never built so fine a galleon as this, not even that of the Sultana, which was captured a few years ago by the Knights of Malta, and which was so lofty that the cross-trees (?) of the Maltese galleys did not come up to her deck.” She had been built at Constantinople, and had cost about 38,000 piastres, but was already old. “She was armed with 40 guns, and could carry 3000 men. On her first voyage from Constantinople to Alexandria, this galleon had on board 2500 people.”

In 1820 a vessel built at Sinope cost 225,000 francs, without cannon or rigging.

The same traveller, Thevenot, tells us what was the rent of rooms in the khans at Constantinople.

“These khans,” he says, “are for lodging the merchants. If you wish for any of the rooms in them you must speak to the porter of the khan (the Oda Bashi), who keeps the keys of them; you must give him a ¼ or ½ piastre for the ‘opening,’ as they call it; and as long as you remain you pay an asper, or two or three per day, according to the rent fixed. Store-rooms for goods are let in the same way.” Thevenot died in 1667.

The freight of shipping seems also to have been very low. The Rev. Father Doubdan, a canon of S. Denis, who made a journey to Jerusalem in 1651, chartered a small vessel to convey him from Sidon to Jaffa, a distance of some 120 miles, at a cost of 9 piastres!

[20] The Turks give the title of Sultan to princesses of the Imperial family, but the title always follows the proper name. In the case of a Sultan the title always precedes, e.g. Sultan Abd-el-Aziz. This princess, daughter of Sultan Mourad I., was married to the Emir of Karaman. But during Mourad’s absence from Brusa, on the campaign which added Thrace and Adrianople to the Osmanli Empire, the Karamanians invaded his dominions. The Sultan hastened to resist this aggression. On the plain of Dorylæum the Karamanians were defeated, and their prince taken prisoner. But the entreaties of his daughter whom Mourad loved, induced him to spare his son-in-law, and even to restore to him his dominions, an instance of generosity extremely rare in the history of the Osmanli Sultans. Hammer Purgstall names this Princess Nefiseh, and the Prince Ala-ed-deen.

[21] The point in the mosque towards which the Muslim turns in prayer. It is in the direction of Mecca.

[22] But, on the contrary, I do not consider it at all difficult. It seemed an open, easy road, and I am convinced that, excepting at one or two spots, which might easily be rendered practicable, even heavy artillery could be transported by this pass in its present state.

[23] The thunderstorms in Northern Europe are but slight in comparison with them.

[24] Essaad Pasha married a niece of Sultan Abd-el-Aziz, was Grand Vizier for a short period, and was then sent as Governor of Syria to Damascus. He died there very suddenly in 1876, in the very council room. As usually happens in such cases, there were suspicions, probably groundless, of poison.

[25] Used instead of “Istighfar Allah” (‎‏استغفر ﷲ‏‎), “I beg pardon of God,” a common form employed to express _surprise_ and, at the same time, _expostulation_.

[26] The additional visitors had not been expected, and therefore no extra provision had been made, but the rule of Turkish hospitality demanded that they should be invited to partake.

[27] To prove that brigandage is at times rife in Asiatic Turkey, and that the danger from it is really very great, I quote the following from the ‘Levant Herald’:—

“Smyrna, March 9, 1877.—Owing to the exertions of his Excellency Sabri Pasha, our Wali, the hydra-headed monster of our vilayet—brigandage—has received a severe check, no less than twenty-eight brigands of different bands having been recently either killed or captured. Sabri Pasha, tired of the continual acts of rapine daily reported, resolved to finish with these wretches, and for this purpose he divided the police into four bodies, one of which was sent into the Saroukhan, the second took up its position in the mountain gorges of Dalidja, in the sandjak of Aidin, the third went to the Yundagh, while the fourth remained near Koula. In about a week, they had captured or slain the greater part of the brigands. A band that had been seen in the environs of Bournabat, having robbed a zeybek of Kavali Dere, he with seven of his companions went after them, and succeeded in shooting the chief and his ‘aide-de-camp.’ He wounded another, took a fourth prisoner, but the remainder escaped. The head of the chief, a Yourouk named Moussa, and the two prisoners, were brought into Smyrna by their captors, who are to be rewarded for their victory.

“The following is a list of the brigands who have been killed:—The Yourouk chief, Moussa, Keloglan, his ‘aide-de-camp’ (and five others, all Muslim).

“The prisoners captured are Theodori, Costi, and Yiorghi, the receivers of the different bands; Athanasi, Lambo, Christo Lako, all Christians; Kanli Mehemet Ali, his ‘aide-de-camp,’ and eleven of their band; Ali, the brother of Keloglan, and three others, all Muslim.

“Notwithstanding these important captures, the pursuit is still very hot, and no doubt we shall hear of other captures. Nine zeybeks were seen a few days ago near Sokia; they contented themselves with robbing a young clerk belonging to one of the liquorice factories.”

At all events the Ottoman authorities do not favour and support brigandage!

[28] ‘Handbuch der Alten Geographie,’ ii. 272.

[29] Vol. xix. 214.

[30] ii. 263.

[31] Arr. ii. 5.

[32] Arr. ii. 12.

[33] Ibid. ii. 20.

[34] Dion. Cassius, xxxvi. 20.

[35] Amm. Mar. xiv. 8.

[36] Strab. xiv. 668.

[37] Corn. Nep. in Datam. i.

[38] Dion Cassius, xlvii. 26.

[39] ‘Bell. Mithr.’ 96.

[40] ‘De Ædificiis,’ v. 5.

[41] ‘Travels,’ i. 81.

[42] i. 107.

[43] i. 347-9.

[44] i. 205-7.

[45] ‘Hist. de Tancred,’ 42.

[46] ‘Gesta Dei per Francos,’ 677.

[47] P. Lucas, pp. 345-49.

[48] Procop. ‘Ædif.’ v. 5.

[49] ‘Hist.’ iii. 21.

[50] Mai, ‘Collectio nova Vet. Script.’

[51] ‘Church Quarterly Review,’ Oct. 1875, “Theodore of M. and Modern Thought.”

[52] ‘Erdkunde,’ xvii. p. 1809.

[53] ‘Histoire des Croisades.’

[54] ‘Lares et Penates.’

[55] ‘Ep. ad Atticum,’ v. ep. xx.

[56] Niceph. Phoc. 161.

[57] ‘Hist. Eccl.’ iii. 15.

[58] ‘Hist. des Croisades,’ ii., 86.

[59] ‘Bibliothèque des Croisades,’ iii.

[60] Diod. Sicul. xviii., 22.

[61] Strabo, xii., 6.

[62] Gibbon, cap. viii.

[63] Ammian, xiv., 8.

[64] xiv., 2.

GLOSSARY.

Ak, white.

Akshàm, evening.

Allaha issmarladuk, adieu, (lit.) “we have recommended you to God.”

Alma, an apple.

Arpa, barley.

Asr, late afternoon, (2) the prayer at that time.

Ayou or Ayi, a bear.

Bagh, a garden.

Bahmeah, the Hibiscus esculentus.

Bash, a head.

Bel, a mountain pass.

Billali, a whetstone.

Bin, a thousand.

Bir, one.

Boghaz, a strait, any narrow passage, the throat.

Bounar or Binar, a source.

Bouyourdi or Bouyurulti, a passport.

Bouz, ice.

Burghoul, pilled wheat.

Chèshmé, a fountain source.

Chibouk, long tobacco-pipe.

Dagh, a mountain.

Demir, iron.

Dere, a valley.

Dervish, monk, a poor person.

Dolma, anything stuffed, (2) stuffed vegetables.

Douloum, a measure of land.

Dourbin, a telescope.

Eiràn, buttermilk.

Fellahh, peasant cultivator.

Finjan, receptacle for a coffee-cup whilst in the hand.

Gedìk, a chamois.

Geuz, eye, (2) source.

Giaour, an infidel.

Gieuk, heaven, (2) light blue.

Göl, a lake.

Hànem, a lady.

Hareèm, portion of a house in which the females of the family reside, (2) a wife, (3) the females of the family.

Harmàn, heap of grain.

Imām, chaplain of a mosque.

Irmàk, a river.

Jamaa, a mosque.

Kabak, vegetable marrow.

Kadi, Muslim judge.

Kaia, rock.

Kaimàk, thick cream.

Kalaat, a fort or castle.

Kapou, gate.

Kar, snow.

Kara, black.

Katerji, a muleteer.

Kawass, mounted police.

Kazouk, a stake.

Kedji, a goat, (2) goats’-hair cloth.

Ketràn, pitch pine.

Keui, a village.

Keul, ashes.

Keumeur, charcoal.

Keupri, a bridge.

Kibab, roast meat.

Kibleh, point towards Mecca, to which the Muslim turns in prayer.

Kilissé, a church.

Kizil, red.

Khayr, good.

Khoosh geldinez, (lit.) “you have come agreeably,” formula of welcome.

—— boulduk, formula of thanks, “we have found agreeably.”

Koufti, a kind of sausage.

Koyu, a well.

Kushàk, girdle, waist-shawl.

Maden, a mine.

Medjlis, a council.

Meidan, public place, piazza.

Moollah, equivalent to “rabbi,” “master.” Title of a learned person.

Mudir, an inferior governor.

Mufti, an expounder of the law of the Kuràn.

Mukhtar, the head man of the village.

Musaffir, a guest, a stranger.

Muslim, (lit.) “surrendered or resigned to God,” a Mohammedan.

Oda, a chamber.

Oghourlar ola, adieu! may you have a good journey!

Oglou, son.

Olou, grand, perfect.

Ova, a plain.

Pekmez (or petmez), inspissated grape juice, grape treacle.

Pilaff, rice boiled, and served with butter.

Pongar, vulgar for Bin(g)ar, springs, sources.

Redif, militia.

Sabàhh, morning.

Safa geldiniz, you are welcome!

Salaamlik, men’s apartment, reception-room.

Salyan, property tax.

Saman, straw.

Sara, yellow.

Sàrik, a turban.

Serai, government house.

Shehir, a town.

Sou, water, a stream.

Souriji, one who lets horses for hire.

Tahta, a plank, wooden.

Tahtaji, woodcutter.

Taktrovan, a litter.

Tash (vulg. Dash), a stone.

Tchai, a river.

Tcham, pine.

Tchatal, a pair of anything.

Tchelebi, a master, a gentleman.

Tchiftlik, a farm.

Ushirji, a collector or farmer of the dîme.

Vergui, property tax.

Wali, governor of a “vilayet,” or province.

Yaila, summer pasture in the mountains.

Yaourt, curdled milk.

Yeelan (vulg.), Ilan, a snake.

Yeni, new.

Yorghan, coverlet quilted with cotton.

Yourouk, wandering shepherds.

Zaptieh, mounted police.

Zarf, coffee-cup without any handle.

INDEX.

Abd-el-Kader, 202, 204, 205, 214

Abd-ul Aziz (Sultan), 43

Abeadæ, 305

Aboukir, 48

Abrinos, 257

Achyr Dagh, 104

Acre, 2, 213

Adalia, 351, 358

Adana, 10, 13, 17, 28, 29, 33, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, 64, 65, 67, 69, 78, 98, 101, 104, 122, 165, 168, 169, 170, 179, 180, 183, 185, 186, 187, 191, 193, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 205, 209, 215, 216, 217, 219, 231, 233, 235, 239, 268, 453, 459, 466, 470

Adrass Dagh, 337, 339, 341, 342, 343, 347

Adrian (Imp.), 50, 60, 65

Aghadj, 362, 372

Aijilar, 351, 406, 412, 420, 421

Aintab, 85, 86, 94, 100, 172

Aix-la-Chapelle, 219

Ajemi Kahve, 182

Ajemli, 105, 115, 117, 121, 122

Akar Jarun Sou, 122

Ak Dagh, 407

Ak Göl, 238, 278, 279, 297

Akkar (Mt.), 5

Ak Keupri, 216

Ak Monastir, 353

Ak Serai, 240

Ak Sou, 92, 93, 216, 217, 218, 219, 223

Aktcha Shehir, 286

Alata, 357, 378, 380, 382, 403, 407, 412

Alaya, 357, 387

Aleppo, 8, 9, 70, 85, 172, 223, 427

Alexandria, 1, 48

Alexandretta, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 80, 89, 103, 427, 473

Alexander (the Great), 39, 53

Ali Bey, 196, 197, 198, 209

Ali Zchartchi Keui, 420

Alhambra, 98

Allah Dagh, 214, 231, 265, 351, 357, 440, 456

—— Pongar, 146

Alma Dagh, 403, 407

Altoun Tash, 357, 359, 361

Alvanlö, 439, 442

Amanus (Mt.), 7, 30, 65, 69, 72, 73, 76, 84, 117, 123, 180

Anamas Dagh, 420

Anamour, 340, 449

Anatolia, 226

Anazarba, 91, 127, 138, 139, 142, 145, 147, 168

Anazi, 473

Ancketill (Mr.), 63

Andren Sou, 115

Angora, 226, 307

Ankart, 47

Antioch, 162, 172

Aradus, 4

Aratus, 21

Ardouste, 257

Armoodlu Dagh, 422, 423

Arra Sou, 28

Arslan, 140, 141, 142, 150, 168

Arwan Dagh, 420

Asaab-el-Kef, 41, 42, 43

Ashikler, 406, 422

Atchilan, 363, 368

Auchin, 46, 47

Auschar, 383

Avania (Mr.), 35

Ayash, 318

Ayass, 12, 53, 57

Azizlü, 76

Baalbec, 145

Baias, 70

Bagdad, 70, 473

Baghtche, 82, 85, 101, 102

Bahadurli, 119

Balabolu, 343, 347, 404

Bardat Dagh, 337, 339, 340

Basile, 46

Bassidius Lauricius, 366

Bazaar, 117, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 139

Beaufort (Capt.), 22

Bejeh, 341, 356

Bektik, 239, 240, 279

Bel Amalik Dagh, 215

Berber Oglou, 225

Berlin, 7

Beshiktash, 227, 230

Beylan, 8, 9, 65, 103

Beyrout, 3, 4, 7, 10, 47, 167, 189, 453, 473

Bey Shehir, 400, 420

Bin Bir Kilissé, 301

Billali Bel, 82, 84, 86, 101

Boghosian (Mr.), 190

Bolat, 405

Boloukli, 457, 459, 463, 465, 466, 470

Bor, 267, 279

Bostànsu, 363, 366

Boudroum, 117, 121, 128, 143

Boujak, 139, 146

Bouzoglan, 257

Bozallah Dagh, 293, 297, 314, 317

Bozanti, 37, 215, 216

Bozoglou, 340

Bozboroun, 420

Bozkoyou Keui, 127, 139

Bulderoòhh Dagh, 214

Bulghar Dagh, 25, 60, 123, 205, 219, 223, 230, 236, 241, 257, 259, 265, 288, 437, 453, 473

Bulghar Maden, 221

Bussola, 425

Burrekli, 43

Caipha, 2

Cairo, 6, 157

Calycadnus (Riv.), 326, 327, 330, 335, 337, 342, 358

Capan, 157

Carmel (Mt.), 2

Caucasus (Mt.), 72, 207

Chelebi Effendi, 291, 294, 300, 433, 434

China, 196

Chomourlü, 30

Christian Keui, 463, 465

Cicero, 21

Cilicia, 18, 28, 31, 34, 179, 188, 213, 454, 455, 457, 471, 472, 474

Claudiopolis, 335

Commodus (Imp.), 126, 129

Constantius (Imp.), 36, 366

Constantin, 45, 46, 47

Constantine (Imp.), 118

Constantinople, 11, 56, 70, 79, 89, 173, 189, 472, 473

Cydnus (Riv.), 17, 31, 35, 37, 39, 40, 49, 61, 169

Cyprus, 18, 47, 116, 455, 459

Dalak Dere, 456

Damascus, 237, 453, 459

Damietta, 19, 20

Daoud Pasha, 79

Daoush Tepe, 340

Dedekoi, 245

Deirmen Deresi, 449

Deli Tchai, 29, 157

Delik Tash (Mt.), 105

Delta (the), 48, 76

Demetrius Theos, 89

Demir Kapou, 37, 323

Derbe, 273, 278

Dervish Pasha, 79

Devleh, 267, 268, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 286

Devrishli Bel, 82, 83, 101, 102, 128

Diana, 36

Diàrbekìr, 54, 172, 472

Di Dimitrio (Mr.), 36

Dingwall (Capt.), 454, 455

Dorak, 43, 203

Doudne, 257

Dourbin Dagh, 101, 107, 108, 117

Dourlaz, 245, 246

Duden, 238

Dumbelek Dagh, 210, 312, 318

Dŭngălă, 108

Dunuk Tash, 37, 104

Durgèller, 371, 373, 374, 377, 378, 379, 380, 382, 412

Durnebul, 358

Efrenk, 436, 445, 446, 449, 450, 451, 452

Egypt, 49, 57, 148, 166

Ellexi, 323

El Mamoun, 37

Elmasun, 423, 424, 429

El Oglou Tajirlis, 92

Endal, 139

Ephesus, 36, 42

Eregli, 197, 231, 235, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 246, 248, 257, 259, 260, 261, 264, 272, 279, 290, 300

Ermenek, 328, 337, 339, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358

Essaad Pasha, 3, 394

Eukeuz Pasha, 227

Euphrates (Riv.), 473

Eurymedon (Riv.), 314, 400

Evschenler Dagh, 422

Fishbach (Mr.), 52, 53, 54

Fischer (Major), 258

Frioul, 474

Geden Dagh, 337

Gelibel Dagh, 359, 361, 412

Geoffroi (Mr.), 468

Georgius, 118

Germanicia, 98

Geudètt, 320

Geueu Dagh, 357, 361, 417

Geuèzz, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320

Geumah, 323

Geunik, 422

Geuzlük Kalaat, 30

—— Khan, 203, 204, 205

Geuzna, 16, 449, 450, 451, 452, 457, 459, 462

Ghaibe Keui, 245, 246

Giaour Dagh, 10, 30, 78, 82, 84, 86, 92, 101, 102, 103, 108, 117, 123, 180

Giamli Keui, 68, 73, 75, 188

Gieuk Dagh, 400

—— Sou, 328, 337, 365, 366, 371

Gieurmeli, 352

Haberhauer (Mr.), 207, 208, 463, 471

Hadji, Emin, 389, 392

—— Hassan, 242

Hadjilar, 150, 151

Hadschilar, 351

Hadjin Dagh, 208, 209, 214

Haiwaabeh (Riv.), 214

Harpalik, 473

Hallam, Oglou, 269

Hamilton (Mr.), 307, 413

Hanna, 162, 165, 166, 167, 469, 470

Haroun er Rasheed, 30, 37

Hassan Dagh, 232, 236, 241, 264, 265

Hedjaz, 8

Hemita (Mt. and Ft.), 127, 134

Herzegovina, 209

Hethoum, 37, 45, 46, 47

Hissar, 279

Hodjilar, 387, 403

Ibrahim Pasha, 40, 57, 64, 65, 210, 211, 213, 214

Ibrahul, 335, 336

Ibrala, 434, 435, 441, 460

Ibreez, 240, 245, 247, 256, 257, 260, 286, 288

Ichma, 17, 450, 470

Ilamaz, 318

Ilan Kalesi, 69, 70, 73, 75

Iljibounar, 383

Imalu Sou, 92

Ipbrada, 387

Isaura, 314, 351, 400, 415, 453

Isauria, 314

Isauropolis, 416

Islahiyeh, 103

Ismail Pasha, 79

Jaffa, 2, 5

Jerusalem, 32, 42

Jeihaàn (Riv.), 76, 92, 104, 106, 107, 127, 137, 147, 157

Jevdet, Pasha, 79

Joannalius, 118

Joppa, 47

Julian (Imp.), 37, 366, 377

Justin (Imp.), 144

Justinian (Imp.), 37, 49, 50, 60, 65, 133, 144

Kadisha (Riv.), 4

Kaia Sholi, 108

Kaisariyeh, 27, 201, 226, 239, 240, 267, 292, 300, 332, 350, 358

Kalaat Keui, 29

Kallinal, 403

Kandji Kapou, 37

Kanlu Dagh, 101

Kapujan Dagh, 101

Kara Aghadj, 286

—— Bounar, 257, 264

—— Dagh, 232, 287, 293, 297, 301, 304, 305, 310, 417, 436, 440, 456

—— Dash, 56, 57, 180, 183

—— Khan, 96

—— Koyou, 436, 443

—— Osman Oglou, 363

—— Tash Yaila, 315, 318

—— Zengir, 423

Karajah Dagh, 101, 232, 236, 265, 272, 278, 417, 436

Karaman, 99, 194, 259, 276, 287, 290, 294, 295, 300, 303, 304, 311, 312, 314, 315, 317, 417, 428, 429, 434, 438, 440, 456

Karaman Oglou, 332, 344

Karanlik Dere, 456

Kara Pongar Tchai, 157

Kars, 117, 124

Kashab, 100

Kassaba, 426, 428

Kashgar, 196

Katbash, 42

Kayish (Riv.), 117, 120, 122

Kazan Ali, 102

Kazanji, 353

Kazanli, 29

Kazouk Bash, 198, 201, 204, 206

Keràn Yailasi, 326

Kereli, 127, 400, 420

Kertch, 285

Kesh, 123, 167

Kesik Tchai, 157

Kestel, 321, 322, 323, 326, 330, 334, 342, 350

Keulpongar Sou, 92

Keumerdli Keui, 159, 168

Keupèk Kalesi, 84

Keur Oglou, 182

Keurdts, 172, 197

Keurdt Dagh, 101

Keuteû Keui, 48

Khadem, 351, 352, 370, 380, 386, 387, 389, 391, 392, 394, 403, 407, 412

Khadj Bel, 105, 107, 109, 122

Khalil Aga, 225, 228, 231

—— Pasha, 28, 55, 56

—— Sultan, 295, 296, 344

Kharpout, 172

Khatouniat Jamasi, 295

Khedive (the), 1

Khunnet, 422

Kiepert (Mr.), 183, 231, 258, 400

Kilbassen, 302, 303, 304, 305, 308, 311

Kilik (Riv.), 53

Killim, 52, 151

Killis, 94, 100

Kirk Geuz Pongar Sou, 96

Kizil Aghadj Oldousou, 87

Kizil Dagh, 123, 180, 183

Kizilja, 362, 363, 368

Koniah, 186, 216, 229, 233, 235, 237, 239, 268, 269, 279, 297, 301, 302, 330, 400, 429, 471

Korou Dere, 348

Kotchy, 207

Koukerdt, 240

Koum Kalaat, 120

Kourt Kalesi, 70

Kremna, 417

Kulek Bazaar, 208, 209

Kulek Boghaz, 202, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217, 219, 236, 318, 321, 462, 463

Kursanti, 222

Kursoulou (Riv.), 106, 107

Kutchuk Ali, 70

Kuzeuran, 422

Kyriakos, 155

L’Anglois (Mr.), 30, 39, 47, 60

Laranda, 299

Larnaca, 459

Latakia, 89, 172

Leake (Col.), 365

Lebanon (Mt.), 5, 191, 214

Leo II., 37, 46

Leo VI., 157

Liparis, 21

Livy, 236

Lusignan, 157

Lycia, 314, 315, 341

Lystra, 308

Maden Shehir, 276, 301, 305, 307, 310, 311

Mahmoud Pasha, 28, 53, 54, 60, 187

Mako, 57

Mallus (Cape), 12

Malta, 55

Manchester, 189, 454

Marash, 84, 85, 86, 88, 92, 94, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 108, 112, 128, 172, 178

Marash (Mt.), 340

Marseilles, 188, 189, 474

Mauga, 327, 328, 329, 330, 337, 342

Maurepas (Comte de), 257

Maurice (Imp.), 118

Mavromati (Mr.), 17, 27, 56, 291, 444, 459, 464

Maxentius, 118

Maximian Daza, 37

Mecca, 17, 37, 227, 395

Medina, 395

Mehemet Ali, 19, 20, 68, 213

Mekkeh Dagh, 264, 278

Melas (Riv.), 400

Melik el Ashraf, 157

Melemendji Keui, 201

Merdiballi Koyou, 48

Mernak, 385

Mersina, 1, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 37, 48, 52, 53, 57, 65, 66, 165, 169, 185, 188, 202, 203, 234, 291, 312, 356, 400, 431, 439, 442, 444, 447, 449, 450, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 457, 458, 460, 463, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 471, 472, 474

Mesopotamia, 472

Messina, 472, 474

Messis, 56, 57, 65, 66, 67, 68, 75, 157, 180, 188

Metdesis, 473

Mohammad, 251, 395

Moltke, 258

Montgomery (Mrs.), 95, 102, 103

Mout, 318, 321, 322, 326, 330, 331, 332, 334, 335, 342, 347, 356

Muharram Bel, 359, 361, 362, 363

Mukhmel (Mt.), 5

Murad III., 70

Muscat, 472

Mustak Bey, 70

Nadjar Dagh, 101

Nahli, 165, 177, 198, 210, 225, 228, 321, 324, 338, 355, 370, 440, 441, 442, 443, 453, 456, 462, 467, 468, 469, 470

Nasheeb Pasha, 28

Nawàhi, 337, 359

Nazianzus, 232

Nazli, 127

Nemroun, 449

Nerva (Imp.), 144

Nigdeh, 94, 101, 201, 265, 267

Nile (Riv.), 49, 60

Nounou, 366, 380

Nour Dagh, 65, 69

Nusairi, 7, 439, 467

Nusairiyeh, 7, 14, 33, 467, 468

Oloubounar, 411

Oloukischla, 224, 228, 229, 231, 238, 239

Olou Jamaa, 62, 63, 98, 231

Oongoot, 104

Oroanda, 314, 400

Orta (Dr.), 64

Orta Oglou Keui, 139

Osmanieh, 78, 80, 81, 82, 101, 102, 128

Otter, 66, 257

Palermo, 474

Parascevopoulo (Dr.), 167, 168, 177

Parlais, 232

Paul Lucas, 37, 60, 262

Paul (Saint), 40, 41, 46

Pednelissus, 314

Pera, 472

Persia, 207

Peyronnet, 355, 356

Peyssonel, 263

Phaselis, 341

Philip (of Macedon), 53

Phocas (Imp.), 119

Pierides, 49

Pococke, 60, 65

Podandus, 216

Pompeiopolis, 16, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27, 129, 130, 143, 450, 473

Port Said, 2

Poullet, 262

Procopius, 39

Ptolemy Philadelphus, 21

Pylæ Amanides, 102

—— Ciliciæ, 37, 206, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216

Pyramus (Riv.), 56, 60, 66, 68, 69, 105, 128, 132, 134

Ramazan Zadeh, 62, 63

Ramleh, 36

Ritter, 257

Rhodes, 474

Roupen, 45, 149

Russia, 62, 196, 207

Sadik Pasha, 195

Safvet Pasha, 51

Saida, 2, 3, 68

Sakar Dagh, 101

Saleh Effendi, 240, 262

Salonika, 53

Samsoun, 80

Sarahaji, 377

Sara Toprak Sou, 110

Sarchizàlana, 340

Sardanapalus, 37

Sarichek Khan, 205, 206, 208, 211, 212

Sarimazi, 353

Sarinj, 385

Sari Ibrahimlü, 30

Sarijah, 245

Saroglan, 397, 422, 423

Sarus (Riv.), 17, 50, 56, 58, 60, 61, 69, 92, 169, 179, 183, 197, 216

Savroon (Riv.), 126, 138, 139, 147

Sazak, 383

Schalfoun (Mrs.), 167

Schiffmann (Mr.), 52, 163, 164, 168

Schultze (Col.), 213

Seidi Shehir, 419

Seiff (Mr.), 4

Selefke, 449

Selge, 314

Selim I., 63

—— II., 227, 261

Selinti, 340, 358

Sempad, 45, 46

Serpek, 271, 273, 274, 275, 285, 286, 288, 305, 436

Seur̀r̀ Dagh, 101

Shah-en-Nour Dagh, 358

Sheikh Ali Keui, 236

—— Meran, 73, 74

Siberia, 207

Sibilian (Père), 43, 44, 46, 47

Sidevre, 273, 287, 288, 290, 436

Sidon, 4

Sindal, 339

Sis, 112, 132, 149, 152, 154, 157

Skene (Mr.), 223

Smyrna, 167, 189, 313, 315, 400, 453, 459, 462, 463

Soli, 21

Sombaz (Riv.), 139, 146, 153

Sooranji Oushara, 113, 114

Soundrass, 450

Soushati, 338

Stamboul, 51, 79

Strabo, 39

Suleiman (Sultan), 63, 155

Sunnin (Mt.), 5

Tahta Keupri, 218

Taki-ed-Deen (Pasha), 28, 216

Tarsus, 17, 26, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 47, 48, 50, 66, 163, 169, 174, 199, 201, 209, 453, 466, 467

Tattarachi (Mr.), 16, 17, 165, 457, 459, 464

Taurus (Mt.), 13, 39, 40, 66, 96, 170, 196, 238

Tchaian, 233, 235, 236

Tchairlan Tchiftlik, 106

Tchakàller, 377

Tchakallu, 92

Tchal Dagh, 347

Tchali, 52

Tchandeer Kalesi, 43, 44

Tchapan Oglou, 365

Tchardak, 82

Tchatak Bagh, 342

Tchatal Tchesmasi, 205, 326

Tchifteh Khan, 219, 221, 223, 231

Tchihatcheff, 278, 337

Tchili Dagh, 422

Tchivi, 323

Tchukour Bagh, 207, 209, 210, 211, 463

Tchukour, 363, 364, 412

Teghenkar, 47

Tejli Ova, 101

Tekerlèk (Mustafa), 436, 437, 438, 439, 445, 447, 459

Texier, 413, 414

Tiflis, 2, 363

Thaddæus (Saint), 47

Theodosius, 118

—— (Imp.), 42

Thevenot, 263

Tomashatlu, 404

Tont, 245

Toomlu Kalaat, 69, 157

Toussoun Ali, 223

Toprak Kalesi, 77, 78, 128

Toros Chakrian, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92

Tott, de (Baron), 261

Trajan Decius (Imp.), 42

Trebizonde, 51, 52

Tripoli, 4, 6, 7, 14, 172, 240

Tyana, 237

Tyre, 4

Upton (Capt.), 473

Vienna, 43, 207

Vourla, 474

Waiwai, 127

Xanapa, 247

Yàghjiler, 377

Yaka Keui, 30

Yakoob Beg, 196, 324

Yalinuztcha, 342

Yaramish, 48

Yaramiz Chèshmé, 202, 203

Yatar Tash, 334

Yazdama, 411

Yelboughi, 405

Yemasoon, 290

Yeni Kischla, 364, 370, 371

Yerkooblü, 371, 372, 403, 407

Yout Dagh, 358, 417

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