CHAPTER XXII

OUT OF EVIL CAME GREAT GOOD TO THE TRANSVAAL

Verily, never was the saying realised to a fuller extent, that ‘out of evil cometh good,’ than was the case with the Transvaal after the events of January 1896. On New Year’s Day Stephen Joubert thought that never was his country and people in greater peril than they then were. And even though he hoped and trusted that they would at least escape the extreme peril of national suppression and total loss of freedom, yet he dared hardly hope that this great evil would bring forth great good. He hardly hoped for the Transvaal to retain the full prestige and strength that she possessed before the crisis. How great must his joy now be, in common with his fellow-countrymen, to find his country’s power, prestige and good name doubled and trebled since New Year’s Day. First of all, he read with joy the cables announcing that his country possessed the sympathy and goodwill of all the nations of the civilised world. He saw that Germany, France and Russia, especially the former, were determined to see the Transvaal’s independence maintained. He saw that the German Emperor sent a cable of congratulation to President Kruger that left no doubt of his opinion. Indeed, his opinion was expressed so plainly that England feared German interference, and sent a flying squadron to Delagoa Bay, to prevent Germany from landing troops at that port to aid the Transvaal--_a fool’s errand_.

Transvaal never asked for German or any European aid!

After the Transvaal Government had foregone its just right of punishing Jameson and his men, and had most magnanimously given them up to the British Government to be punished according to British law, the Transvaal acquired a new (?) virtue in the opinion of the world. The enemies of the Boers had always described them to be of a savage and cruel nature. Now the world saw a practical demonstration of the fact that the Boers were Christians! Christians as well in deed as in name. For they had shown mercy to those who had refused mercy to them and theirs. But even this act of mercy was not recognised by the enemies of the Republic. Motives of policy were ascribed to this act by the Chartered Press. Not even all those who were the recipients of this mercy were grateful for the mercy received. One of them wrote to the papers that the President had no alternative but to spare their lives, as they had not surrendered unconditionally, but that their lives had been promised on the field of battle. We have already shown that their lives were only safeguarded until handed over to the Government in Pretoria, and that the Government would then decide as to their ultimate fate. But even if it were granted that their lives had been promised in full, their liberties were still in the hands of the Transvaal Government, and for that liberty, which they had forfeited, they might at least have shown some gratitude. But gratitude does not seem to be part of the constitution of filibusters, even when the filibusters are of good birth and position.

However, if all the prisoners were not grateful, and did not recognise the mercy shown, the world did. Even the Queen of England gave her subjects a lesson in gratitude by thanking President Kruger for the mercy shown to the prisoners. The South African Republic had taken another step higher in the estimation of the world.

Steve now saw his countrymen holding the happy reputation of being patriotic, brave, fearless and merciful. Soon he saw his Government slowly acquiring a greater reputation still--that of possessing great diplomatic skill. Mr Chamberlain is supposed to be one of the most skilful of statesmen and diplomatists, and yet it soon became apparent to the world that he had found his match in President Kruger. It was like a skilful game of cards. It is true that President Kruger possessed the better hand, but it is also true that he played his cards with marvellous skill and precision, while it cannot be denied that Mr Chamberlain weakened his hand considerably by several false moves.

Mr Chamberlain has one grand excuse for his want of success so far to outwit President Kruger, and that is that President Kruger is working in a just and holy cause, while Mr Chamberlain is trying to uphold an unjust cause. He is trying to paint the rotten sepulchre of a chartered company white, and to prevent the rottenness within from being exposed. He is trying to save from the storm a house built upon the sand; while the house President Kruger is shielding is built upon a rock, the Rock of Ages.

When the Governor of Natal congratulated the President upon the mercy he had shown his foes, the President replied that the South African Republic was governed upon Christian principles--and so it is, thank God.

We have shown that the world gave the Transvaal its due when it recognised the mercy shown to Jameson and his men. How much more did the world applaud the President when the territories of the Chartered Company, being ravished by a native rebellion, he offered to allow his Burghers to go and help Rhodesia in its moment of danger; verily that was heaping coals of living fire upon the heads of Rhodes and company, especially as many Burghers were eager and willing to go and assist, and did not go only because their offer was not accepted. We can hardly blame the High Commissioner for not accepting the Presidents offer, for it would hardly tend to uphold England’s vaunted supremacy in South Africa if the Boers had to succour British territory from the Matabele; but the people of Rhodesia suffered for the refusal, and is suffering still.

But even though his offer was refused, President Kruger moved his country a step higher in the world’s estimation. One would almost have thought that the Transvaal could have afforded to rest upon the laurels gained during the first few months of the year, but the greatest of all was yet to come. After Johannesburg’s surrender, the Reform Committee were arrested and arraigned for trial. The Government possessed such overwhelming evidences of guilt that the prisoners considered that there was nothing left for them but to plead _guilty_--the four leaders to ‘_High Treason_,’ and the rest to minor offences. The four leaders were sentenced to death by an impartial judge, specially sworn in, to ensure having a non-political and disinterested man upon the bench, and the rest were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment, £2000 fine, and three years’ banishment.

It is needless to enter into the world-wide interest taken in the trial and its results. It is needless to enter farther into the justice of the sentences. It is sufficient to state that all fair-minded men had to acknowledge that the sentence was deserved, and yet the day after sentence was pronounced, the Executive Council commuted the death sentences, followed later by giving all the prisoners their liberties after the various fines had been paid. Was ever such clemency shown by human government? Would such mercy have been shown by any other government for such offences? We doubt it.

We regret to say that even after this, the enemies of the Transvaal did not cease even yet to attempt doing it harm. But the Transvaal can afford to treat these--as a mastiff treats the barkings of curs--with contempt. It is sufficient that the Transvaal has seized its opportunity, and by the blessing of God has turned the evil intended her, into good.

The world has heard President Kruger’s reply to the deputation of mayors from all South Africa. When the deputation came to thank the President for the magnanimity shown to the prisoners, he replied by laying his hand on a Bible and saying,--

‘I recognise no rule or law for my deeds and works but what is contained in this book.’

The world now knows the policy of the Transvaal--England knows it, let her respect it.

It is no wonder that Mr Stead, the bitter enemy of the Transvaal, and the friend of Rhodes and his company, has to acknowledge that President Kruger had diplomatically scored against his enemies every time. It could not be otherwise. For not only, as we have shown, was the cause of the Transvaal just, but President Kruger had received his first lessons in diplomacy from English statesmen, and had learned to be careful how he exposed his policy when dealing with English diplomats. It must be remembered that Mr Kruger was already vice-president of the Transvaal when English statesmen unjustly annexed the country. Mr Kruger was also a member of the triumvirate who allowed themselves to be duped into a peace in 1881 (after having been victorious in every battle), by which England retained the suzerainty of the Transvaal, which was only got rid of in the London Convention of 1884. No wonder if President Kruger refused to accept an unconditional invitation to visit England to confer with Mr Chamberlain on matters which only concerned the internal government of the Transvaal. Once caught, twice shy! President Kruger already saw the cloven foot of the 1881 Convention reappear, when Mr Chamberlain advised him to weaken his Government by giving Home Rule to Johannesburg; and when this failed, to offer to safeguard the South African Republic from all attacks against its independence from British or foreign territory on certain conditions, viz., on the franchise being given to all Uitlanders. We have already seen the President’s reply to the Home Rule scheme. To the offer of England’s promised safeguard on condition that the Uitlanders were given the franchise, the President replied that ‘the Transvaal was already safeguarded against attack from British territory by international law. And as regards safeguarding the Republic against other foreign powers, the Transvaal had never asked to be thus safeguarded’--Scored again! It would require volumes to detail all the events of the invasion of the Republic, or the results of the crisis of 1896, or the various good results of the Government’s wise policy of firmness, combined with gentleness and mercy. Yet we cannot end this chapter without referring to the greatest good of all that came to South Africa out of the intended evil. We refer to the great _Spirit of Unity_ that came to the Afrikander nation of South Africa. Never was such glorious unity of purpose, of opinion and feeling, seen in South Africa. From the Cape to the Zambesi the holy spirit of patriotism and unity was awakened and displayed in beautiful colours of fellow feeling and love of country and people. Never was truer word spoken than when a man of position exclaimed in Pretoria, on receipt of the news of Jameson’s defeat: ‘To-day the nation of South Africa is reborn.’ Afrikander national feeling was reborn indeed, never to die again. The most bitter political opponents of President Kruger in the country became his most staunch supporters. All party feelings were forgotten and forgiven. All territorial or trade jealousies between states and colonies were cast aside. One cry of shame went up against the plotters from town to town, from state to state, from colony to colony. And the people of South Africa became as one man.

It cannot be denied that there were certain Imperial Jingoes who belonged to the same faction as the plotters, and who sided with the filibusters and rebels. But these were in the small minority, and are hardly to be recognised, except where they showed forth in their true colours, as when they hooted their own governor in Maritzburg for having upheld his country’s honour when in Pretoria, and expressed his regret to President Kruger that Englishmen should have acted in such a dishonourable way. Or again, when a party of young roughs in the Cape Colony seized upon a single unarmed young Burgher, because he defended his adopted country, and tarred and feathered him. Such methods of expressing their feelings and opinions only served to prove the badness of their cause. But on the other hand, we have the great proof of sympathy and goodwill expressed to the Transvaal by all its most peaceful and honourable men. Even in Johannesburg most men of South African birth, of Dutch or English parentage, supported the Government. And in Pretoria and other towns, the Government received the unqualified support and sympathy of nearly every citizen of respectability, Burgher or not.

Then again we have the practical proof of sympathy shown by the Free State! Without a moment’s delay the Free State called up her Burghers, and marched them up to the Transvaal borders, ready to assist her sister Republic in case of need. Every Free Stater was as ready as any Transvaaler to risk his life to uphold Republicanism in South Africa. Then again we have the warm sympathy expressed for the Transvaal at public meetings at such places as Graaff Reinet, and the Paarl in the Cape Colony. Sympathy which was ready to take practical form at any moment if needed. Then we must not forget to mention that Steve was agreeably disappointed in Mr Hofmeyr, the leader of the Afrikander party in the Cape Colony. He, with many others, had seen with regret Mr Hofmeyr assisting Mr Rhodes to undermine the aspirations of the Republic towards northern and western expansion. But now it was seen that Mr Hofmeyr, in common with many others, had only been deceived and infatuated by Rhodes. Therefore Steve, in common with all Afrikanders, was pleased when Mr Hofmeyr expressed such warm sympathy with the Transvaal, both before and after the crisis was decided. Truly times of adversity bring to light who are friends and who are foes. The trouble of the Transvaal during the first half of the year not only showed the world her true strength, the true feelings of the Burghers, the patriotism, love of liberty, the bravery and magnanimity of the Afrikander race, but it also exploded a long existing idea, viz., that the Boers are a half-savage, bloodthirsty, and cruel race. For it was seen that when sentence of death was impartially, legally, and rightfully passed on the enemies of the country and liberties of its people, they, the Burghers, were the first to petition their Government to be merciful.