CHAPTER XXVII

A LOOK INTO THE FUTURE

The following evening found Steve’s new acquaintance, true to his promise, seated at a table with our hero, partaking of a cup of tea and biscuits. After tea, Steve brought forth a box of his favourite Dutch cigars. The genial old Scotchman did not wait long to press Steve to continue their conversation of the night before, which seemed greatly to interest him. So, both being comfortably seated in a couple of easy-chairs, Steve proceeded to read the cutting of which he had spoken the night before, and we shall make no apology for reproducing it, as it will prove of interest to those readers who have heard of the _Uitlander_ grievances (?) but have never heard the other side of the matter.

As you will see, it is a letter written to the editor of the _London Daily Chronicle_ and taken over by the _Pretoria Press_. This is it:--

* * * * *

‘The following important and timely communication on Transvaal affairs has been addressed to the editor of the London _Daily Chronicle_ and appears in the leading journal under date the 1st inst: When the _Times_ in one and the same issue, that of the 27th inst., publishes among the telegrams that most remarkable letter from Mr Schreiner, late Attorney-General to the Cape Colony under Mr Rhodes, on the cause of the attempted rebellion at Johannesburg, and publishes under the head of “The Colonies,” the statement that it was “the intolerably bad administration of President Kruger’s Government,” I think it is the duty of those who know what they are writing about to set the public at rest as to what were and what were not the real causes.

‘For the _Times_ it should have been enough that the

FIRM AND ENTHUSIASTIC ADMIRER

and follower of Mr Cecil Rhodes, his trusted Attorney-General in two Administrations, distinctly and almost brutally, three weeks after the rebellion, when in possession of all the facts--facts which we shall know in all their detail in three weeks time--declares the rebellion to have been “due to a body of commercial speculators, the machinations of the Chartered Company, to a minute but powerful body of speculators in concert with financial plotters outside,” and much more to the same purpose. Mr Schreiner has nothing to say about the intolerably bad administration of President Kruger having been the cause, and he would not have been slow to put this reason forward if he in conscience could have done so. But

THE MANIFESTO OF MR CHARLES LEONARD

says so. Yes, and it is about the manifesto that I wish to set the public right once and for all; and my claim to write on this subject is not to be disputed, as the oldest continual resident at Johannesburg, from its very inception until six months ago, intimately conversant with men and with measures during the whole of that period. There is no doubt much to be blamed in the past and much to be improved in the future. I am not a defender of the Kruger _régime à outrance_; but the faults that have been committed and the omissions that are laid to its charge are the natural consequence of the rapid and

VIOLENT TRANSITION

from a State devoted to pastoral pursuits to the most intense mining and industrial pursuits, invaded by the plutocracy. But neither the faults nor the omissions are such as to have at any time, or in any country, justified even armed resistance.

‘Never was the like of such a manifesto put forward as a justification of rebellion, and the length of it--four closely-printed newspaper columns--is in itself its condemnation. If the leaders had a cause, the justice of which required such wordy explanations, they had no just cause to put before their followers. In the most serious charges, the misappropriation of Government moneys, we have terms like “it is stated,” “it is said,” “we hear,” “we believe,” and scandal which was

FORGOTTEN SEVEN YEARS AGO

is raked up to justify recent events.

‘The reasons brought forward in the lengthy manifesto can be conveniently divided under two heads--material ones; corruption, mal-administration, and the fiscal policy strangling the mining industry; and political: one is the government of the country by a small faction of Hollanders, the language grievance, the educational grievance, and the franchise grievance.

‘To begin with the first section. I cannot deny that the enormous temptations held out to some subordinate officials by men who, having in an incredibly short time acquired immense wealth, and who drowned every scruple in their desire to increase the same, have caused these men to fall; but from intimate knowledge I deny that corruption in the Transvaal

EXTENDS TO THE HIGHEST OFFICIALS

or to any appreciable number of officials. I ask, however, Mr Editor, whether the financial system which has brought corruption in its train into the Transvaal can be allowed in its turn to appeal to English sympathy and to put forward this corruption as a justification for placing the lives of thousands of peaceable men, women and children to the hazard of the sword? If Pretoria has been tempted, it is Johannesburg which has held out the tempting hand.

‘The next point is, that the Government by granting concessions and monopolies, and by its fiscal policy, is endeavouring to strangle the mining industry. Now, it is a fact, though perhaps a curious one, that most of these

CONCESSIONS HAVE BEEN GRANTED

to the Ecksteins, the Neumanns, and their friends; and that, although these interests have often been clever enough to obtain them ostensibly in some other name, they actually hold the largest interest in them, viz., the water and lighting concessions in Pretoria, the tram concession in Johannesburg, the cement, iron, National Bank and Mint concessions in Pretoria. These same interests advanced the Government a few years ago £50,000 for the object of purchasing Swaziland concessions. It was stipulated by them that these moneys should be repaid as soon as Swaziland was incorporated with the Transvaal, and that as a bonus they should receive the water, lighting, and tram concessions in all the principal towns in the Transvaal. The

DYNAMITE CONCESSIONS

is the next point of attack, and even in this they had a share. The statement is made, that this Government monopoly imposes upon the mining industry an intolerable burden, insomuch as the Government having the right to charge 90s. a case for dynamite, it can be supplied at 30s. I go into the figures of this business, because there is here a concrete case, from which your readers can judge for themselves the credibility of other statements in the manifesto. The Government does not charge 90s. but 85s. per case, and I cannot give a more convincing proof that it cannot be supplied at 30s., than the fact that the De Beers Company, a powerful financial and monopolistic company, where there is no charge incurred for storage, distribution _del credere_, etc., pays more than 60s. per case delivered in Kimberley.

‘Add to that price--Additional railage to Johannesburg, storage, distribution over an area of forty miles of reef and over a hundred companies, _del credere_ and collection commission, besides some import

DUES TO THE TRANSVAAL,

and it becomes clear what use has been made of the Government monopoly in powder and explosives for purposes of agitation. To give an even more graphic illustration. I extract from the last annual report of the Crown Reef Company (the only company in which the use of explosives is separately accounted for), the fact that out of a total working cost of 30s. 2⅜d. per ton, the actual cost of all explosives was 1s. 2½d. per ton; the unbearable burden justifying revolution!

‘Now, as to the other taxation said to strangle the mines. There is no country in which the personal taxes are lighter. I challenge anyone, be he the richest or poorest, to show me that he pays more than £5 per annum of personal taxes in the Transvaal. And as for direct taxes levied on the mines, I just extract from the

LAST ANNUAL REPORT

to hand the following:--

‘Crown Reef Gold Mining Company produced last year in gold £420,106, 19s. 6d., has distributed last year in profits £96,912, 2s. 5d., has paid to the Government for rents, licences, and all other rights and privileges last year £1191, 9s. 10d.

‘Robinson Gold Mining Company produced last year in gold £651,928, 5s. 3d., has distributed last year in profits £346,628, 12s. 6d., has paid to the Government for rents, rates, and licences £395, 11s. 8d.

‘New Chimes Gold Mining Company produced £93,013, 15s. 11d.; paid profits, £32,485, 16s. 3d.; paid rates and licences, lumped in the balance-sheet together with insurance premiums, £664, 16s. 5d.

‘The Transvaal Coal Trust produced 266,945 tons of coal last year; all Government taxation amounted to £53, 1s.

‘The Consolidated Land and Exploration Company, of which the Ecksteins are the largest holders, owns over 250 farms of about 6000 acres each; all the taxes, including absentee tax, amounted to £722, 2s. 6d. last year.

‘Now for the

INDIRECT TAXATION.

All machinery for mining purposes is subject to only 1½ per cent. import dues; the term machinery is stretched by the Government to its uttermost possibilities to meet the mining industry, and it is made to include f.i. sheet lead, cyanide, etc. All other articles not specially rated are subject to an _ad valorem_ duty of 7½ per cent., the Cape Colonists pay an _ad valorem_ duty of 12 per cent. Specially rated articles affecting the white miners, such as tea, coffee, butter, rice, soap, sugar, are in most cases subject to lower, and in no instance to higher, duties than in the Cape Colony, f.i.

CAPE COLONY. TRANSVAAL.

Butter, 3d. per lb. 5s. 0d. per 100 lb. Cheese, 3d. ” 5s. 0d. ” Coffee, 12s. 6d. per 100 lb. 2s. 6d. ” Rice, 3s. 6d. ” 1s. 6d. ” Soap, 4s. 2d. ” 5s. 0d. ” Sugar, 6s. 3d. ” 3s. 6d. ” Tea, 8d. per lb. 5s. 0d. ” Guns, £1 per barrel. 10s. 0d. per barrel.

‘The article maize,

THE PRINCIPAL FOOD

of the Kaffirs, pays in the Cape Colony 2s. per 100 lb., and in the Transvaal 2s. per 100. Periodically, through droughts, locusts, or other causes, prices for this commodity rise rapidly, often from 10s. 6d. to 26s. 6d. per bag, variations which are only slightly affected by the import duty. Nevertheless, the Government has in every instance of excessive prices abated the duty for the time being.

‘The only other tax affecting the mining industry is the Pass Money of 1s. per month per native; and the moneys resulting therefrom are handed by the Government to the Johannesburg Hospital, an excellent institution, exclusively established for the use of Johannesburg and its mines.

‘I think every reasonable mind will absolve the Government from the charge of endeavouring to strangle the mining industry.

‘And now as to

THE CHARGES CALLED POLITICAL,

Hollanders, I take it, are as much Uitlanders as is Mr Phillips or any other Englishman; they have this one advantage, that they speak the language of the country, while 95 out of every 100 English in the Transvaal decline to acquire it. But what are the facts? The President and all the members of the Executive are South African born, so is the Minister of Mines, so is the Treasurer-General, the Auditor-General, the Postmaster, the Surveyor-General, so is the Commandant-General, the Chief of Police; so was, until three months ago, the Attorney-General, so is the Mining Commissioner of Johannesburg, and so are all the Landdrosts (equal to your magistrates) throughout the country, with one exception only. Of the judges of the High Court two are South African born, two Hollanders, and one Scotch.

‘The only other official of high standing who comes from Holland is

THE STATE SECRETARY,

Dr Leyds, and that he is an extremely able and distinguished man his worst enemies will allow.

‘A census taken throughout the Civil Service has shown that eighty-three per cent. are South African born, and seventeen per cent. Uitlanders. Naturally, the latter are selected from those who can speak the language of the country.

‘Before I come to the other three grievances, I must set right the grossly exaggerated figures which are given in the English Press as affecting the population in the Transvaal.

‘Mr Rhodes, in his cabled letter to the New York _World_, gives them as 100,000 English against 14,000 Boers! Now the

ACTUAL FIGURES

from quite recent compilations are:--

Total inhabitants, 226,028

Of which Transvaal born, 150,308

And Uitlanders of all nationalities, 75,720 ------ Of these again are English, 41,275

And of all other nationalities, including those from Cape Colony and Natal, 34,445

‘These figures, which are correct, make the absurdity of the political claim clear, but more clear still if you deduct from the 75,720 Uitlanders the 60,000 who dwell at Johannesburg and its mining district; if you eliminate that one town from the total, you have the Boers numbering ten to one against the Uitlanders throughout the country. And would you have a country ruled in language, franchise and education by one mining town.

‘To prove the correctness of the above statement you have only to consider that there are on the

MILITARY REGISTER

over 25,000 Boers. Every one of them is married, and most of them have children, the average being over four children, which gives the 150,000 souls.

‘Of these fully two-thirds do not understand English. It is reasonable then to claim that the official language, that official documents, shall be the language spoken by two-thirds of the people, or do the women and children count for nothing? But although the official language by law is Dutch there is not a single Government office in which there is not English or German spoken to those who cannot speak Dutch. In the Courts in the witness-box the judges frequently shut their eyes to the use of the English language, and in the lower Courts English is invariably spoken by English litigants.

‘Also as to the education the manifesto makes gross misstatements. Though the State schools are, of course, Dutch, and the ordinary State-aided schools are Dutch, the

GOVERNMENT HAS ALWAYS AGREED

to give to all English schools exactly the same aid as to the latter, provided they will gradually, in the higher classes, introduce the State language, so that in the lowest classes only English is spoken, while in the highest class Dutch is to be the medium. The Germans in Johannesburg have and pay for their own school, the English claim to have their schools, in which, as Mr Lionel Phillips expressed it in his speech, Dutch may be taught, perhaps, if there was a “little time left,” maintained at Government expense.

‘And now to the last point, that of the franchise. That a _settled_ and _loyal_ population cannot for ever be refused a reasonable voting power I am the last to deny. But is the Johannesburg population settled and loyal? Can you wonder that the Boers have their grave doubts? Where are all the men from the Transvaal who have made their fortunes there? The Beits, Taylors, Neumann, Bailey, the English, Barnato, Dunnings, and all the others? Do they throw in their lot with the Transvaal? Not at all; they live in London; spend their money there, regard themselves as English, and do not want to be anything. The very same men who now

CLAMOUR WITH BAYONETS

fixed for the franchise, cover the addresses presented to the High Commissioner when he comes into the Transvaal with thousands of signatures as “Her Majesty’s most loyal subjects.” Can you wonder at the Boer if he cannot conceive the dual loyalty which claims to swear allegiance to the Transvaal without abandoning that to England?

‘Can you wonder if he points to the doings of 1896 as his justification for the refusal to grant the franchise indiscriminately, points to the men who have called in the enemy, the Chartered Company, into the country, and under the dastardly pretext, too, that the Boer was threatening to murder women and children, when the Boers were quietly at their farms, while Johannesburg had for the last six months been arming its thousands of men with smuggled rifles and guns?

‘Can you seriously

WONDER AT THE BOER,

who knows only one loyalty to his country, that of leaving wife and child, plough and land, aye, and his life, too, in the defence of the independence of his beloved land? And are these qualities held so cheap in this nineteenth century that stock-jobbers and adventurers and their legal advisers may safely sneer at them and find the approval of the great English nation? I trust not.

‘Is the decision of peace or war of continents to be left in these hands? is what I would like to know as

‘A TRANSVAAL UITLANDER OF TEN YEARS’ STANDING.’

‘_Jan. 31._’

After Steve had finished reading the extract, he sat looking at his guest thoughtfully for a moment, who seemed buried in thought. After a while, the visitor turned to his host and said,--

‘Are those facts given in that letter based on truth?’

‘Mainly so; the only fault is that he is too mild; he could put it much stronger in favour of the Government, without exaggeration.’

‘Humph, this is a different tale entirely from the one told in Leonard’s manifesto; and from what I have seen and learned here, I am inclined to believe this one in preference to the other one. But let us take it for granted that this one is correct, and leave the question of the past alone for a moment, I want you to look into the future for a few moments, and tell me what do you and your countrymen look forward to as the probable future of South Africa?’

‘There are various views held. There are those who wish for peace at any price, and who would be content to leave matters as they are, viz., to keep what we have, and let England keep what she has. But this will only last while England allows us to peacefully keep possession of our country. But, should England press us, these would join the other party without a moment’s hesitation.’

‘And what are the views of the other party?’

‘Well, it has never been defined. It is merely a leaven permeating the thoughts, words and deeds of the party. It is a strong patriotic feeling in the breast of every true and thoughtful Afrikander, a desire to build up a strong and united South African nation and a strong and united South Africa.’

‘And how do you propose to bring this desirable union to fruition?’

‘As far as I have been able to think it out, it can only come to pass in two ways.’

‘And those two ways are?’

‘Either to fight for it, or to get it peacefully. If we can get it peacefully, it would do England more good than harm. England must have seen that the universal desire of all South Africans of any merit, English or Dutch, are tending towards Republicanism. It is true that there has been a great deal of friction between English and Dutch in the past, but the events of this year have brought over nearly all of the English _South African born_ people of the colonies to the same view that has all along been held by the Dutch, viz., that the Imperial factor serves only to keep this friction alive, and that when South Africa is entirely free that this, race hatred will die out, and that, instead of having, as at present, an Imperial and a Republican party, we shall only have the more desirable Liberal and Conservative parties, both parties possessing Englishmen as well as Dutchmen amongst their members. As I have said, South African Englishmen have recognised this fact, and all thoughtful South African Englishmen are beginning to desire a Republican South Africa as much as the Dutch. Now, if England is wise enough to recognise this fact, and wise enough to act upon it in time, she has only one thing to do, viz., to call a meeting, or congress, of leading politicians from all the states and colonies of South Africa. And this is what she should propose:--

‘If I give up the whole of South Africa to you, to form an entirely independent South Africa, will you,

‘Firstly, give me the same commercial benefits I now enjoy?

‘Secondly.--Will you give my ships, commercial as well as ships of war, the same shelter and protection as well as the same coaling facilities in times of peace or war as now enjoyed by them?

‘Thirdly.--Will you enter in solemn treaty to be England’s friends in both peace and war?

‘Fourthly.--Will you guarantee that you shall never allow yourself to be annexed by any other power?

‘Fifthly.--Will you give me the most favoured nation treaty in all respects, which would amount to England enjoying the same benefits as now without any of the responsibilities or worries she now has, and what would South Africa reply to such a proposal?

‘They would be only too glad to obtain their independence and freedom while remaining at peace with and the friend of England, and they would accept with joy?’

‘But should England refuse to give the whole of South Africa their freedom on these or any other terms, what would then happen? Do you think that you would deliberately fight for it?’

‘Yes.’

‘Do you mean to say that the whole of, or any part of, South Africa would rise up against England and demand that she should vacate South Africa or--fight?’

‘No, these things do not happen in that way, as a rule. It will simply happen that one of these days, in the course of the petty persecutions against the two Dutch representatives, which is always going on to a greater or less extent, that the Republicans will put their foot down and refuse to accede to some unjust demand made on them by some Jingoistic British minister, the consequence of which would be a war, the end of which would be a united South African Republic, with or without foreign aid. Either that would happen, or--the utter extinction of the Boers.’

‘Do you think the last is at all likely to happen?’

‘If it is God’s will, _then_ it will, otherwise not?’

‘Quite true! but from a worldly point of view, what are the probabilities of the South Africans winning their independence?’

‘A Joshua will arise, who will unite the different races and peoples by a common sympathy. He will cause the two contending parties or races to trust him--he will form a link uniting the two together. Once united with a common desire of Freedom and Independence, and a leader worthy to be trusted by all, the battle will be more than half won. With the people of South Africa once united, they can resist any army that England may send against them. England’s power lies in her navy. The South Africans won’t go to seek her on the sea to fight her. They will simply wait for any and every army sent against them on land, and by various means, which comes to those fighting for liberty, will demolish those armies. They will simply keep out of the way of the ironclads when necessary, and keep on holding the land for years if need be, until out of sheer weariness England shall grant them peace. This is should they have no further aid than their own people. But should one or more European or American powers take up their cause, the end will be sooner and more easily obtained.’

‘Would you or your Government then call in European aid?’

‘I could not say what might or might not happen, but I do not think it improbable that aid might come unasked, and should we find ourselves hard pressed, we might find ourselves simply forced to accept foreign aid.’

‘And do you think there is really much chance of a Joshua fulfilling the Herculean task of uniting the various races of South Africa.’

‘It would not be such a Herculean task after all. The thing is almost half done; the events of this year have almost completed the task; it only wants the right man to complete it entirely. What we want is a man who would be trusted by all parties--a man who would do everything unselfishly, who would leave _self_ out of the question entirely, and whose only desire would be to advance the interest of _land_ and _people_.’

‘And do you think there is any probability of such a man being found?’

‘I have great hopes. The material for great and noble men is plentiful in South Africa. I believe when the want is felt for such a man by the people, the man will be found.’

‘I can see you have thought much on the subject. If you had the choice of the two means of obtaining your independence, which would you choose?’

‘I would certainly choose the peaceful one. For then the country would not receive the great check to progress which she would receive after such a terrible war, as would be the result in case we fought against England. Once we have obtained our independence by fighting for it, our prestige as a people would be far greater than when obtained by peaceful means. But besides the bloodshed and material losses after such a war, we should for many years have England for an enemy, and we would still have a small party of Jingoistic Imperialists in the country. While, should we obtain our independence peacefully, we would have England for a friend and the Imperialist in South Africa would not feel the bitter hatred against the Republicans as was the case when the Transvaal had obtained her independence after fighting for it. A hatred, the evil effects of which are felt to this day.’

‘Yes, you are quite right. I think, both for the sake of South Africa and England, it would be far better if the problem were solved peacefully. England would be no worse off than she now is if she were to give up the country on the terms proposed by you; while you would have the satisfaction of being independent. As to the race hatred felt after war, history has shown its evil effects--witness France and Germany.’

‘And I do not see why this peaceful solution should not be obtained. The only obstacle is the misrepresentation of South Africans by parties interested. And then we have people who declare that the Dutch in South Africa must be extinguished, politically, at least, at any sacrifice, even that of principle.’

‘Yes, I understand. You refer to the Jameson Raid and those concerned in it. But I hardly condemn the raiders as much as I do those who approved it, who should know better. I can tell you I feel ashamed of being a Britisher when I read, for instance, Alfred Austin’s poem. It is a shame that a man who implies such _want_ of principle should hold the position of Poet Laureate to the British Crown.’

Steve smiled and said,--

‘That reminds me that I have another extract which I would like to show you. It is a parody on Austin’s poem, published by the Orange Free State _Express_.’

‘I should like to see it?’

‘It ought to be read together, so if you will allow me, I will read you Austin’s poem first, and then the parody. Listen:--

‘JAMESON’S RIDE’

ALFRED AUSTIN

‘Wrong! Is it wrong? Well, may be: But I’m going, boys, all the same. Do they think me a Burgher’s baby, To be scared by a scolding name? They may argue, and prate, and order; Go, tell them to save their breath: Then, over the Transvaal border, And gallop for life or death!

‘Let lawyers and statesmen addle Their pates over points of law: If sound be our sword, and saddle, And gun-gear, who cares one straw? When men of our own blood pray us To ride to their kinsfolk’s aid, Not Heaven itself shall stay us From the rescue they call a raid.

‘“There are girls in the Gold Reef City, There are mothers and children too! And they cry, ‘Hurry up! for pity!’ So what can a brave man do? If even we win, they’ll blame us; If we fail, they will howl and hiss. But there’s many a man lives famous For daring a wrong like this!”

‘So we forded and galloped forward, As hard as our beasts could pelt, First eastward, then trending nor’ward, Right over the rolling veld; Till we came on the Burghers lying In a hollow with hills behind, And their bullets came hissing, flying Like hail on an Arctic wind!

‘Right sweet is the marksman’s rattle, And sweeter the cannon’s roar, But ’tis bitterly bad to battle, Beleaguered, and one to four. I can tell you, it wasn’t a trifle To swarm over Krugersdorp glen, As they plied us with round and rifle, And ploughed us, again--and again.

‘Then we made for the Gold Reef City, Retreating, but not in rout. They had called to us, “Quick! for pity!” And he said, “They will sally out.” They will hear us and come. “Who doubts it?” But how if they don’t, what then? Well, worry no more about it, “But fight to the death, like men.”

‘Not a soul had supped or slumbered Since the Borderland stream was cleft; But we fought, ever more outnumbered, Till we had not a cartridge left. We’re not very soft or tender, Or given to weep for woe, But it breaks one to have to s’render One’s sword to the strongest foe.

‘I suppose we were wrong, we were madmen, Still I think at the Judgment Day, When God sifts the good from the bad man, There’ll be something more to say. We were wrong, but we aren’t half sorry, And, as one of the baffled band, I would rather have had that foray Than the crushings of all the Rand.’

‘Now listen to the parody, here it is:--

JAMESON’S RAID

Wrong is it? Most wickedly wrong! That treacherous raid, some call _ride_, Of Jameson, Maxims, and rover throng; Though _noblemen_ rode by his side. They may argue, and hunt for excuses, To prove their intention was good, Common sense now it is that accuses And proclaims their intention was _loot_.

Let lawyers and statesmen ponder, To prove that their action was right; Van den Berg, MacDonald, Van Tonder, Lost their lives in the wantonest fight. When the jobbers wrote secretly, ‘help us’ ‘In our scramble for more and more gold,’ Jameson’s answer it ought to have been thus: ‘British honour I’m bound to uphold.’

There are babes in the Gold Reef City, There are boys and maidens and wives, And the cowards, that knew no pity, Imperilled those innocent lives. Had they done what their duty demanded, We would never have heard of the raid; Had but counsels of prudence commanded, Constitutional ways were their aid.

But Jameson’s band scampered forward, As hard as their horses could pelt, First eastward, then westward, then nor’ward, Meandering over the veld, Till the sons of the land they invaded With courage, the offspring of right, The usurpers with bullets persuaded They had to surrender or fight.

There was heard the dread Maxim’s rattle And thundering cannon’s loud roar, But Jameson found in this battle His match in the Transvaal Boer. I can tell you it wasn’t a trifle, That search for a hole to creep through While the Boers plied unerring the rifle, Taught the raiders to die or to do.

They made tracks for the Gold Reef City, Expecting their jobber friends out, But those cowards, whom brave men pity, Had noticed their plot ‘up the spout.’ They distinctly could hear the guns rattle, They could help. Did they ever try? No. They left their poor dupes to do battle, To be driven about, and to die.

The raiders had supped, drank and slumbered, And were fully prepared for the fray; They knew that they were not outnumbered, But their conscience caused them dismay. They’re not very considerate or tender, But their hearts sunk down to the boot, And they had to accept a surrender In lieu of gold, glory and loot.

I’m sure they were wrong--worse than madmen, And I think at the Judgment Day, When God sifts the good from the bad men, For themselves they’ll have little to say. They were wrong, but they are not sorry, They’ve caused innocent blood to flow, And the men who joined such a foray, Unrepentant, to Satan must go.

GERT DIKKOP.

Basterland, Feb. 1896.

After Steve had finished reading, the smiling and laughter-loving Scotchman burst into a hearty laugh.

‘Very good; very good indeed; ha, ha!’ he laughed. ‘I should like to see Austin’s face if he should read this; ha, ha! It certainly has the merit of _truth_ which Austin’s poem lacks.’

After some further conversation Steve’s guest left him, giving him a hearty invitation to dine with him the following day.