CHAPTER IX.

WHEN ROGUES FALL OUT----.

THE REACTION--THE KING'S WILL--KOLLER-BANNER--RANTZAU'S DISMISSAL--PRINCE CHARLES OF HESSE--COURT INTRIGUES--EICKSTEDT'S CAREER--BERINGSKJOLD'S CAREER AND DEATH--VON DER OSTEN--THE GULDBERG MINISTRY--THE PRINCE REGENT--THE COUP D'ETAT--UNCLE AND NEPHEW--FATE OF GULDBERG--DEATH OF JULIANA MARIA.

With Struensee fell all his reforms, and "the good old times" returned in full force.

The detested cabinet minister had scarce been thrown into prison ere the new holders of power hastened to overthrow all the creations of the fallen man. As if anxious to give the country and all the persons watching their movements a proof of their care for the general welfare, they began by establishing justice on its old basis, and restored the Commission of Inquiry, who were allowed by the criminal code to extort confessions from prisoners with the lash. This care for the due administration of justice was soon followed to the satisfaction of the pietists and the orthodox clergy by the reintroduction of public penance for sexual sins, so that the plebs very soon enjoyed once more the edifying spectacle of hot-blooded sinners, male and female, being insulted by bigoted priests in temples devoted to the adoration of the Almighty. Still, they did not dare to abolish the court and city court established by Struensee, because the recognition of this benefit was universal. In the same way, a decided error on Struensee's part, and which, it might be assumed, the reaction would at once reform--the lottery, that plague-spot of the poorer classes--was allowed to exist, of course, because it caused a deal of money to flow into the treasury "of the dearly-beloved king who so dearly loved his nation," and cash was pressingly needed to satisfy the claims of the friends of the new government.

The spirit of the usurping party and its adherents was even more plainly shown by the restoration of serfdom, so that the holders of estates could treat their vassals as they pleased. The general dissatisfaction aroused by this measure among the poor servile peasants is depicted by Suhm, who once took the field so zealously against Struensee's "godless rule," in an anecdote from Jütland.

"Professor John Egede," so Suhm tells us, "saw a man in ragged clothes working in a field with some half-naked children to help him, a few years after Struensee's fall. 'Will not the extra tax be soon removed?' he asked the passing professor. The latter replied that he did not know. 'Oh! yes, I can quite believe that,' the peasant retorted, 'for you don't think about things of that sort in Copenhagen. That was a worthy man who gave us the regulations by which the _corvées_ were settled. But that was the very reason, I fancy, why they cut his head off. The new regulation is only made to torment us poor peasants till we cannot stand it any longer.'"

It is notorious that serfdom was not abolished until the regency of the Crown Prince Frederick. Under his long reign, which lasted from 1784 to 1839, nearly all Struensee's reforms, to which a more enlightened age did ample justice, and which had obtained general recognition through the ideas diffused by the French Revolution, were recalled to life. The task was completed, greatly to his credit, by Christian VIII., the grandson of Juliana Maria.

All that remains for us now to do, is to show by what means the new faction sought to secure its position, and how at last Nemesis revenged herself on the principal conspirators.

The usurpers did not consider themselves fully secured by having declared the king's sole signature invalid, but they wished to make themselves safe in the event of the weak king dying before the prince royal attained his majority. For this object, they persuaded the king, after the queen's matter had been amicably arranged with the English court, to sign a will, a copy of which was handed to the colleges and courts, with orders that the document was only to be opened after the king's death, in case it took place during the crown prince's minority. As the presumed event did not occur, however, the contents of the privy regulation have remained a secret. It was generally supposed that the king's testament contained an order that Queen Caroline Matilda should be excluded from the guardianship of her son, and that the Hereditary Prince Frederick should be appointed regent. Other suppositions hinted at still more important regulations as to the successor, but it can hardly be believed that the king, however imbecile he might be, would have signed such a document.

A desire to prevent a possible surprise was certainly the motive for the decree that for the future foreign envoys would only be admitted to an audience with the king in the presence of the council of state; and yet such a custom had been regarded as high treason on the part of Struensee.

The union among the conspirators, however, only lasted a short time after the revolution had been carried out, and this was specially evident among the military members. Generals Rantzau-Ascheberg and Eickstedt stood at the head of two opposite parties.

Rantzau-Ascheberg, Köller-Banner, and Von der Osten, formed a triumvirate dangerous to their opponents. As chief aide-de-camp, Köller-Banner received apartments in Frederiksberg Palace, where the court resided in the summer of 1772. Hence Rantzau also procured rooms in the palace; but, as the number of doors and windows annoyed him, he hired lodgings in the village adjoining the palace, and Von der Osten removed to the same spot, so that the three friends were close neighbours. Rantzau also supported in the Generalty College all the propositions that emanated from Köller, while he said simultaneously to Eickstedt, who hated Köller:

"Do not suppose that I have any serious understanding with Banner. Certainly not. I only pretend to be his partisan, in order that the Pomeranian may burn his fingers in the candle."

Von der Osten displayed equal dissimulation in the council of state, where he supported and praised everything proposed by Schack Rathlau, while in secret calumniating him to the best of his ability.

The other conspirators, consequently, began to entertain doubts about their three ambitious and intriguing colleagues, and apprehended that they might even meditate evil designs against the queen dowager and her son. Suddenly it was announced that Rantzau-Ascheberg, at his own request, had been relieved of all his offices, and retired on a pension of 8,000 dollars; and it was generally believed that Russia and Prussia had insisted on his removal. There may be some truth in this, as the Empress Catharine had just ratified the Holstein exchange, and naturally expected something in return. In the highest circles, however, all were glad at being freed from this dangerous man. Suhm, however, tells us, that the decisive cause of Rantzau's dismissal was, that he said about a letter written by the hereditary prince to Guldberg, "Yes, it can be recognised by the style! But was not Struensee's head cut off for the same thing?" Immediately after his retirement from active service, Rantzau quitted Copenhagen, and went to his Holstein estates; but, on October 16, the restless traitor proceeded to Kragsberg, near Odense, in Fühnen, but whether with reactionary purposes remained an enigma. In Copenhagen the return of the dangerous man occasioned such alarm among his former confederates, that, on November 6, Major von Harboe suddenly handed him a royal order to quit the island immediately. Under the major's escort he returned to Ascheberg, and directly after went, _viâ_ Hamburg, to Frankfort, where he cashed a draft of 24,000 florins in the assumed name of Juel. He left Frankfort again as quietly as he had arrived there, and proceeded to the south of France, where he took up his temporary abode at Orange, probably in obedience to royal commands. Afterwards he removed to Avignon, where he spent the rest of his days, and died there, in 1789, in his seventy-second year, without having once revisited his country.

So soon as some order had been introduced in the course of business, Köller-Banner, as representative of the infantry, produced in the War College projects for the tactical remodelling of the battalions, which, however, Eickstedt considered too expensive, and sought to prevent. Köller-Banner's plans were on the point of failing, when, in the eleventh hour, the government altered their mind, and temporarily assented to his plans. Eickstedt felt so insulted by this, that he forwarded a letter to the hereditary prince, in which he requested his discharge, and added, that he desired no pension. Guldberg naturally undertook to answer this request of one of the principal conspirators, and did it in his unctuous way, by recalling to the petitioner's mind the Glorious 17th of January, and reminding him of the necessity of all the sharers in it hanging together. Eickstedt replied to this in his usual coarse way, that he was sick and tired of constantly listening to the old chatter of January 17. The object of that day had been to secure the king's person, maintain the honour of the royal house, and promote the welfare of the country. But, if that object could not be attained, it would have been better had the events of January 17 never taken place. Such dangerous expressions from a powerful member of the conspiracy induced the hereditary prince himself to undertake satisfying the dissatisfied man; and he declared to the petitioner in writing that the aid of so active and far-sighted a man could not be dispensed with in the projected reforms, and hence his resignation could not be accepted.

Although Eickstedt had not succeeded in overthrowing Köller-Banner, another man completely effected it.

Directly after the revolution, Queen Juliana Maria invited to Copenhagen Prince Charles of Hesse and his wife, but the death of one of their children prevented the princely couple from reaching the capital until October, at the time when the menacing measures of Gustavus III., for the conquest of Norway, had aroused great terror among the incapable members of the government, and caused the nomination of Prince Charles as generalissimo in Norway. Immediately on his arrival the latter was received by the queen; and, after a conversation about the dangers with which Norway was menaced, was requested to examine Köller-Banner's propositions; but, at the same time, was also warned by the crafty queen against this dangerous man and Von der Osten. By the prince's advice, a committee was appointed, under the presidency of the hereditary prince, to investigate Köller-Banner's reforms: the other members being Prince Charles, and Generals von Hauch and von Hobe, while the ministers also took part in the discussions. This committee rejected nearly all Banner's propositions, at which the latter was so offended, that he not only forgot all the respect due to the king's brother-in-law, but publicly declared that Frederick II. of Prussia would erect a statue to him for reforms and ideas like his. When the authorities also learned that Köller-Banner, wrapped in his cloak, paid nocturnal visits to the French and Swedish envoys, his dismissal from his former posts, and his appointment as governor of the fortress of Rendsburg, ensued, while the Prince of Brunswick-Bevern was gazetted as commandant of the capital. Still the hero of January 17 retained his full pay of 4,400 dollars, in order not to offend him too greatly.[60]

Although the general might now be reckoned among the exiles, he had not fallen into utter disgrace, for Juliana Maria afterwards took him under her protection, and tried to keep him, for the purpose of intimidating the violent ministerial opposition. For in July, 1774, he unexpectedly received an invitation from her to come at once to Fredensborg, where the court was residing at the time; but when the ministers heard of this, they were penetrated with fear, and induced the War College to intimate to the general that he was to remain at his post in Rendsburg, and send an apology to the queen. Although Banner found himself compelled to obey on this occasion, on receiving soon after another request from the queen to come across, he informed her that he would accede to her wishes, and appeared at Fredensborg in the beginning of August. As, however, he was a thorn in the eye of the ministers, he soon began quarrelling with them, the result of which was, that he was commanded by the Generalty, who would not listen to his plans and complaints, to return to his post. This induced him to send in his resignation; but it was not accepted. Hence he imagined himself indispensable, and took a step by which he hoped to overthrow his opponents in the War College. He sent into the privy council a rambling plan for a thorough reconstruction of the army; but as Eickstedt had anticipated him, and handed in a similar project, Banner's was sent back to him unheeded. Infuriated at this, he again forwarded his resignation, and dated his request on the eventful day, January 17th, 1775; but this artful trick did not avail him.

On January 23rd, a royal cabinet letter was sent to the Generalty, to the effect that the king, in consideration of the proofs of fidelity, zeal, and devotedness, which Lieut.-General von Köller-Banner had furnished, felt himself induced to assent to his petition of January 17th in all points. He would, however, retain his former pay of 4,400 dollars, of which, 2,600 had been granted him for his meritorious services on January 17th, 1772. Furthermore, he would still remain in the king's service, and be always ready to act as a Danish general whenever the king thought proper, and as befitted a lieutenant-general; at the same time, he was permitted to visit other armies, and take part in foreign campaigns.

Köller-Banner, after this, left the country and went to Vienna and the Austrian army, but returned at the beginning of 1777 to Copenhagen, where he was again most graciously received by the old queen. Soon afterwards, however, he was mixed up in a scandalous affair with the magistracy about a child an actress had given birth to. The excitement caused by this was so general, that he received his full discharge from the military service. But the protection which the hero of January 17th still enjoyed was so great, that his 4,400 dollars were left him as a life pension.

When Köller went to take leave of his powerful patroness, Queen Juliana Maria, he requested, as a last proof of her favour, that she should inform him who it really was who had calumniated him so greatly to her and the hereditary prince, and promised, at the same time, to make no use of the information. The queen then acknowledged to him that it was Admiral von Kaas.

"Is it possible!" Köller-Banner exclaimed, in the utmost surprise. "That is the greatest insult that could be offered me! The unworthy wretch--a man who has dishonoured the Danish flag--a man whose wickedness is only comparable with his stupidity--has been able to overthrow a faithful and zealous servant of the royal house by his calumnies! I never could have believed that my hostile destiny would prepare such a humiliation for me."

Köller-Banner returned to his native land of Pomerania, but could not stand it long there, and selected as his last residence the very city where Struensee's memory was honoured. In this city, Altona, the conspirator died in 1811, utterly forgotten, and avoided and detested by everybody.

The Pomeranian knight of the Dannebrog, Hans Henry von Eickstedt, held his ground the longest. In 1773, this utterly ignorant soldier was entrusted with the supervision of the education of the crown prince by a royal letter, which was at the same time a grand panegyric of the nominee. The king, we read in it, had appointed him chief governor of his beloved son, because he could trust to the general's faithful devotedness, Danish heart, and judicious care. But this selection was so bad a one, that the excellent son of Caroline Matilda frequently complained loudly in his maturer years that he had been purposely kept from learning anything. It was the design of the queen and Guldberg to keep the crown prince a minor as long as possible, and the best means for this unscrupulous object were certainly to allow the heir to the throne to grow up in ignorance, to imbue him with an immoderate preference for everything Danish, and to divert his inclinations to unimportant state-matters, such as playing at soldiers. Although the two leaders of the conspiracy succeeded in this treacherous design, the country yet had the consolation and satisfaction that King Frederick VI. inherited the clear natural intellect of his unfortunate mother, and thus made up for his deficiency of knowledge, even though his neglected education entailed other consequences.

In November, 1783, Eickstedt was given the order of the Elephant; and when, in 1784, the education of the crown prince was said to be finished, he was appointed his first chamberlain; but on the very next day after the crown prince attained the government as regent, Eickstedt received from his royal pupil his dismissal as member of the privy council and commandant of the Horse Guards, with a pension of 5,000 dollars, which was some time after raised to 7,000. This terrible fall so greatly insulted the arrogant chamberlain, that he at once left the court and retired to his estate of Boltinggaard, in the island of Fühnen, where he died in the year 1801, in seclusion, and forgotten by the world.

Beringskjold could not endure the loss of his chamberlain's dignity and his banishment to the island of Möen, which I have already described, for it was asking this ambitious man to resign half his life. Hence he left the island secretly a little while after, and went to Sweden. What he undertook there remains a mystery; but it is known that he ordered his wife during his absence to send in a petition for his pardon, and compensation for the losses he had sustained by being deprived of his domain of Nygaard. As no resolution to this effect was issued, he, in the following year, requested, through the same intercessor, pardon and permission to return to his native land. This request had a better result, for he was not only allowed to return to Möen, but the chamberlain's key was also restored him. He received a letter from the king himself, in which his disobedience was graciously forgiven, and he was requested to remain quietly in Möen, or, if he preferred it, somewhere in Jütland, Fühnen, or the duchies, and there enjoy his guaranteed pension of 2,000 dollars. At the same time, however, he was prohibited from travelling again to Sweden, or carrying on a secret correspondence with that country, or leaving Denmark at all; and for his own good he was recommended not to show himself at Copenhagen, or any place where the court was residing. This indulgence toward the accomplices of 1772 was further shown in the fact that, in 1780, Beringskjold's son, who was a page of the bed-chamber, was appointed a conferenz-rath, and the other, who was a captain, a chamberlain. But all this but little satisfied the restless father. He next asked leave to reside at least in the same island where the court was; and when this was granted him, he bought, in a mysterious way, three considerable estates, situate in the southern part of Seeland: Rönnebeksholm, Sparresholm, and Sortebrödre, and selected the first as his residence. When the court was staying at Fredensborg in the summer, he went repeatedly to Elsinore, which was only ten miles from the palace, and thence sent letter after letter, first to one, then to the other of the persons belonging to the king's immediate _entourage_, in order to obtain further favours; but all these efforts proved unsuccessful.

When Beringskjold saw himself thus passed over, he formed a plan for overthrowing the government, and laid his treacherous scheme before a near relative of the royal family; but one of his own sons, the chamberlain, betrayed his father's designs.

On June 4, 1781, a royal cabinet order was sent to Bailiff von Bielcke, Bürgomaster Wulf, and Regimental Quartermaster Schiött, all of Nestved, to seize Chamberlain von Beringskjold, on whom a strong suspicion rested of carrying on a very treasonable correspondence, and sequestrate his papers. These gentlemen enticed the chamberlain, by a business pretext, to the town, read him the king's order, and the bürgomaster at once conveyed him under escort to Copenhagen, where he was handed over to the commandant of the citadel, who locked him up, and informed him that a dollar a day was allowed for his maintenance. In the meanwhile, the two other commissioners went to the prisoner's estate, packed up all the papers they found there in a trunk, sealed it up, and the quartermaster immediately started with it for Fredensborg, where the court was residing at the time. Simultaneously with the order of arrest, the postmasters of Nestved and Ringstedt received instructions, during the next eight days, to stop all letters addressed to Rönnebeksholm, and send them to the royal cabinet. A similar order was sent to Bürgomaster thor Straten and the postmaster of Flensburg, concerning all letters arriving for, or despatched by, a certain Comptroller Wildgaard.

On June 9, Bailiff von Bielcke and his fellow-commissioners were instructed to restore to Frau von Beringskjold all the papers not retained from the trunk which had been examined at Fredensborg, and to give her and her sons, in the king's name, the assurance of his Majesty's lasting favour. Frau von Beringskjold was allowed to remain on her estate, and was only advised, in all future affairs, to consult with her son, Conferenz-rath von Beringskjold.

After a survey of the sequestrated papers had proved the "continued bad designs of this man"--such were the royal words about Beringskjold--a commission of inquiry was appointed on November 13, 1781. In order that this affair which, owing to its nature, demanded the greatest secrecy, should be discussed with all due justice, the king selected those men as judges of whose insight and integrity he and the whole country were convinced, namely, the Justiciary of the Supreme Court, Privy Councillor of Conferences von Rosenörn, the Director and Attorney-General of the General Chancery, Privy Councillor Carstens, the Minister of Finances, Privy Councillor von Stemann, and the Professor of Law, Etats-rath Colbjörnsen.

The commissioners were ordered to assemble, after giving a solemn pledge of secrecy, and, in accordance with the royal instructions, form an opinion, from the papers laid before them, whether Chamberlain von Beringskjold had not proved himself one of those restless subjects who ought to spend the rest of their lives in imprisonment.

The choice of the commission in itself proved what weight was attached to Beringskjold's detected conspiracy. It was a peculiar circumstance, too, that secret instructions were given to the Hamburg post-office, which led to the tolerably correct supposition, that the person related to the royal house was no other than the king's brother-in-law. As early as 1773, Juliana Maria had felt alarm about Christian VII.'s sister, and was very glad at that time that the latter consented to accompany her husband, when appointed generalissimo of Norway, to that distant country.[61] At the period when the conspiracy was detected, Prince Charles was a highly esteemed volunteer in the Prussian army, so that he must naturally have been consulted by letters which must go _viâ_ Flensburg, after passing through Schleswig and Louisenlund. The result of the investigation was, however, carefully kept private, and it is, up to the present day, one of the state secrets of the Danish archives.

In the Beringskjold affair, a great number of witnesses was examined who had been connected with the prisoner of state, and even persons who had dined with him were asked what their host had said about the government at dinner. After the witnesses had all been examined, the prisoner's turn arrived, and his crimes, among which a conspiracy against the government was the chief, were brought before him, and he learned for the first time that his own son had denounced him. Beringskjold handed in his counter-declaration, and requested, during the trial, the assistance of Advocate Colbjörnsen, brother of the commissioner.

Finally, when all the regulations of the law, so far as the peculiar nature of the affair allowed it, had been exhausted in the examination, the commission sent in, on December 31, 1781, their opinion upon the point laid before them by the king, which was to the effect, that Chamberlain von Beringskjold was proved to be a restless man, and dangerous to the general welfare and public order, and, as such, ought to be imprisoned for life under a strict guard, according to the law.

When the king was on the point of confirming the sentence or opinion of the commissioners, but at the same time of granting the accused a considerable sum for his maintenance, the discovery was made that the prisoner, in spite of his strict arrest, had carried on a secret correspondence, and undertaken "another attempt at his old wickedness." After such "mad disobedience of all royal orders,"--so says the royal re-script of February 20, 1782,--all the proofs against the prisoner were to be gathered, and laid before the commission for a final judicial sentence.

On March 3, the sentence of the commissioners was made known, which decreed the highest criminal penalty against Chamberlain von Beringskjold, that is, like Struensee and Brandt, loss of honour, life, and property.

The king resolved on this that Beringskjold, although he had added more than one offence to his original crimes, should be spared the extreme penalty, but as a dangerous criminal remain in secure arrest; be degraded from his dignity as chamberlain; and be told that, on the slightest attempt to renew his designs, he would suffer death. This penalty, however, was in no way intended to degrade or humiliate his innocent wife or her sons.

On April 9, the convict was informed of the royal pardon, and the chamberlain's key taken from him for the second time. He was left in the citadel under arrest, but no one was allowed access to him but Dean Thybring. For all that, early in May he found means to write a letter to his wife, which really reached its destination. In this letter he complains of the "incredible godless treatment he had endured;" dropped hints about the charges brought against him; and gave instructions for further correspondence; stating, in conclusion, that he had already written twice, for which purpose paper and pens were given him by special orders of the commandant.

When Frau von Beringskjold received this letter, she was so affected by its contents, that she was attacked by a mortal disease. In her dying moments, however, she handed the letter to Quartermaster Schiött, who at once forwarded a copy to Eickstedt, and shortly after, by the general's orders, the original to Guldberg.

Beringskjold was now removed to Munkholm, where he took the place of Falckenskjold, who had been overthrown by his machinations, and was kept in the strictest arrest in the rock fortress. When, two years later, the government passed into other hands, Beringskjold fancied that the hour of his deliverance had arrived. He therefore hastened to send a petition to Copenhagen, in which he requested a revision of his trial, but naturally gained no hearing from the son of Caroline Matilda. However, the gentle young prince allowed the originator of the conspiracy of 1772 to walk about the fortress and pay visits, and his sons were ordered to give him a portion of what they had inherited from their mother.

A few years later, Beringskjold obtained his removal to the fortress of Bergenhuus, where he remained as a prisoner till 1795, but lived in incessant contention with the commandant, Major-General de Mothe, and the officers. In the last-named year he obtained the regent's permission to end his days in the unfortified town of Stavanger, in Southern Norway, where he was placed under the supervision of the bailiff. He lived here eight years, and died in 1803, at the great age of upwards of eighty years.

Count von der Osten, who became minister of foreign affairs through the palace revolution of 1772, did not occupy his post long, but was banished to Jütland in 1774, when, on the recommendation of Landgrave Charles, Count Bernstorff's nephew, the afterwards so celebrated Peter Andreas Bernstorff, was summoned to Denmark, and the foreign affairs were entrusted to him. A few years after, however, Von der Osten was recalled from his bailiff's post in Aalborg, and appointed president of the Supreme Court; a little later, chief president of Copenhagen; and, shortly before the downfall of the usurping government, was decorated with the order of the Elephant. This participator in the conspiracy also attained an age of upwards of eighty years, and died in 1797.

All that is left now is to describe the fate of the fifth principal conspirator and actual manager of the palace revolution, Cabinet Secretary Guldberg, after whom the misgovernment, from January 17, 1772, to April 14, 1784, has been called the Guldberg Ministry.

Always keeping behind the scenes so long as he had any one to fear who might contend with him for the supreme power, Guldberg accepted no seat in the privy council established immediately after Struensee's fall, but temporarily contented himself with his position as cabinet secretary to the hereditary prince and intimate adviser of the queen dowager, though he at the same time decided everything. But when the younger Bernstorff undertook the foreign ministry in 1774, and Guldberg was alarmed at the influence of this respected man, he effected his own appointment to the hitherto vacant post of privy cabinet secretary to the king, which ensued on the birthday of the hereditary prince. In this way, the cabinet government, which had been charged as the highest crime against Struensee, was re-established, and Guldberg granted official interference in all higher affairs of state. External dignities speedily followed; for the king, in 1777, raised him to the Danish nobility, with precedence from January 29, 1773, the king's birthday, and granted him the name of Höegh-Guldberg. In his new post of honour, he very soon made Bernstorff tired of his ministerial functions;[62] so that the latter sent in his resignation in 1780, and it was accepted. Immediately after, Höegh-Guldberg was appointed a privy councillor, and it was at the same time published that the king had also selected him as a member of the privy council of state.

After three years' working in the dark, the cabinet secretary, who occupied Struensee's post, had thus acquired the governmental authority. The revolution was ostensibly undertaken with the object of bringing the sovereign power again into the hands of the king alone; but as the mental condition of Christian VII. did not permit this, Queen Juliana Maria assumed Struensee's part, though only indirectly, and through the medium of her other self, Guldberg, as her sex did not permit her to preside in person over the council of state. For the hereditary prince, who held this presidency, was regarded in public as a mere puppet, and, according to the testimony of an eye-witness, valet Franz Goos, passed most of the sessions in sleeping. Höegh-Guldberg, however, did not carry on so aristocratic a rule as Struensee, but cleverly left the current affairs of the administration to the several colleges. But the higher affairs of state were entrusted entirely to his guidance.

Advancing gently, he contrived, by his defence of the principle of nationality, to acquire some degree of respect among his countrymen, and in this way concealed his utter want of statesman-like talent. In this respect the introduction of what is called the Indigenate law of January 15, 1776, remains a lasting merit of his, for he was the concipient and proposer of this law, even though he asked the advice of the two learned brothers Colbjörnsen. By virtue of this law only natives could henceforth hold office, though the king could naturalise deserving foreigners. The motive for the law was so attractive as to gain its concipient great praise. Justice demanded, the introduction said, that natives should eat the bread of the country. The experience of all ages had proved that in countries where the education of youth was attended to, there was never any lack of useful people, if the regent sought them. In this respect, the history of the country might be referred to with pleasure, which could display men of all classes who had served the country, maintained and saved its honour, and, with noble courage, sacrificed themselves for their kings.

The consequences of this regulation led to a perfect Danish administration in both kingdoms, so that every failing Struensee had committed in this respect was removed. If this was just, however, it did not compensate for the errors which constantly brought the state nearer to ruin in other points, as all Struensee's beneficial arrangements were revoked through sheer hatred of him, in so far as too evident proofs of their value did not prevent the reactionary party from doing so. The final sanction of the exchange of territory, by which the former Russian share of Holstein was acquired by Denmark, was not Guldberg, but Bernstorff's merit. On the other hand, the former deserves praise for having effected the liberation of Falckenskjold.

In the meanwhile, the crown prince grew up; but his education was so neglected under the coarse hands of Eickstedt and by the over-learned Sporon, that, in truth, he only acquired a decided preference for the Danish language, but never even learned to write it correctly. Although the kings of Denmark are declared to be capable of governing at the commencement of their fourteenth year, the confirmation of the crown prince was deferred till his seventeenth year, and was only then performed in the palace chapel on April 4, 1784,[63] because it could not be delayed any longer. To this was joined the entrance of the crown prince into the council of state, but the precaution was taken of appointing, on April 6, Minister of Finance von Stemann and Secretary of State Höegh-Guldberg, state ministers and members of the privy council, so that these faithful adherents of the queen might check any possible influence of the young crown prince. But the reckoning had been made without the host.

The crown prince, who was endowed with sound sense and a strong will, had already formed his resolution. As early as autumn, 1781, he had suffered an insult from Guldberg, which he never forgot. He had expressed himself in terms of dissatisfaction about the cabinet orders re-introduced by Guldberg, which had been regarded as a crime in Struensee. Guldberg observed to him, in reply, that the cabinet orders were the sole sign of the sovereignty, as without them there would soon be as many kings as there were colleges in the land, and then told him, through the tutor Sporon, that, were it not for the cabinet decrees, he, the prince, would himself be not worth more than the cat of Slangerup. The brutal Eickstedt even forced the prince to make Guldberg an apology in writing. From this moment, the crown prince formed the fixed resolution to render himself independent, ere long, both of Guldberg and the other holders of the power.

After carrying on a secret correspondence with Bernstorff, who had retired to his estate of Borstel, near Hamburg, and receiving his ready assurance that he would resume his ministerial functions in the event of a change of government, the knowledge of the queen's ambitious plans induced the prince to confide in other trustworthy opponents of the Guldberg ministry, especially Privy Councillors Schack Rathlau and Stampe, General Huth, and Count Reventlow, and arrange with them the execution of his plan.

Thus arrived April 14, 1784, on which day the crown prince was to enter the council of state. When the members assembled, and the king had taken his presidential seat,[64] the two excellencies, Höegh-Guldberg and Von Stemann, appointed ministers of state on April 7, and Count Rosencrone, who had been granted a vote in the privy council, advanced, in order to hand to the king the formulary of the oath, signed by themselves; but the crown prince prevented them, and calmly requested them to desist until his Majesty had most graciously permitted him to make a proposition. As all remained silent in expectation, the crown prince produced a paper, and read from it that he gratefully recognised the favour shown him by the king, in his appointment as member of the privy council, but requested his father to dissolve the cabinet, by which the intention expressed in the declaration of February 13, 1772, would be fulfilled. He also begged that two hitherto pensioned men--Privy Councilors von Rosenkrantz and Von Bernstorff--might be recalled to the council of state; and, further, Lieutenant-General von Huth and Privy Councillor Stampe be appointed councillors of state.

After reading this proposal, the crown prince laid the paper for signature before the king, who at once seized a pen, in order to fulfil his son's wish; but the hereditary prince tried to prevent him, by saying that the king must not be allowed to act with precipitation. Christian did not allow himself to be checked by this objection, and tried to complete his signature; but ere he could manage it, the pen fell from his fingers. The crown prince handed it to him again directly, and the king not merely completed his signature, but added his sanction, on his son saying, "Will not my gracious father show me the affection of writing 'approved,' here?" When this was done, the hereditary prince attempted to seize the paper; but the crown prince was too quick for him, and put it in his pocket. Startled by this scene, the king hurried to his apartment, whither the hereditary prince followed him with equal speed and shot the bolt, so that the crown prince could not gain access to his father. Embittered by this, the heir to the throne turned to the four privy councillors, Moltke, Höegh-Guldberg, Stemann, and Rosencrone, with the declaration that the king no longer required their services, and at the same time announced the dismissal of the Supreme Marshal von Schack, Conferenz-rath Jacobi, and Cabinet Secretary Sporon; and added, that the first of them must not show himself before the king again.

After this, the crown prince retired in order to reach his father by another route, but found that also barred against him. He was about to have the door opened by force, when his companion, Marshal von Bülow, contrived to appease him, and immediately after the door opened, and the hereditary prince appeared, leading the king by the hand, and trying, as it seemed against his wish, to conduct him to the queen. The crown prince leaped forward, seized the king's other hand, and most earnestly begged him to return to his apartment, and feel convinced that nothing should be done without his gracious sanction, and only that be effected which would prove to the advantage of the subjects and the country. As the weak king was more inclined to respond to his son's wishes than go with the hereditary prince, the latter so greatly lost his self-command as to seize hold of the crown prince's collar and try to tear him away from the king by force. But the son held his father so tightly with the left hand, and used his right so energetically against the hereditary prince, that the uncle was soon obliged to yield, especially when the crown prince laid his hand on his sword for the purpose of driving him back. The crown prince's page of the bed-chamber, Von Mösting, afterwards so well known as minister of finances, ran up, however, and ere the hereditary prince knew what was being done to him, he found himself at the other end of the corridor. The terrified king took advantage of this moment to fly to his apartment, and thus the victory of the palace revolution of April 14, 1784, was decided. For, if the hereditary prince had succeeded in carrying the king to his step-mother, the recently approved ordinance would certainly have been revoked, and the humiliating announcement which the queen had made to the crown prince just before he entered the privy council, that henceforth Guldberg would report to him the king's orders, would have become a truth.

We can imagine into what a fury Juliana Maria was thrown when her beloved son told her of what had occurred in the council of state, and the treatment he had undergone. She raved, wished to go to the king even if it cost her life, called Count Reventlow, who threw himself at her feet and implored her to be calm, a traitor, and said to the crown prince that he was a treacherous gentleman, who always had honey in his lips but poison in his heart, and that it was his intention to kill his father. The hereditary prince, however, had so thoroughly lost all courage for further resistance, that he wished himself dead. If we take into consideration the energy of the intriguing lady, and the nimbus of sovereignty which had surrounded her for twelve years, we must applaud the precaution that the artillery under General Huth, and the palace guard, were held in readiness, in case any further resistance should be offered to the downfall of the late government, or the refusal of the king to sign the order, had rendered the proclamation of the crown prince as regent, which had been fully decided on, necessary. Still, all ended with the fury and passion of the deposed Juliana Maria, and she had rendered herself so odious to the nation, that the change of government was greeted with universal joy, and the crown prince everywhere received with applause. But the fury of the angry lady also became appeased when the crown prince threatened serious measures and arrest.

In the meanwhile, the king's commands had been sent to the colleges and courts, and Bernstorff invited by the crown prince to return immediately.[65] Early in May, the future foreign minister and president of the German Chancery arrived in Copenhagen. His practised diplomatic pen communicated to foreign courts the overthrow of the Guldberg ministry, and of the rule of Juliana Maria, with the postscript that the government firm would still remain that of Christian VII., but the government of the crown prince as regent had commenced on April 14, 1784.

Höegh-Guldberg was called on to pacify the old queen, and the regent considered the deposed secretary of state's merit in effecting this so great, that he contented himself with sending this concoctor of the conspiracy against his mother, into the usual banishment in Jütland, as bailiff of Aarhuus. The sudden removal from dignities held so long, and from the sovereign authority, demanded resignation. The God-fearing Höegh-Guldberg displayed it, at least externally, and retained his post up to the year 1802, when he was dismissed, and retired to the fine estate of Hald, near Viborg, which he had purchased, and where he died in 1806. He did not venture to present an order on the Treasury for 100,000 dollars given him as a reward by the queen dowager, possibly because, as a judge of Struensee, he felt his conscience prick him too strongly; and when, after his death, his sons had the courage to bring forward this claim on the government, the crown prince laughingly referred their impudent demands to the Greek Calends.

The enlightened statesman, Bernstorff, who afterwards acquired world-renown by his decree of neutrality, was, from this time forth up to his death in 1797, the adviser of the young, inexperienced, and, unfortunately, poorly-educated crown prince. As such, he opposed all odious measures in a reactionary sense, and it was to this mild conduct that the queen dowager and Prince Frederick owed their security as members of the royal house, though they were entirely excluded from all participation in affairs of state. When the fire of 1794 completely destroyed the splendid Christiansborg Palace, these two royal conspirators against Struensee and Caroline Matilda were left without a roof in the capital, and were obliged to seek shelter with private persons until their future abode was prepared for them in the Amalienborg Palace. Here, mother and son lived quietly till their death: the former, engaged with penances, for which her crimes against her own daughter-in-law and an innocent minister were sufficient reason; the latter, more honourably, in promoting the arts and sciences, for which the appanage of 12,000 dollars, granted him on the exchange of territory for resigning the coadjutorship of the principality of Lübeck, afforded him the means. By his consort, a princess of Mecklenburg, he had two sons and two daughters; of the latter, the youngest, the grandmother of ALEXANDRA, PRINCESS OF WALES, is, in spite of her great age, still remarkable for her beauty and grace.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 60: "Mémoires de mon Temps."]

[Footnote 61: "Mémoires de mon Temps."]

[Footnote 62: "Frederick II. of Prussia had, by means of his cousin the queen dowager, gradually acquired an almost absolute sway in the cabinet of Denmark, and directed the foreign affairs in subserviency to the views of the French court, and in opposition to the interests of England. Count Bernstorff being the only person in the Danish ministry who ventured in any degree to oppose the French and Prussian policy, his dismissal was resolved on in the cabinets of Versailles and Berlin; and his conduct with regard to the armed neutrality offered an opportunity to effect their purpose."--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]

[Footnote 63: "The examination continued above an hour, and the prince replied in a very sensible manner, sufficiently proving, from the readiness and perspicuity of his answers, that the reports of his incapacity were unfounded. He spoke in a loud, clear, manly voice, with a dignity and propriety which astonished the assembly; and when he repeated the oath, by which he swore to continue true to the Established Church, he did it in so feeling a manner as absolutely to draw tears from the eyes of many who were present."--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]

[Footnote 64: During the early part of Juliana's regency--a French tourist tells us--the king, in one of his lucid intervals, signed a state paper in the following terms:--"Christian VII., by the grace of God, King of Denmark, &c., in company with Juliana Maria and others, by grace of the devil."]

[Footnote 65: The only foreigner who is supposed to have had any knowledge of the transaction, was Mr. Elliot, who had left Berlin to come to Copenhagen, in the capacity of British envoy: and the king of Great Britain was the first sovereign to whom the prince-royal communicated his success.--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]

APPENDIX A.

(_Extracts from the Correspondence of_ Mr. N. W. WRAXALL, Jun., _with his Father, relative to the Restoration of_ CAROLINE MATILDA).

* * * * *

No. 1.

LONDON, ADELPHI, _Saturday Night, Jan._ 21_st_, 1775.

I shall now endeavour to give my dearest father some idea of my present views and plans. I have, after much time, labour, and trouble, deciphered the letter pretty well. The Danish nobility wish impatiently my return, and implore me not to delay it a day which I can prevent. They wait in eager expectation of my arrival, with his Majesty's compliance and support, to strike the blow, or lose all in the attempt. I went with this letter to the Baron de Lichtenstein. He received himself a letter yesterday from the queen, which orders him to give me another £100 from her own moneys here, and superadded to these two sources, his Majesty has promised to give an order on his Hanoverian Treasury, in case of necessity, to supply me still further. So you see _they_ are all now in earnest. I went to the merchant to-day, on whom my bill (received from the Danish nobility yesterday) was drawn, and he gave me instantly a bank note for £100 sterling, which I now have in my pocket book. How much longer I shall stay in this kingdom I cannot say, nor can the Baron de L---- say with any more certainty than myself. It absolutely and fully depends on his Majesty's orders and pleasure. The baron will see him next Tuesday morning (it is impossible sooner, two councils being held Sunday and Monday at the queen's palace on American affairs), and communicate to him my letter received from the Danish nobility. I shall write a number of queries likewise for _Him_ on Monday, though I should not be surprised if _He_ sees me before my departure. The baron thinks that I shall not be sent away before the 6th or 7th of next month, when his Majesty will have had time to give his full, clear, and mature reply, and some letters are expected from Copenhagen, which will give a little light how to act. I shall be glad if I am delayed yet some 2 or 3 weeks, as the spring opens, and winter will begin to retire every day. 'Tis terrible to cross Westphalia and Hanover at this season of the year; but that is nothing.

I presume you will now begin to imagine my scheme less romantic, and my views more probable, than they have hitherto appeared; but believe me, my dearest sir, on my honour, I am no more elated now than I was depressed 12 days ago, when things had a very dubious, uncertain aspect. If I return, and if the queen should be reinstated, I may, and I think, must be rewarded in some way--honorary, or otherwise; but I depend on nothing, and hold it as loose as ever I did; yet I now hope and believe I shall go back to Zell, Hamburgh, and perhaps Copenhagen; but still I can positively assert nothing till I have _His_ reply and commands for my departure.

Though I have this hundred pounds now in my possession, yet I consider it a sacred deposit, not to be touched or infringed on till I begin my journey from hence, or the expenses immediately necessary to it. Even my own interest would lead me to be very scrupulous and honourable on this point. My reward is not yet come: it is to come, perhaps, bye-and-bye.

* * * * *

No. 2.

_Jan._ 23rd, 1775.

And now respecting the grand affair. I conversed two hours with the baron this morning. He hopes to see his Majesty to-morrow evening, or Wednesday morning. I then shall know his ultimate pleasure and commands. The baron has, however, requested me to write in cypher to the Danish nobility to-morrow, that "I have received their money: that, according to all appearances and probability I shall leave London on my return about the first day or week in February, and shall take the direct road to Zell, and thence to Hamburgh." He likewise writes the same to Her to-morrow. I have drawn up a paper of articles to be presented to his Majesty by the baron when he obtains audience, which will contain his reply and argument. In my own opinion, I own, it seems as far as human foresight can now determine, that I shall be sent away in the course of next week: but nothing is sure, nothing to be depended on, till his Majesty's answer and orders are known. Then, I've demanded four days or five, to be ready and prepare my little affairs. A carriage I must buy in Rotterdam or Utrecht, as no carriage can pass by the packet from hence. I've a servant in readiness, whom I can engage the minute I've my despatch or orders to be gone. 'Tis very probable I shall be sent on from Hamburgh to Copenhagen, to give notice then to the party of his Majesty's full consent. Then business will begin. God grant it may be successful! If we are, I may then presume to hope and think I shan't be forgotten.

* * * * *

No. 3.

_Jan._ 31, 1775.

I went to the baron. He was with the king last night, but the queen being constantly at their elbow, he could not say one word to _Him_ respecting audience. The king said: "venez Mercredi à onze heures." So, to-morrow morning, at 11, he will see Him. I asked him if I might not, as 'twould be very agreeable to me in many respects, stay till Monday next; he said "I _might_ do it: but he must request me not to stay beyond Friday, if it could be avoided by acquiescence, as the Danish nobility, and the queen of Denmark, would expect me impatiently according to my promise, and I should not fail to execute it, if to be done. Besides, I am sure," said he, "the king won't delay for an hour, and will expect you to begone before next Monday. Pray be ready! I hope to send you word to-morrow evening all is done. So try, if you can, to be ready for Friday." I was obliged, therefore, to submit, and expect surely to be gone next Friday afternoon, though then I shall be confoundedly hurried and driven.

* * * * *

No. 4.

_Feb._ 2, 1775.

I am just returned from the baron's: I have received my ultimate despatches: a letter from his Majesty to her Majesty the queen, and lastly, the articles to which the king consents. All therefore is done, finished completely. The baron wished me joy, bade me farewell, wished me a very happy journey, and all success! I must, 'tis his Majesty's pleasure, begone to-morrow night for Harwich, and must be at Harwich by or before 3 in the afternoon, as the packet sails (unless the wind is directly contrary) Saturday evening.

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No. 5.

ZELL, _Feb._ 19, 1775.

Indeed, my dearest father, neither you nor I had any idea of the tremendous roads through which I have passed, the continued and wondrous chain of dangers, amid which I have as yet escaped unhurt. Imagination cannot paint anything more horrid than the roads of Westphalia, of Holland (beyond Utrecht), of Hanover, to the gates of Zell. But let me continue my recital from Osnabrück. I quitted that city last Monday at noon, and got to Diepenau by miracle almost next morning at daybreak. I would willingly have gone round to Minden, or to Nienburg, two cities situate on the river Weser, and at each of which there are bridges across it--but this was impracticable. The river was so amazingly swelled by the deluges of rain as to exceed all belief, and absolutely to cut off all communication, in or out, with these two places. I had, therefore, no partie left, but that of going on straight to Stolzenau, putting my carriage into a boat, and crossing over at all events. I did so, and succeeded. I arrived safe on the English bank of the Weser, Thursday morning, after navigating more than a mile through fields and meadows, the hedges of which only began to appear above water. It put me in mind of Deucalion's deluge. Thence I had only 40 miles to Hanover. What signifies it to repeat to you that I expected a hundred and a hundred times to be lost! That I passed deep pieces of standing water, half a mile in length! That several times I believed myself gone, and thought never to see Zell alive! Here I am notwithstanding, unhurt, undismayed, and ready to meet these dangers, if commanded, all again! Nor think that I am unmindful of, or ungrateful to that Being, who protects the race of man, and preserves us in every situation! I am not so wanting in the noblest feeling of the human bosom; but as I feel, so I express myself about it in very different language from you. I got here Friday night by the kind assistance of the moon, without which 'twould indeed have been an absolute impossibility ever to have got here in the mire; since 'twould be neither more nor less than madness and frenzy to attempt to travel during a dark night. You may depend on it, my dear sir, I am not desired to do this, and never shall, till the roads mend. As to the rest, I know your parental anxiety will be all awake for me, and will make you tremble for my preservation; but fear nothing. I have a noble presentiment which never quits me, of future elevation! Some protecting genius shelters me from danger, and averts every fatal accident from me. I have no doubt I shall return to you bye-and-bye,--I cannot promise you a richer man, but I can promise you, a wiser man. What passed last night I cannot now mention to you. I may not trust to this uncertain, dangerous conveyance. It is enough to say that all goes more than well, that I am approved by my queen, that I am promised to share in the future happy prospects, if we can realise them. That be my endeavour! I have devoted myself to the enterprise. I have passed the Rubicon, and won't retreat. If ever virtuous glory had power to animate a young man's bosom, it ought to do so in mine!

This night, or rather early in the morning, by moonlight, I begin my journey. It is only about 80 English miles; but I don't expect to reach Hamburgh before Wednesday noon, as I shall only travel during that part of the night when the moon lights me on the way. You may depend, my dearest father, that I will indeed take every care of my safety possible. They implore me here to do so. _She_ has laid her commands on me to be careful of myself, for _Her_ sake. What more forcible motives can I have? I half think I shall go on to Copenhagen; but 'tis dangerous, and that point's not settled yet. At Hamburgh I shall know all. Hitherto, all success attends us: nor do I doubt that it will attend us to the end. "'Tis not in mortals to command success:" we must do our utmost, and leave the rest to fate.

And now, my best, kindest, dearest father, I bid you and my mother farewell! I am just going to set out for Hamburgh. Pray let me hear of her story from you: 'twill be very inspiriting to a poor traveller, amid the horrid roads of Westphalia and Lower Saxony.

* * * * *

No. 6.

HAMBURGH, _Feb._ 23, 1775.

I have received no money yet in repayment of the £100 I spent last autumn; but _She_ has not only promised me, in the fullest terms, that sum, but superior marks of her bounty, if all goes well. We must have patience, my dear father: time will do more for us than anything else. Hanbury wonders what the deuce has brought me here. I told him I came by Osnabrück and Bremen, and said not a word of Zell or Hanover. "You're a wicked fellow," he said to me. "You've done some mischief: some man's wife, now, or some lady or other. You had better be candid, and tell me, for your father will, I am sure, bye-and-bye." 'Twas just the pretext I intended to screen myself with. So I told him that a little affair of gallantry, harmless enough, had induced me just now to travel, and that my intentions were for Berlin. _That_ has satisfied him.

Now, to continue my narrative. I wrote you from Zell. I left it on Sunday at midnight, and arrived, though through a thousand hair-breadth escapes, at this place, the day before yesterday. The country is an ocean. I passed through towns so completely environed, as to resemble an island, amid a vast lake or sea. Guess, then, what the roads must be. Surely, I am protected from any harm in an extraordinary manner. I passed through waters so deep, so long, so broad, that 'twas not in human nature to be quite unmoved. I passed the Elbe very safely, about 20 miles higher up than Hamburgh. 'Tis very, very happy, sir, yet here; for the rains have begun afresh, and 'twill be impossible to travel for some time in these countries. Here are not less than a dozen gentlemen now in Hamburgh, who do not dare, though pressed by their affairs, to set out for Holland and France. All the danger which threatened us, is, however, over: aye, I believe I shan't quit this city this four weeks or more, and then the spring will have mended the face of things. I have seen the Danish nobleman to whom I am sent. To-morrow we shall have a long interview. Then, as I can write with more certainty, I'll finish this letter.

* * * * *

_Feb._ 24.

At present, my dear sir, I am a little more in the light than I was yesterday. I shall not assuredly be sent to Copenhagen, but remain here at least 14 or 16 days, as a messenger is sent with what I brought. What will be done in consequence I can't yet say; and if I could, cannot communicate to you by this conveyance. Some few weeks are requisite to ripen matters. I am promised on all hands to have my fortune made if we succeed: but, as Hamlet says, there's the rub! Meanwhile, they supply me with money for all my expenses; so, at the worst, I am taken off your hands for the present. Even that is somewhat, you must allow. My expectations are neither languid nor sanguine. If they succeed, _She_ neither can nor will forget me. If they fail, _She_ won't have it in her power. That's exactly the case! So, I repeat, patience! The post which ought to have arrived to-day from England is not come. No wonder, when the rains continue, and all the country is deluged with water. I am happy to find I shall have 15 days' respite from such perilous journeys.

* * * * *

No. 7.

LONDON, 7_th April_, 1775.

As the Baron de Lichtenstein had left orders for me to wait on the Hanoverian Envoy with what letters I might have for his Majesty, I waited on him this morning. He received me with distinguished politeness. I gave him three letters; one from the queen, one from the Danish nobility, and a third from myself; all addressed to the king. He said he had received his orders to forward them instantly to the queen's palace to his Majesty, which he would not delay one moment. So, I suppose, in the course of 4 or 6 days I shall receive some orders or message from _Him_. 'Tis a most delicate and difficult affair in which they have engaged me; but, as I exactly and minutely know my instructions, and the genius of the party, I fear nothing; but, on the contrary, am conscious of being able so to act, as to approve myself to those who have honoured me by so noble a deputation. As soon as I know anything, I shan't fail to inform you; but I shan't be surprised if I should be sent back again to Germany in less than 12 or 14 days. Yet I know nothing, and can draw no certain inferences at present. All depends on his Majesty's replies and pleasure.

* * * * *

No. 8.

JERMYN STREET, _April_ 11, 1775.

I would willingly give you a little light into the exact situation I am in, and the views I have at this time. The nobility who sent me back this second time to represent their requests, and notify their desires to his Majesty, all men of the highest rank and eminence in Denmark and Holstein, but being at present in a species of exile, unpensioned and unofficed, were by no means capable of raising a large sum of money, or supplying me with anything beyond the "de quoi vivre." They only give me 600 ducats, or near £300 per an.:--I mean, after that proportion, during my stay in England as their agent or envoy. It is not from them--I mean strictly, and in their own persons--that my reward must ultimately come. It is from her Majesty the queen. If she returns to her kingdom, she can highly honour and reward me, herself. If she does not, she can yet recommend me so powerfully to her brother, that I shall be at least in some manner or way taken care of. I do not account the money they give me to procure bread and wine, while employed in their immediate service, as in the minutest degree rewarding me. Neither do _they_ esteem it so. Fond as I am of travelling, I am not desirous of repassing the circle of Westphalia, at the continual hazard of my life and limbs; nor would I do it in any cause less honourable, less noble, than that of seeing a young and charming princess, whose graciousness and condescension have attached me more to her, than any hopes of interest or even ambition. Whether his Majesty rejects or consents to their request, alters not in any degree the intentions of the party. His consent will accelerate the blow; his refusal may retard, but cannot, never will change the design. They ordered me to tell _Her_ Majesty--and I did tell her so--that if the executioner should strike off ten heads, or if the plague should destroy as many more--enough would still remain alive to reseat her on the throne, and doubted not to effect it. The time when cannot be fixed. It must depend on many circumstances.

Her Majesty has written to the king, particularly requesting him, as the nobility are poor, and cannot allow me much, to make me some genteel present while in England--not as any reward to me, but to lighten their burden. Whether he will, however, comply with this request, I very much question. If I hear nothing in 8 or 10 days, I shall write to her Majesty and the nobility, and request them to send more minute and precise commands how to proceed. But surely I shall hear from the king in some way or other within that time; at least, I can't but apprehend so.

* * * * *

No. 9.

_April_ 10, 1775.

I sent the three letters to his Majesty last Friday. I've yet heard nothing in answer. If I hear nothing in ten days from this time, I shall then write to two of the nobility, and likewise to the queen (for she expressly and personally enjoined me to write to Herself, and to address all my letters immediately to her). This gracious and condescending permission I won't fail to profit by. If his Majesty sees me, and gives me a favourable answer to the request made him, I think, I believe, and imagine, he will send me instantly back with it to Zell and Hamburgh. Nay, the Queen has even requested him in her letter, in that case, to honour me with some employ, or charge me with some ostensible message or commission, to hide my real and actual errand. Her Majesty, in the last interview I had with her at midnight, in an apartment of the castle of Zell, where I was brought disguised, was most graciously pleased to assure me that it was not only on account of my services that she would endeavour to reward me, but that she was even _personally_ attached to a man who would have rushed on certain death, to have had the glory of sacrificing his life at such a shrine.

* * * * *

No. 10.

COCOA TREE, PALL MALL, _April_ 14, 1775.

I have finished my packet for Germany to the nobility, but I don't write to her Majesty till Tuesday next, as 'tis not impossible I may hear from his Majesty in or within that time. My motive for not quitting town before next Sunday se'nnight is, that I would wait a decent, proper time, in expectation of an answer, message, or order from the king, who may be hindered by business, &c., and who would, doubtless, think me very inattentive to the queen's concerns, and my so important commission, if I ran away in a week after my arrival to visit my friends, regardless of him or his reply. Even if I hear not a word, direct or indirect, yet, when I leave London, I shall put into the Hanoverian Envoy's hand a few lines, which, if his Majesty should send for me, or ask after me, during my absence, he will, in that case, send or deliver to his Majesty. What I shall say will be to this purport:--

Sir,--Not having received any message from your Majesty, and not having seen my father or friends these eighteen months, and not being immediately wanted in London on account of my commission, I have presumed to leave town; but am ready at a moment's notice, and the signification of your Majesty's pleasure, to be again in London with all possible expedition.

This I shall give myself to the Hanoverian Envoy, and request him to give me a line to Bristol, the instant he receives any message respecting me from his Majesty, as, if wanted, I will, and shall hold myself in readiness, to return to town without delay. This conduct will, I think, obviate any censure or disapproval.

My stay, as I said yesterday, won't, I believe, exceed, if it reaches, three weeks, as I expect within that time from my quitting London, answers to my letters to Hamburgh and Zell, which will require my return to town. I may even have letters sooner, so important as to keep me here, or necessitate me, if at Bristol, to return directly; but I think I shall have none sent; though, truly, I can't say. It depends on the course of events in Denmark and Germany.

I think the king won't see me first or last, as envoy from the queen and nobility; but I hope, that is, I half hope, that he'll, notwithstanding, pay some sort of attention to her Majesty's recommendation of me, and somehow or other, perhaps serve me, or employ me, or reward me--but yet I doubt much even of that. If my fortune depended on the queen's goodness and gratitude (for I have served her, and will with my life, if she bid me), my life upon it, she would not leave me unprovided for. But she can do nothing. Even if she should be restored, yet 'tis the king of England must employ me. I neither could nor would profit by the Danish Majesty's service. But we must leave all that to time. I expect nothing, nothing at all; but I may have great things done for me. The latter won't give me one moment's pain, the former not an hour's exultation. I have told you I am in _omnia paratus_. Death or a ribbon are to me the same.

* * * * *

No. 11.

JERMYN STREET, _May_ 19, 1775.

Imagine, my dear father, the shock I have received on hearing this moment, on my arrival here, that the Queen of Denmark is dead. I am wrapt in horror, sorrow, and consternation. I went to St. James's Coffee House, where Lord Hertford confirmed to me the sad news. A purple fever carried her off. The courier arrived yesterday, late at night. His Majesty is said to be much hurt by this so unexpected a blow. No doubt remains of its unhappy authenticity. As to me, indeed, I feel as I ought, the loss I sustain by her Majesty's death. I was even attached to her, and interest conspires in the nobler emotions to make me weep at the funeral of so young, so amiable, so unhappy a queen. What will be the consequences to me I can't say exactly. That she should die at this critical time, at the very moment, when she would, no doubt, have recommended me so strongly to the king, is one of those events which may overcome a temper more steady and uniform than mine.

No wonder now that I have no answer to the long letter which I addressed to her three or four weeks ago, and which she graciously assured me at my departure from Zell, she would certainly answer. My head sinks for a moment under this very unexpected stroke; but it is really sorrow, more than the mean consideration of self loss, that bend it down. True, I have lost my patroness, my royal mistress; but, I have a hundred times told you, that no accidents of fortune can permanently stagger me. I am prepared to live or die; to be prosperous, or to stem the tide of adversity--yet, I confess it lies heavy at my heart. I must have done.

To-morrow I'll write more, be assured. Don't you be hurt, my dear father at this news! Fear not for me. I can't be depressed. His Majesty may yet patronise me; nay, I fear not that he will do it. My spirit is unbroken, and ten times defeated I shall rally, and conquer in the end.

Good night! I weep for the poor departed queen. Little did I think this, when she so kindly bade me adieu, not two months since, in her library at midnight. I remember her parting words, her look. She held the door a moment in her hand before she went out. But I did not see, I did not know that death followed her step, and shut the door for ever between her and me.

P.S.--Lord Lumley (Lord Harborough's son) told me 'tis believed the queen was poisoned.

* * * * *

No. 12.

I have this very moment received a mournful letter from Baron de Seckendorf, from Zell. I join my tears to his, on the loss of our royal mistress, the gracious and amiable deceased queen. He says, the Baron de Lichtenstein pledges himself that I shall be at least reimbursed my expenses from his Majesty here. He mentions no circumstances of her Majesty, the queen's death. He was too much oppressed with sorrow. Depend on it, that in the end some notice from the throne will be taken of me. It must be so, I think.

No letter yet from the poor, miserable, thunderstruck nobility at Hamburgh.

* * * * *

No. 13.

LONDON, _May_ 26, 1775.

I have written, finished, sealed up, and put in the post this evening, three very particular and minute letters. One to the Baron de Lichtenstein, requesting him to recommend me to his Majesty, which I know he will do, and which will be almost as effectual as the deceased queen's recommendation. A second to Baron de Seckendorf, answering his letter to me, and desiring him to strengthen my request made to Lichtenstein. This, I know likewise, he'll do most cheerfully. I have also desired him to send me the particulars of her Majesty's illness and death. The third letter, and longest, is to the Danish nobility at Hamburgh. You may almost divine its general meaning and contents. I condole with them on our horrid loss in the dear departed queen: inform them I have written to Lichtenstein, to the end that he may do his utmost, and what she would have done, if she had only lived a few days longer, with his Britannic Majesty. I offer them my further offices, if they have anything to employ me in. I request the continuance of their friendship, and to hear from them soon. This is, in general terms, the substance of my letter.

I allow, my dear father, that I am generally too sanguine in my expectations, too enthusiastic and lively in my ideas and descriptions; but yet remember I predict it--something must, and will yet be done effectual for me, by the Danish nobility and Baron de Lichtenstein. They are all conscious of and acquainted with my services; feeling satisfied of my zeal, capacity, and address, and extremely desirous of procuring me some reward, some sort of recompense for my dangers, fatigues, and endeavours. The Baron de Lichtenstein managed the whole affair, knows me, esteems me: knows her Majesty the queen's intentions of serving me with her brother: and, superadded to all this, he is vastly beloved by the king, who showed him a thousand marks of goodness when in England.

Attend the answer to their letters: they will come in three or four weeks. I cannot, indeed, answer for his Majesty's conduct in consequence of their recommendations; nor could I, even if the queen had recommended me: but I think I may rely on their warm endeavours to procure me some notice or reward from his Majesty; though what may be, whether greater or smaller, must depend on his gracious pleasure.

Undoubtedly, my dear sir, when I reflect on the so unexpected, so sudden, so critical death, of the poor, amiable, unhappy queen, I am covered with amazement, and own it is a lesson _never to depend on anything_. Could anything not actually done be surer? A young, gay, healthy woman, who had every appearance of long life, snatched away in four days, and buried ere we imagined she was ill. Probably, if I live to a hundred years, I shall never meet with another, so wondrous, so extraordinary an adventure, which is so incredible in its own nature, that I know not what to say to it.

* * * * *

No. 14.

LONDON, _May_ 30, 1775.

I have received, my very dear father, a long and mournful letter from the Baron de Bülow himself. You will see from it how ready the nobility are to do any and every thing to conduce to my interests: how sensible they are of my zeal, capacity, and unwearied fidelity in the execution of their commands. I have already named the service, the only service, they can do me. I mean that of requesting Baron de Lichtenstein to write very strenuously in my favour to his Majesty. I shall reply to-morrow or next day to this letter, and condole with them on our common, heavy, and irreparable loss, in the dear, departed queen, and reiterate to them my urgent request of being recommended to his Majesty, as the only recompense I desire or ask. There is no shadow of doubt that they will do their part. There is no doubt in nature of Lichtenstein's doing his; but as to what notice our royal master may be pleased to take of their recommendation, or how far he may be graciously disposed to extend his favour or notice to this, I cannot presume or pretend to say, but must leave to futurity to determine. That I shall be reimbursed seems clear; but that's nothing. I aspire much beyond any pecuniary reward. Even if his Majesty should not _now_ extend his munificence or protection to me, yet I am at least known to him by character and reputation. I have served without any reward his royal sister--I have claims--and some future time may give me opportunity to renew or make them good.

[It may be added that the Danish nobility wrote a letter to George III., in which they formally renounced and refused all repayment of the sums disbursed in the cause of the queen's restoration: which repayment was expressly stipulated by his Britannic Majesty, in the third article of the conditions which Mr. Wraxall carried over to Germany in February, 1775. They only asked that their agent might be honourably rewarded and employed. But it was all of no avail.]

APPENDIX B.

The first letter of the word is marked by that which is above, excepting in the case that it be lined under, when it signifies nothing (in itself).

The second letter--count back from the letter you have written to that you would write, and mark the number or cypher.

One writes likewise in the syllables and words; letters of the upper range with a line under, which _then_ marks nothing in itself; but you must begin from that to count the number following, which deciphers the true letter.

Every letter which is not _lined_--(so)--marks that which is under.

One writes at the end of every word one of those letters which signify nothing; and sometimes in the middle of a word put two of them, to render the cypher more difficult.

2 2 2 l + 13 u + 1 b c ÷ 3 ÷ 2. p ÷ 11. + 13. φ ÷ 17 + 8 a

+ 2 ÷ 12 ×

* * * * *

0 l ÷ 8 u l + 3 b p 3 a 1 + 3 ÷ z + 17 g 9 ÷ 7 + 4. ÿ i

1 c 1 + 15 + 3 x o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ 1 z + 13 b. i 1 e l

ÿ 6 c l c z zz o z p 1 s i l + 1 + 1z ÷ 4 ÷ 4 ÷ 4 f + 3 a l + ¯ 3 x c 1 c z + 4 + ll ÷ 2 + 7 ÷ 5 + 10 k. n + z ÷ 1 g p 3 ¯ p l r ÷ l y x + 3 + z x c l + 14 g e l ÷ 7 ÷ 8 y p 3 a 1 +

3 + 10 ÷ l i z d + z h p l 9 + 5 + lz b a z + 4 + 10 x o

1 d + z g r + 5 ÷ z g 9 ÷ 7 u z ÷ z ÷ z h u l ÷ 5 + 8 + ¯ ¯¯¯ 8 m ÷ 3 k r p 1 p 3 + 4 + 9 + 8 ÷ 4 + 8. o z ÷ 10 b r h g ¯ + z ÷ 1z + l3 c l + 8 + 6 a l + 3 s f e l ÿ 9 1 + 7 + 6 ÷ ¯ z b c z ÷ z ÷ 3 0 3 + z + l + g + 1z d + z o 3 g e 1 i z c

l h o z ÷ 6 f + 5 φ p 3 ÷ 1z : i 1 c l : d m ÷ 7 + l z i_ l +

2 9 ÷ 6 ÷ z k. c l + 6 φ d + z b i z c l + 13 + 1 y. a y e 1 c 1

+ 8 k (d + 10 + l ÷ 6 ÷ 4) y a z + 4 o 1 + z y u 1 ÷ 5 +

19 y x ÷ l x. d + z d ÷ z m ÷ 7 + 1z ÷ 6 ÷ z + lz h d + ¯ l0 ÷ l + 6 ÷ z ÷ 1z. y o z + 3 + 3 ÷ 8 ÷ z o 1 + 4 p l.

o z k d + 5 ÷ z + l3, + l0 + z e l + 3 y a z a z p z + l0 ¯ ÷ 11 y f y o 3 f ÷ l + 6 g n ÷ lz + 16 ÷ l + 4 + l0 g p

1 g o z p l g i l + l3 ÷ 3 ÷ 5 + 10 ÷ l4 x r ÷ l 0 3 + z ¯¯¯ ÷ 3 x a z + 4 c l h d + z + 6 + 9 o l s p l g l ÷ 6 + l9 +

8 m g c l. 9 s x y e l b o 3 b s + l ÷ l4 ÷ z + 6 k o z a l ÷

l g o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ z φ m ÷ 3. y (z k) d + l l n n ÷ 7 x i z f e 1 o ¯ 3 o 1 ÷ z + 6 + l + 3 ÷ 8 + 5 ÷ l + 5 6 d i z + l n a l ¯¯¯ + 7 ÷ 4 + 8 s a z + 4 o l + z y. z + l0 ÷ 7 ÷ l9 ÷ z u

l ÷ 5 p z + l φ + 3 ÷ 5 c z y. r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 x o z c l o 3 ¯¯¯ b u l + 1l + 9 + 8 k + 9 d + 1 t z + 1. 9 s f + z + 6 ÷ z ¯ y i z + l + 6 o 3. p l ÷ 5 ÷ 7 ÷ 1 + 5 g r + z ÷ lz + 1 c

1 p 3 ÷ lz g i l c l. 9 x ÷ 7 h + 6 ÷ z h c l + 8 + 8 ÷ 7 f

+ 6 + lz x s + l ÷ 4 + 9 ÷ 1 ÷ 5 c z x c z ÷ z ÷ 3 r y o ¯ z + 4 a 1 + 3 k s + 5 ÷ z ÷ 3 + l b r ÷ l0 + l5. g p l + ¯ z φ + l7 ÷ z d + z k n s o l g r p l p 3 y o z ÷ l0. r + z i 3 ¯¯¯ + 5 n o 1 ÷ 4 + lz c l k r ÷ 1 + 4 + l p l + 4. o z p l x ¯ p 3 ÷ lz ÷ z c l i z + 7 + 4 ÷ l0 + 5 ÷ l x i l + l x +

6 ÷ 10 o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ l z y i l c l. d m p l. + lz ÷

6 ÷ z g o z ÷ 6. 9 ÷ l6 + 1z ÷ 8 c z p l a l + 9 ÷ 6 g o l

s + 6 p 3 a z + 4 ÷ l5 h 9 s e l ÷ z k p l f ÷ 3 s ÷ 9 o 3 x ¯ ¯ u l + 3 + l4 + 7 h x r ÷ l + 6 p 3 y g ÷ 7 a z + 3 ÷ z

÷ 1 z g i l + 1 n + 3 ÷ l4 p 3 c z. d + z + 14. a z + 4 + 6 ¯ ¯ + lz ÷ 9 s p l r c l e l ÷ 5 + z ÷ lz o 3 o 3 + 3 o z + 3 o 3 ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ + z ÷ z h o 3 + 1z + lz c l o 3. x o l d o l s 9 + l8 + 6 +

23 g c l d + 14 h y ÷ 8 9 ÷ l i l + l o 3 p 1 + 4 + l4 a l ¯ ¯¯¯ + 3 ÷ 17 g a z + 5 ÷ 7 + l0 + 6 r + 3 h y d + z c z φ ÷ ¯¯¯ 14 y + 6 c l x c z y h φ p 3 c 1 y d + 1l ÷ z k φ ÷ 7 x i l c 1

x ÷ z ÷ 14 ÷ 19 ÷ 1 e l ÷ 8 ÷ 7. k h g o z p l y p 3 p l + ¯ 4 r ÷ 1 ÷ l d a l + 3. i l e 1 g p 3 f o l h p z ÷ 5 f + 4 + ¯ ¯¯¯ l b ÷ 1 ÷ 9 + 4 1 + 13 o z ÷ z ÷ 4 + lz u l ÷ l g f + l ¯ g φ ÷ 8 g d + ll ÷ z + 3 p 3 o 3 ÷ 13 i z i l. h r + z ÷ 8 ¯ ÷ 4 + 8 ÿ p l ÿ + z + z x ÷ z n + z i z o 3 ÷ 13 i z c z c 1 ¯¯ n i z ÷ 8 i z c z y a z c l o l x + 4 ÷ 8. p 3 ÷ lz o 3 φ ÷ 13 ¯¯¯ n a l o z c l y r p l ÷ 8 g n + 14 o z h p l g e l ÷ 7 p 3 ÷

lz + 1 + l4 ÷ z g h f ÷ 1 h φ p 1 h a l + 3 o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ 5 ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ + 4 x i l c l g o 3 f i z. d + 10 ÷ 1 + 5 + 1z + 8 + 6 + ¯¯¯¯¯ l1 + 7 c l + 8 + 6. c 1 + l4 x ÷ 15 + l + l3 p 1 r c 1 p.

3 ÷ 5 ÷ 3 + g s x y φ ÷ g + 5 ÷ l g r f e 1 p 3 h u l p l o

1 + 8 ÷ lz g e 1 ÷ 7 ÷ 8 g p 3 t l 9 f o z + g ÷ 1 ÷ 10 +

5 ÷ l i l p l i z o 3 h e 1 ÷ 7 x ÷ 1z ÷ 6 ÷ l ÷ z ÷ lz g

r ÷ 14 ÷ z ÷ 6 h g n p l o 1 o 3 d + z f + 4 + l h ÷ l ÷

4 i z x o 3 ÷ 4 + 6 ÷ l ÷ 10 u l ÷ l + 8 h a z e l f i z h o ¯¯¯ z e l o l g i l + l n ÷ l l i z i l c l y t 1 + 8. o z p l. y u l ¯¯¯ ÷ 5 + 8 + g + 8 + 1z + 6. a z + 4 ÷ 6 ÷ 5 + 7 + 4 ÷

6 ÷ 1 x φ ÷ 8 x + 6 + g o l x ÷ 8 ÷ z + 6 x r p 1 + l7 y

÷ l4 + l n i 3 ÷ l f ÷ 1 i l + l y ÷ l + zz p 3 f ÷ z ÷ ¯¯¯ 4 i z + 6 y d c l o z p l x i l f o l c z h r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 + z

p 1 + 1z + 6 h 4 l p l o l p 3 c 1 x + l0 + z3 ÷ lz n a l o

z m ÷ 3 a z + l h a z + 4 d + z g + 6 c 1 g p 3 ÷ 3 o z ÷ ¯ ¯¯¯ ¯ ¯¯¯ z h i z ÷ 8. 9 t 9 + l5 ÷ l k ÷ 4 + 1l o 3 g m p 1 i 3 p l p

3 i l c l p 3 h e l i z h o 3 f e l ÷ z. a z + 4 + 6 i z i l h i z

+ 1 + 6 o 3 h ÷ 5 + l e 1 ÷ z a 1 + 3 ÷ 7 r ÷ l o 3 ÷ 4 ¯¯¯ ÷ 1 + 5 h p 1 n ÷ 3 + z g φ ÷ 6 i l ÷ 4 m + 5 l ÷ z + ¯ l z + 1. c 1 c z p l 4 l φ p 3 f i z + 6 + 7 m + 5 + l h o z ¯ p l h + ll + z + 3 + z g c 1 + l4 o z ÷ 6 k c z ÷ 5 + 6

÷ 3 ÷ 5 ÷ 7 i z c z h r ÷ 1 + 6 ÷ 3 a z + 4 o l s i 3 + 1 ¯¯¯ + 6 + z r + 3 φ ÷ 4 ÷ l + 5 h i z + 1 p 3 + 3 ÷ z 6 ÷ ¯ 13 c z x ÷ 4 ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 k a z + 4 ÷ ll. o 3 c 1 + lz ÷ 3

÷ 5 c z d + z y r + 3 ÷ g + 4 + l + 6 p 3 + 1 h + o z ¯ ¯ + g m + l x i l c l n ÷ n m + l ÷ g o l f i z o 3 x i l c l ¯ ¯ p 3 + l x o 3 + z a l + 16 ÷ g d + 1 + l a z + z g ÷ l4 ¯ ¯¯¯ + l o 3 φ u l o z f c z h s c 1 o 3 h p 1 + 4 l ÷ z g ÷ 3 h p ¯¯¯ ¯¯¯ l p 3 n c l o 3 h i z ÷ 8 + 13 + l + 9 + z h + l0 + ll p ¯ 3 + 1 s r f + 6 ÷ 3 h o 3 + 8 h o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ g e l ÷ 3 x c l

÷ ll ÷ 1 ÷ g o z ÷ 10 + 5 u l ÷ 5 + 8 + 8 c l s + lz +

l3 e l o 3 φ ÷ g c z k i z f b l ÷ 6 l + 6 c 1 c z o l o z b r p 1

r + 3 ÷ l3 i 3 ÷ 6 s o z m + 6 ÷ l i z ÷ 8 r + 5 ÷ 3 l ¯ ¯¯¯ ¯ ¯ ÷ 1 l + 1 z x o z p l x + l4 ÷ l0 + 8 + 5 ÷ g f i z a z e l

o l o z φ + g o 1 h r + 11 f + 6 h g φ n + 3 ÷ 4 + 3 + l0

+ 6 h o z c l + 14 c l n o 3. a z + 4 c 1 9 f e l o 3 c l c z ÷

l4 o 3. x ÷ l3 i z d f p 3 c l 6 p l o z f i z i l p 3 c l x p l x o

z c l o z e l o 1 x u l p l o l p 3 ÷ 1z h ÷ z + 11 ÷ z + 3

+ z c l i z i 1 p 3 + 13. p l o l f e l c z ÷ l4 o 3 f h a z e l

c l x o 3 o l o z h + z ÷ 8 b 9 ÷ l6 e l ÷ l h i z f e l o 3 h

o 3 f e l c z c 1 i z o l p 3 c. l i z g p 3 o l c 1 i z k g o z p l u

l φ ÷ 5 + 8 p 3 c 1 h i z c l. r c 1 e l c z r p 1 o 3 x c l c z p

3 ÷ u x φ i z c z p l n ÷ 7 c l x b h o l c l n ÷ 8 x u l + 3

÷ 4 x p l 9 l c z p 3 c 1. i l o l o 3 d p 3 c l c z o l f i z x o l

c l o 3 c 1 p 3 f o l o 3 x u l p l d m ÷ 3 h r ÷ 1 + 6 p 3 k

9 f + 6 ÷ z c l c z x o z p l 4 l s ÷ l i z ÷ 8 s d ÷ z ÷ 6

÷ z ÷ l3 s o 3 o l h φ ÷ 8 9 f ÷ 5 + g h o z o 1 c l e z i l

c l i z x i 1 f e l ÷ l + 1l p 3 g e l i z. n + z n ÷ 7 i z c z

b g p l i 1 o l c l e l x p 1 p 3 p 3 o l 9 + 9 y p l e l r o z e l

c z s + a 5. b o z c l i l o l f x i l + l x o l ÷ i z + 8 o l c l

p 3.

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 3 2 1 2 2 3 2 3 2 4 2 3 4 2 5 4 p a d i c u l m o p o n i t r a p o c e q u e f i t a r a n t i m a t a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z a b c d e f g h i k

1 5 6 3 4 3 3 1 4 5 3 2 6. 2 6 3 7 4 2 3 7. b i x a n t e r v o k o m b o. s i c i n d i o. l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z. a b c d e f g h.

g. h. v. w. y. z.

|N. W.----|

Lettre deux fois lignée ne signifié rien.

The K. of England Mr. Garrick.

The Queen C. Matilda Mrs. Yates.

Lichtenstein Mr. Lug--n--st--n Mr. Woodward.

Seckendorf Mr. S--k--d--rf Mr. Beard.

Dieden Bn. D--d--n Mr. Powel.

Bülow Bn. B--l--w Mr. Holland.

Schimmelmann Bn. S--m--l--n Mr. Foote.

Ld. North Mr. Mattocks.

Mr. Delaval Mr. Shutter.

Ahlefeldt Ct. A--f--t Mr. Reddish.

Ld. Simpelton Mr. Clarck.

Texier Mdle. Louise Bonneval.

Bulow Anne Moulin.

APPENDIX C.

(_Correspondence of M. le Texier_).

No. 1.

DEAR SIR,

Having had nothing material to communicate to you since your departure from hence, I would not trouble you with my letters till I did hear from you, in consequence of our agreement, and now I find myself honoured with your's of the 22nd November and 5th December; both which, for reason of the early frost, and constant easterly wind, I did not receive but lately, and at a short distance from one another. I congratulate you very heartily upon the shortness of your passage, and happy arrival in London, and beg you'll accept of my sincere thanks for the friendly expressions of your letters, and the intelligence you are so obliging to impart to me. I make not the least doubt but you'll be able to employ your time a great deal better, and enjoy quite other pleasures in that great world, where you must almost be lost in, than you did in our little trading town of Hambro'. The inclosed letters which you transmitted to me, have been deliver'd according to your direction. You'll certainly hear from Mr. Holland directly. Mr. and Mrs. Matthiessen and their family, have often enquired for you, are verry glad of the intelligence I gave them from you, and that they may expect to see you, perhaps, in a short time, back again in those quarters, and do return their best compliments to you. I am glad to hear that Garrick approves of the new play that is intended to be performed; but cannot help wondering at the same time of his backwardness of concurring more effectually in its execution; but this may perhaps comme in time, when he has more particularly digested the plan, and seen the first actors in motion. You don't tell me of having seen him yourself: this is, however, what I could have wished, as you are by far better able than Woodward to give him a clear idea of the whole, and remove such objection as he could have to it. I have not yet heard from Beard, tho' I suppose, he must be in correspondence with Holland. As to Foote, I had no letters from him, and none did I expect; as we agreed, before his departure, that he should not write, but when circumstances did absolutely require it. Do you think that Shutter will have orders to advance the performance of this play on the stage he is at this time engaged on, or that Garrick will, perhaps, chose somebody else for having the management of it there. I cannot tell you anything more on this subject till things are come to maturity. Meanwhile, if you hear of something which you think will be worth transmitting, I'll be obliged to you for the communication of it. Our German plays are interrupted till the beginning of February, and the Cristmass vacancies won't allow the balls at the Boselhoff till the latter end of this month. Last week I heard at a verry grand concert the famous violin player, Lolly, who is, perhaps, the greatest virtuoso on that instrument at present in Europe. It is said he'll visit Engeland, where, I dare say, he'll be as much admired as in the other places he has been. You don't tell me how you deal with pleasures and amusements; for my part, my dear friend, I catch as much of the sweets of life as time and circumstances will alow. You must take up with this dish of broken English as it is, and excuse the inaccuracies of it, provided only you are able to understand it. Let me hear from you, and believe me, at all events, your devoted humble servant and friend.

_From Mons. T----r, written from Hamburgh, about the beginning of January_, 1775.

No. 2.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

I have received consecutively, and very safely, four of your letters. The first from Z----, the second from Rotterdam, and the two last ones, from yᵉ 14th and 21st instant, from London, which give me a circumstantial account of your journey, and your transactions after your arrival at the last mention'd place. I should have answer'd them by the post of last Friday, if it had not been for the absence of Holland, who having been down to his estates for about 12 days, and beeing only return'd yesterday, it was only this morning I could communicate to him the contents of your last two letters. He is extremely satisfied; as, indeed, he ought to be, of the activity, the zeal, skil, and affection, with which you embrac'd and acted in the cause of Mrs. Yates, and pitty's only that all the trouble you have taken, and our endeavours, cannot prevail on Garrick's obstinacy to act his part in the _manner_ the other actors desire it, in the new intended play, which may possibly be deficient in succes, in case he should persist in his refusal. As we have no intelligence as yet from Woodward or Beard (which we expect, however, every moment), we can form no judgment about his intentions, and therefore we are as little able to give you a cathegorical answer upon your question, whether we can make any further use of your services, or not? and, besides having no true account of the state of affairs from the stage where the play is to be acted. If the comedians have not been interrupted, if they know their parts, if the stage is adapted, if the machinery's are readdy, &c., of which I doubt very much. You must remember that at your departure things did not look very bright, and that we were in apprehension of some disagreable news. Tho' we don't know the circumstances of what has happened there, and tho' the pot is not entirely _crack'd_, or has not _boil'd over_, as a certain person express'd itself, something must, however, have been the matter, and discomposed for the present the arrangements that were made, as _Mr. Reddish_, and two others of the first actors, have left the playhouse, and undertook a journey during this summer to the south of Germany, till the suspicions that probably have been raised are dissipated, and the difficulty's they met with have been removed, which we hope will be towards the winter, when they will all meet again on the stage to make a fresh rehearsal, of which the success may be less doubtfull, if Garrick will second them as he ought. But be the case what it will, we expect every day, and certainly in the course of next weak, ours and your good friend, _Mr. Foote_, who will certainly relieve us of our anxiety, clear our doubts, and lead us in the way to give you a clear and positive decision. Till then, my dear, good friend, you must be quiet, and remain where you are without taking any resolution (exept on Garrick's immediate orders). This is what Holland entreats you to mind till he has explained himself with Foote, which, as you see, will be very soon, assuring you upon his honour, that his first business will be to settle with him in what manner to employ you, and then to give you immediate and positive resolution if you are to continue in the same station, and send you a draught at the same time; or in case you were at present of no use for to bring the play on the stage, to entreat Mrs. Yates (who is already acquainted with your ability's), in the strongest terms to recommand you to her friend, Mr. Garrick. This, my dear friend, is all I can, and am commissioned to say to you upon this account. I hope my next will be more satisfactory to you; meanwhile be assured that Holland, as well as myself, we have the highest and best grounded esteem for your noble and disinterested way of thinking, and whatever be the event, we shall always congratulate ourself of having made your acquaintance, and cemented your friendship.

Holland begs to be excused in not writing to you himself, as he is extremely fatigued of his journey, and troubled with a vast deal of business which he found at his return; he begs you'll be so good to secure for him the chariot you have bespoke, for which he'll send you the draught you require. I am extremely satisfied with the manner in which you communicate to me what intelligence you give us, and which I understand perfectly. I wish mine were as intelligible to you, which however I doubt of. Be so good, my dear friend, to continue in the same way, but observe at the same time, when you make the cover to Mr. Matthiessen, to lay a small bit of paper between the seal of my letters and Matthiessen cover, as one of them stuck so fast to it that it was tore to pieces in the opening of it, but happily there remained just so much of the seal that it could not be opened.

I'll be oblig'd to you for the books; my mother, brothers, sister, and her children, make their best compliments to you, and wish you health and pleasure. So do I do likewyse, my dear friend; farewell, and remember your devoted friend and servant.

By my next you shall have more, and perhaps a little tit-tat, which time won't allow at present.

_The_ 2_nd of May_, 1775.

No. 3.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

I received in due time your favour of yᵉ 13th of June, which was soon followed by that of yᵉ second of the same month, accompanying a parcel of silk, and four books, three of which I delivered according to your orders, and kept the fourth to myself, as you desir'd me. Be so good to receive my most gratefull acknowledgement for this mark of your friendship. I have not yet found time sufficient to go through it with due attention, but I'll reserve the perusal of it for those hours which free from business I can devote to friendship, and shall look upon it as a conversation which cannot but afford me a great deal of pleasure, as anything that comes from the author will always be dear to me. When I deliver'd the silk to Holland, I communicated to him the contents of your first of the 13th of June; he join'd with me in his commendations with regard to your noble and disinterested way of thinking, and acknowledged the justness of your expectations with respect to Garrick. He assures you of the continuation of his friendship and esteem, and desir'd me to tell you that he made repeated applications to _Beard_, for insisting with _Woodward_ to recommand you to Garrick's remembrance; so that I don't doubt but you'll have heard by this time of something beeing done for you, the news of which will be most heartily wellcome to me, you may be assured. Foote has left this place some time ago; but he is soon to return, in order to be married to a young and amiable lady, one of the first family's of this country. He jointly with _Holland_, is in hopes that you have burnt all the letters and papers which you have received from the latter one, as well as from Miss Bonneval, respecting the unhappy affair that was the object of your correspondence; and they beg that you'll be so kind to confirm them in these hopes, for their future quiet and tranquillity. I expect, my dear friend, not only to receive of your letters, before you leave England, but even during your new intended travels, when you'll be at leisure, and your thaughts will bring you back to this place, where you have undoubtedly left a great many friends, some of which are strongly attach'd to you, and more particularly Bonneval's family. They all of them beg that you'll accept of their best compliments and hearty wishes for your wellfare.

It is with astonishment and sorrow I have read in the several papers the account of the bloody scene exhibited in America. Is it possible that the spirit of _rebellion_ (for as far as I am able to judge I cannot call it _liberty_) has raised their madness so far as to make them run blindly to their destruction? for what will be the consequence of all this? a shocking bloodshed between children of the same mother, a total destruction of their property, and the utter ruin of all commerce and trade in those parts of the world, while a storm is preparing at this side of the water, which may perhaps strike a fatal blow to Old England, without being able to prevent it. What would become of Brittain's grandeur, if this great Spanish Armada was intended on your coasts, or on some of your American settlements? This opinion gains generally ground here, and few people think this undertaking to be only for the barbarian coast. But what is still more astonishing, is the spirit of division that prevails in the metropolis, and the outrageous conduct of part of its citisents; nothing remains but they should likewise take up arms, in order to render the scene compleat. I pitty with all my heart those who are at the helm; and from my peaceable hermitage (which you have seen), when stretched upon my sopha, I cannot help smiling at the reading of your brilliant regattas and sommer diversions, amidst all those clamours, and while half of the nation is under arms, or preparing themselves to be so. But enough of this. _Comment vont les plaisirs_, and _les amours_? I wish you success in both. God bless you, my dear sir; remember him who is very cordialy your devoted humble friend and servant.

_July the_ 18_th. N.B._ 1775.

No. 4.

MY DEAR SIR,

It was not but yesterday I receiv'd your's of yᵉ 21st July, as we had then two mails due from England, and much about the same time, or a little after you have dispatch'd it, my last (which was wrote about the middle of the same month) must have come to your hands, if it did come at all, for I cannot account for its delay, having desired my sister to have it put in the Post Office. I gave you an account in it of the several applications Holland had made on your behalf to Beard, relative to Woodward's putting Garrick in mind of you; the assurances we had got from Beard of his having acted according to his promiss, and the ignorance we then were in of its success. I have only the time to acquaint you now, that I saw Holland this morning, who told me of Beard mentioning in a letter he had lately receiv'd, that he hoped to have in a few days something to communicate to him about you. That he, Holland, is expecting this intelligence with the greatest impatience, and that as soon as he shall have received it, he will immediately do himself the pleasure of writing to you, in order to acquaint you of it. But, my dear sir, how are we to act in directing our letters to you? as I see it is your intention to set out from England after the 14th of this month. At all events I'll direct what I have to send to you at the direction you left me at your departure, and which I make use of now, in the supposition that you'll leave such orders that anything will be transmitted to you. I have likewise to acknowledge the favour of your former, including a column of the newspapers, for the communication of which I am most sincerely oblig'd to you. I find this account wrote with elegance, and that warm interest the subject requir'd, and don't doubt it will answer the intention it was design'd with. You see, my dearest friend, that our ignorance is the sole cause of our silence, and thus I hope you'll be persuaded to pardon it, and not adscribe it to ingratitude and oblivion, which are sentiments that will never find entrance in our breast; but, on the contrary, be assured that we wish nothing with more ardor then to see you happy, and to see you rewarded, as you deserve it, by someboddy else, it beeing not in our power to effect it, but by our repeated intercessions, which I still hope will have their effect. I must finish here, in order not to miss the time of the post office. Thus farewell, and remember him who is with the sincerest affection your devoted friend and servant.

_August the_ 4_th_, 1775.

No. 5.

_July the_ 16_th_, 1776.

Not only, my dearest friend, several little excursions in the country, but also our friend Holland's absence, who did return only since a couple of days, have prevented my answering immediately the very kind letter which you favour'd me with on the 18th of January. It gave me an uncommon pleasure to hear of you, after so long a silence, which I could very well account for, as I knew that you was again on a visit on the Continent. I understand that you did not follow your first plan of crossing the Pirrenean mountains, and going to the south of Spain, for else you would have received a letter which I directed to you at Madrid, _a la poste restante_, in September last, as we did agree. If it be lost, there is no great news in it, as it contain'd nothing material. It was only _une lettre d'amitié_, and an enquiry after your health, with a short account of our doing here in the usual stile.

I give you my most sincere thanks for the sentiments of friendship and affection which you honour me with; be assured of the most hearty return, not only from me, but likewise from our friends Holland and Foote, and of the gratefull sense we do all retain of your noble and generous behaviour. Believe me, dear sir, that it gives us the greatest pain and sorrow to hear that nothing has been done as yet on your behalf from Garrick's side, notwithstanding Beard's strong recommendations thro' Woodward's channel. Beard expresses his astounishment at it as well as Holland, and we are entirely at a loss how to account for Garrick's neglect, in not making you a return so justly deserved, and which can come from _him_ only. I do not doubt a moment of Woodward having made all possible applications, and in that supposition, the critical circumstances of Garrick's own affairs, and the hurry and perplexity he has been in, can alone account for his behaviour. Holland desires that you will be assured of his esteem, of his attachment and friendship for you, and how much he wishes to convince you of those sentiments, nothing will be able to efface them out of his heart; and the same I dare answer for Foote, whom we have not seen since last summer, but who is expected here at the beginning of August. As all the hopes of renewing a theatrical entertainement are entirely dropt, you may easily imagin that Beard and Holland do but seldom correspond together, and yet only on friendly terms.

I wish that the presenting the prints may open the way of helping you to Garrick's remembrance, and if means could be found out of being presented to him yourself, this, I dare say, would be of more effect.

I paid for the hire of the carriage at Utrecht according to your desire. Caillé had an opportunity to send hither a person of his acquaintance, to whom I paid the money, and who gave me a receipt for it, so that this point is settled.

I was extremely welcome to my mother and brother, and likewyse to Mr. M----'s family, with the news of having received a letter from you. They were greatly rejoiced at hearing you were well, and safe return from your late excursion. They beg you'll accept of the return of their best compliments, and hearty sallutation to you. Mrs. S---- had the misfortune of loosing again two childern last winter, but three weeks ago she was brought to bed of a boy; this does partly make up the former loss. However, her constitution is much hurt, and she enjoys but very little health.--I would be much obliged to you, if at your leisure moments you would favour me with a short account of your late excursion, and how you was pleased in that tour; for such an attentive traveller as you are, I dare say nothing will have escaped your inspection. I must acknowledge to you that I am tired with the sedentary life I lead here, and the insignificant business I am employ'd in; and between you and me I have made application of beeing sent to England; in how far I shall be able to succeed in this attempt I cannot tel, however, I have some hopes. How happy should I be if I could have the pleasure of meeting you in England, and embracing him whom I esteem and love with all my heart. This, my dear sir, you may be assured of from your affectionate and most devoted friend and servant.

_From Mons. Le T---- to N. W. W._

No. 6.

_Sept. yᵉ_ 5th_, 1776.

You must pardon me, my dear friend, if I deferred returning an immediate answer to your kind letter of yᵉ 30th July. Holland's absence, and Foote not being at that time arrived, put it out of my power to give you a satisfactory one, before I had seen either of them. They are both here now, and have retain'd for you the same sentiments of friendship and esteem which you have impress'd them with at the beginning of our mutual acquaintance. They acknowledge the justice of your claim on their warmest interest and recommendation on your behalf. They were even beforehand in offering to renew them, and to do anything in their power which might be of further service to you; but they cannot help beeing surprised that all their wishes and join'd endeavours with Beard, have hitherto been unsuccessfull on that subject. How is it possible that Garrick, who makes pretention on feeling and sentiments, can be regardless to the services you intended him, and in which you have so effectually been employed? This strange behaviour is above their conception. However, as they are willing to account for this, more than seeming, neglect, on behalf of the hurry of business, and the many vexations he has labour'd under this year past, they hope that repeated application will be of better effect. Foote, you will remember, has never been in any direct intercourse with Beard or Woodward. But Holland not only accepted writing again in the strongest terms, but told me that having had some time ago a _rendez-vous_ with _Beard_, you took up great part of their conversation, in which he dwelt upon the absolute necessity that something ought to be done for you, and that they both would write to Woodward on that subject; so that you may be sure, my dear friend, if their goodwill can have any effect, and their recommendation any weight upon Garrick, you cannot, with the help of your friends in England, fail of being successful in your attempt to get a place, the intelligence of which will give me, as you may easily guess, the most complete satisfaction; and so I am positive it would also to Foote and Holland, who, I can assure you, do lament at each time that I do mention you to them, their incapacity of serving you according to their heart's desire, and do constantly express in the most distinguished expression, their high esteem for your personal quality's and noble way of thinking, and their perfect gratitude for your behaviour in general. Those sentiments they will certainly never part with; and they beg that you will do them the favour to continue that friendship for them, of which you have given them such uncontestable proofs; and give me leave, my dear friend, to join my request to theirs, that I may retain the same share in your remembrance.

Mr. and Mrs. M----, and their family, are highly pleased, as well as my mother and brother, to hear of you; they desire that you'll be so good to accept of their best compliments. Mr. Mathias is very much obliged to you for your kind remembrance, wishes you a great deal of good, and gives his best salutes to you.

I will be vastly obliged to you for the new production of your pen, which you are so good to promiss me. I wait for them with impatience, as they will in a manner make me amends for our separation, and let me enjoy your company, at least, in idea.

I have but little hopes remaining of beeing successful in my application for a change in my situation. Tho' I do not give them up entirely for the future, I cannot flatter myself for the present of being so happy to make a trip to Albion, unless some unexpected events would open the way for it.

I perceive that the last disagreable news from the North American Continent, have but little influence on the uninterrupted pleasures of your town. However, the success of the present civil war cannot fail of drawing the most serious consequences at their issue, and of bringing on a prodigious change in a great many fortunes. Well! but let them fight and quarrel as long as they please, I won't much trouble my head about it; but I will ever be ready to convince you that I am sincerely,

My dear Sir, Your devoted friend and well-wisher.

No. 7.

I can now very easily account, my dear friend, for Beard's silence with regard to your last letter. His absence from his ordinary place of abode, is undoubtedly the only reason of your having been without any news from him since the latter end of June. He has made a tour to Saxony, where he intended staying two or three months, but would be back towards the end of this month; this is what I could learn from our friend Holland, who has likewise been a very long time without his letters (their litterary intercourse being now almost dropt). He thinks your letter cannot be lost, but supposes it has been left at Z----, or only been sent of late to him on his tour; so that you will have receiv'd now, or will probably in a short time, the answer you expected; meanwhile you may, my dear sir, make yourself very easy about the fate of your letter, which certainly cannot be lost. Surprising it is that all applications made on your behalf have hitherto been without effect; nevertheless, I am of opinion you must not give up the hope of success; a favourable moment will probably come, and Woodward will no doubt sease it to remind Garrick of your services. I cannot help having some apprehensions with regard to your intention, which you communicate to me in your last letter, of putting in order the anecdotes relative to Mrs. Yates, in a kind of memoirs; not, my dear sir, that I have the least doubt of your prudence and discretion; but you must know how easily an unforeseen accident may happen which can occasion the los of such a paper, which falling in other hands would certainly be published to the world, and what would be the consequence for those who have had any share in its contents? at least you will, no doubt, keep their names to yourself, and interwow the whole in such a manner, that it must remain untelligible to all those who are no knowing ones. I leave this to your caution, and we all depend upon your known prudence. Both Holland and Foote, who is return'd about a fortnight ago, where his business does call him in the winter time, desire that you'll be assured of their everlasting friendship and esteem.

All your acquaintances here present their best compliments to you. There is since a couple of days a general rumor here of an approaching war. This will to all appearances occasion some more activity in trade, as well as in polliticks. Adieu, my dear friend; I wish you health and pleasure, and beg you will believe me very sincerly and faithfully, yours.

_Nov. yᵉ_ 12_th_, 1776.

No. 8.

Yours, my dear friend, of yᵉ 26th Nov. and 5th Dec., arrived at one and the same day, as we had three English mails due, owing to the east wind that has constantly blown this long while; and as I have desired, once for all, that any letter which comes from you should remain at my mother's house till I come to fetch it in person; they were not delivered to me till the day before yesterday, so that you must not be surprised at having received no immediate answer to them.

So agreeable your letters have hitherto been to me, so very deeply has the last one affected me. The intelligence you give me, and which accounts at the same time for the presentation of the memoirs in question to Garrick, has afflicted me beyond expression. You cannot, you must not doubt, my dearest friend, of the part I take in the most minutest thing that may interest your wellfare. How should I not feel for your concerns? but at the same time how great are you in my Eeyes, how great must you be in the Eeyes of those who are acquainted with your principles, with the motives that do lead you in this occasion? Be assured that if anything could add to the esteem which you have commanded from me, from Holland and Foote, it would be the disclosure you have now made. I do conceive how it could have hurt your pride with narrow-minded souls; but with us it cannot. Men of honour and feeling, like you, are much above the caprices of fortune, and I am assured that its inconsistencies cannot in any degree affect their way of thinking. We have too many proofs of your strickt honour, disinterestedness, and even self-denial, to harbour the least doubt of any change of sentiment on your side. Not indeed, be easy on that account. Far from disapproving your plan, I would be the first to advise it; so does Holland, so would Foote. Happy we would be if we had interest enough with Garrick to contribute to its success. You know, my dear friend, how deeply we are obliged to you, and how much we have wished to convince you of our gratitude; but, at the same time how unsuccessfull all our endeavours and applications have been. I approve much of your letting Woodward know of your intended plan; he must, and certainly will back it by his interest, and I hope that this will do at least. We have almost lost sight of him, and so likewise of Beard; I don't even know with certitude if he is returned, tho' I suppose he must be so at this time. Holland, who is very sickly, and has been so the whole winter, has not received any letters from him since his departure. Foote is return to the capital, as I told you, and will not visit our quarters before next summer.

Do believe me, my dear friend, that I don't mind any loss of time or expence in our intercourse. I wish to hear from you; your letters are always wellcome to me, and give me a particular satisfaction. This will reach you by the new direction you have given me, and at the same time you'll receive two lines by the former way in order to acquaint you of it. Let me know by your first which of the two I shall keep for the future. All your friends here return their best compliments to you, and wish you well. So does he who is very sincerely and affectionately yours.

_The_ 25_th Dec._, 1776.

No. 9.

MY DEAR SIR,

It is a long time since I had any of your letters, and it will be near the same that I did not do myself the pleasure of writing to you. What is become of you since, and what has been the success of your application with Garrick? Those, my dear sir, are natural questions from the part of him that interests himself so warmly for you as I do. It would afford me the greatest pleasure if you could see the accomplishment of your desires. Mine did not succeed according to the hopes I had form'd. I have been obliged to relinquish the idea of beeing employed at London, having lately been nominated to the post of Resident at Dantzig, where I expect to be setled towards the end of this year; but first I'll be obliged to go to C----, and intend setting out next week thither. So, my dear friend, that if you do me the pleasure of giving me some news of your welfare, you wil be so good to direct them, during the remainder of this year, at our old direction, where I have given orders that your letters should be kept til my return. You'll however observe not to mention anything of the old topic in them, for fear of their miscarrying, and when I shal have reach'd my new destination, I'll give you another direction for the future, for I should be glad to cultivate our correspondence, and the friendship which has subsisted between us. Be assured, my dear friend, that where ever my fate may dispose of me, I shall desire the continuance of it, for him that is for ever with a sincere esteem, your devoted friend and servant.

_The_ 16_th of Aug._, 1777.

THE END.

INDEX TO VOL. III.

HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL.

A.

Aalborg, castle of, 145; Caroline Matilda, designated the countess of, imprisoned there, _ib._

Aboe, lieutenant, groundless charges brought against, 107; biographical notices of, _ib._; how disposed of, 110, 112; his death, 112.

Alexandra, Princess of Wales, the great grand-daughter of Prince Frederick of Denmark, 290.

Altona, Mr. Wraxall's visit to, 176; crowded with the partisans of Queen Matilda, _ib._

Ancher, Kofod, one of the commissioners who passed sentence on Struensee and Count Brandt, 61, 67; mercifully disposed, 104.

Arnholdt, bailiff of Bramstedt, 31.

Arnim, Herr von, minister of the King of Prussia, intercedes on behalf of Justiz-rath Struensee, 120.

APPENDIX, containing extracts from the correspondence of Mr. Wraxall with his father, relative to the restoration of Caroline Matilda, 291 _et seq._

B.

Bang, counsellor, defends Count Brandt, 14.

Berger, professor, employed in incommoding his Majesty, 2; groundless charges brought against, 109; how disposed of, 111, 112.

Beringskjold, his political career, 271, 272; his conspiracy, and arrest, 273; his trial and imprisonment, 277, 278; his death, 278.

Beringskjold, Frau von, her death, 277.

Berkentin, Frau von, chief gouvernante to the prince royal, and the early patroness of Struensee, 78.

Bernstorff, Peter Andreas, foreign affairs entrusted to, 279; privy councillor, 285, 288.

Bodenhausen, von, the Hanoverian privy councillor, receives Queen Matilda at Stade, 157.

Braëm, G. A., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61; and Count Brandt, 67.

Bramstedt, bailiwick of, solicited by Count Brandt, 31; described, 32, _note_.

Brandt, count Enevold, indictment of, 1; retrospect of his career and conduct, 3 _et seq._; his position at court, 3; the different charges against, 4, 8, 11; his assault on the king, 5; his presuming manners, 7; broke the fidelity due to his sovereign by being an accomplice with Struensee and the queen, 8; his neglect of duty, 9, 10; his joining Struensee in robbing the royal treasury, 11; injustice of the charges against, 14; defended by Counsellor Bang, _ib._; the different charges rebutted, 16 _et seq._; his character not affected by Struensee's forgery, 26; his Quixotism, 27; his letter to the judges, and petition to the king, 28; pleads his youth and eccentricity, 30; makes a modest request, 31; his punishment predetermined, 32; sentence on, promulgated, _ib._; the intimate friend of Struensee, 43; a close attendant on the king, _ib._; delivery of the sentence upon him, 62; the charges against him recapitulated, 63 _et seq._; his behaviour to the king, 63; assists Struensee in producing a misunderstanding, 64; obtains large sums from the royal treasury, _ib._; his assault and battery on the king, 65, 66; high treason thus committed, 67; his sentence, degradation from the dignity of count, and all other honours, his body to be quartered and exposed on the wheel, &c., 67; royal confirmation of the sentence, 67, 68; injustice of the sentence, and groundlessness of the charges, 68, 69; Reverdil's animadversions on the sentence, 69; his sentence announced to him by his defender Bang, 74; intercession of Owe Guldberg on his behalf, and the unfeeling treatment of the Queen Juliana Maria, 75; intercession of his mother and sister, 75; Struensee's letter to, 80; receives from Dean Hee the confirmation of his sentence and the day of execution, 83; confesses his real sentiments as to his religious belief and moral feelings, 13, 84; his penitence, 84; preparations for his execution, 85; his escutcheon broken, 88; his execution, 89; the body divided into four quarters, _ib._; his head exposed on a pole, 94.

Brieghil, the valet, his evidence, 5.

Brunswick, hereditary princess of, 157, _note_; her gracious reception of Mr. Wraxall at Celle, 174; difficulties created by her presence, 183, 229; niece to Queen Juliana Maria of Denmark, 183.

Brunswick Bevern, prince of, appointed commandant of Copenhagen, 267.

Bülow, baron von, receives Queen Matilda at Stade, 157; an exile at Altona, 177; his ring presented to the queen by Mr. Wraxall as proof of his mission, 188; his conferences with Wraxall, 190, 223, 224; gives instructions to him respecting his proposed visit to the queen, 190, 191; his letter to George III., 227; his letter on the queen's sudden death, 329; his despair, 240.

Bülow, baroness von, an elegant woman, 176.

Bülow, marshal von, appeases the crown prince, 286.

C.

Cabinet orders issued by Struensee, 51; for disbanding the foot-guards, 55, 56.

Caroline Matilda, no longer regarded as Queen of Denmark after the dissolution of her marriage, 141; all her ties with Denmark broken off, 142; her grief at the deaths of Struensee and Count Brandt, 142; her generosity of mind, 142, 143; the charges against her submitted to English lawyers, who declared them unsubstantiated by evidence, 144; the English court insisted that no sentence should be passed on her, and fitted out a strong fleet, _ib._; Walpole's version of the affair, _ib._; his gossip respecting her, 145, 146; title of "Countess of Aalborg" conferred on her, 145; temper of the English with regard to, 146; Sir R. M. Keith's active interference on her behalf, 147; concessions of the Danish ministry, 147; order of release presented to her by Keith, 149; arrival of a squadron to take her away, 149, 150; writes an affecting letter to her brother, _ib._; resolved that she should take up her residence at Celle in Hanover, and be allowed £8,000 a-year, 150; interesting anecdote of, _ib._; her affection for her children, 151, 152; leaves a letter for the king, 153; his grief at her departure, _ib._, _note_; her suite, 153, 154; her farewell to Denmark, 154; the documents connected with the dissolution of her marriage deposited in the secret archives, 156; her arrival at Stade, and her joyous reception, 157; her presents, _ib._; her new suite, _ib._; arrives at Celle, and takes up her abode in the royal chateau, 158; her amiability and charitable disposition, _ib._; her reading and studious pursuits, 159; the happiness of her home, 160; her great interest in her children, 162; her conversations with Colonel Keith, 162 _et seq._; Grub-street attacks on, exposed by Reverdil, 165, 166; her course of life at Celle, 167 _et seq._; her literary taste, 167, 168; her court theatricals, 168; her letter to her sister detailing her course of life at Celle, 169; her great pleasure at receiving the portrait of her son, 170, 171; Mr. Wraxall's introduction to, 173; her gracious reception of him, and confiding affability, 173, 174; again visited by Mr. Wraxall, who communicates a project, with certain conditions, for restoring her to the throne of Denmark, 182, 186-9 (_see_ WRAXALL); instructions respecting the project, 191; her important conversations with Wraxall, and plans laid down for further proceedings, 195 _et seq._, 221, 232; her sudden death, 238, 302 (_see_ APPENDIX); details of her illness, death, and funeral, 242-9; suspected of having been poisoned, 248; general mourning for in England, 250; monuments erected to her memory, 251; letter to her brother, written during her illness, and published after her death, 252; evidences of her innocence and purity of mind, 254, 255; Mr. Wraxall's portraiture of her virtues and character, 255-8; correspondence of Mr. Wraxall with his father relative to her restoration, 291 _et seq._ (_see_ APPENDIX).

Carstens, A. G., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61; and Count Brandt, 67.

Celle, Queen Matilda's residence at, 158; her course of life at, 160 _et seq._; Mr. Wraxall's frequent visits and interviews with the queen, 174, 180, 186, 190, 195 _et seq._, 221, 230-3.

Christian VII., Count Brandt's assault on, 5, 19; his profuse presents to Struensee and Count Brandt, 45; his power as sovereign, 50, _note_; confirms the atrocious sentences passed upon Struensee and Count Brandt, 67, 68; his court festivities and revolting apathy, 76, 77; grants a free pardon to Colonel Falckenskjold, and releases him from the fortress of Munkholm, 136; receives a letter from his wife previous to her departure for Hanover, 153; his expressions of affection for her, 153; at the instigation of the crown prince he dismisses his ministers, and appoints a new cabinet, 285, 286; drawn into personal collision with the hereditary prince, but the _coup d'état_ is accomplished, 287.

Colin, Major, appointed commandant of the fortress Munkholm, 135.

Colleges, impediments of the, 37; dismissal of the, 11.

Commission of Inquiry, the members of, who tried and sentenced Struensee, 61; allot rewards to the persons employed in convicting the prisoners, 95, _note_; their proceedings against the minor prisoners of state, and charges brought against them, 104 _et seq._

Copenhagen, bitterness at, against Struensee and his cabinet orders, 58; its suburban grounds, 85.

Council, duties of the, 35; abolition of the, 36.

Council of Thirty-two, established by Struensee, 41.

Counter-revolution projected by the Danish exiles, 177.

Court festivities, 76; exhibit a revolting exhibition of apathy and want of sympathy, 76.

Crown prince of Denmark, begins to assume power, 283; his examination, 283; his determined spirit, 284; of age to enter the council of state, 284; spirited interference with the court forms of proceeding, 284; effects the overthrow of the ministry by a _coup d'état_, 285, 286; proclamation of, as regent, 288, 289; Count Bernstorff, the enlightened statesman, his adviser, 289.

Cypher writing, adopted by Mr. Wraxall, 307; key to the fictitious names, 312 (APPENDIX).

D.

Danish chancery, 38.

Danish language, Struensee's ignorance of the, 38; frequently perverted in translation, _ib._

DENMARK, the constitution of, gives the king absolute power, 40, NOTE; feeling of the nation at Struensee's conduct, 42; state trials, and execution of the ministers Counts Struensee and Brandt, 89, 93; Caroline Matilda's farewell to, 154, 155; counter-revolution in, proposed, 177; the new ministry growing unpopular, _ib._; plan for effecting the counter-revolution in, 225; terminated only by the death of the queen, 241, (_see_ CAROLINE MATILDA, and WRAXALL); retrospective view of, 259 _et seq._; political reaction in, 259; all the reforms of Struensee's government abolished, and the abuses of "the good old times" restored, 260 _et seq._; triumvirate in the government, 262; disunion among the conspirators, 263; fate of the ministers, 264 _et seq._; the indigenate law of, 281; the crown prince enters the council of state, 284; effects the overthrow of ministry by a _coup d'état_, 285, 286; the counter-revolution completely effected, 287.

E.

Egede, Professor J., anecdote told by, 260.

Eickstedt, Hans Henry von, his political career, 270; his sudden dismissal, 271; retires to the island of Fühnen, where he dies, _ib._

Elliot, Mr., British envoy at Copenhagen, 288, _note_.

England sends a squadron for the release of Caroline Matilda, 149.

Exiles of Denmark, their project for effecting a counter-revolution, 177.

F.

Falckenskjold, his notes on the trial of Struensee, 47, 48, 50, 54, 55, 64, 101; decided that he should be the victim of judicial vengeance for his admiration of Struensee, 104; his detection of the quarter-master's roguery, 106; groundless charges against, 116-119; sentenced to be imprisoned for life in the fortress of Munkholm, 124; account of his voyage to Munkholm, 125; his description of the fortress, 126, 127; his treatment, 128 _et seq._; his solace and recreation, 130 _et seq._; his disposition to misanthropy, 130; increased severity in his treatment, 133; wretchedness of his domicile, 134; insulted by the commandant, _ib._; receives a royal pardon, and an order for his release, 136; conditions of his release, 137; allowed to take ship for Holland, 139; fixes his domicile at Montpellier, _ib._; receives permission to retire to the Pays de Vaud, _ib._; the court of Petersburg proposes to him the post of chief of the staff in the army, but the court of Copenhagen refuses its assent, 139, 140; in 1788 he visits Copenhagen, 140; the Danish government recalls him, and confers on him the rank and pay of a major-general, 140; ends his days in comfort, and dies at the advanced age of eighty-two, _ib._; his evidence of Queen Matilda's innocence and purity of mind, 254.

Foot-guards, disbandment of the, 55.

Forgery, charge of against Count Brandt rebutted, 26.

Frederick II. of Denmark, gradually acquires absolute sway, 280, _note_.

Frederick, prince of Denmark, the marriage festival of, 133; his contests with the crown prince, and overthrow of his party, 284, 285; driven into obscurity, 290; marries a princess of Mecklenburg, _ib._; his youngest daughter the grandmother of Alexandra, present princess of Wales, _ib._

Fusilier guards disbanded, 54.

G.

Gähler, Frau von, charges brought against her, 105; how disposed of, 110.

Gähler, general von, groundless charges brought against, 113 _et seq._; his principal crime that of interfering with everything without possessing requisite knowledge, 115; how disposed of, 123; his death, 124.

Gallows Hill, where the skulls and bones of Counts Struensee and Brandt were exposed, 94.

George III., Mr. Wraxall's communications with, 204 _et seq._; his instructions respecting his sister, the queen of Denmark, and the Danish nobles, 205; his assent to the project for restoring the queen under certain conditions, 207, 208; letter of the Danish nobility to, 229.

German language encouraged by Struensee, 38.

Göhrde, chateau of, 157; arrival of the queen at, and also of her sister, the hereditary princess of Brunswick, 157 _et note_.

Griffenfeldt, count von, imprisoned in the fortress of Munkholm, 133; notices of, _ib._; his death, _ib._

Guards, disbandment of the, by Struensee, 54.

Guldberg, O., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61; and Count Brandt, 67; his intrigues against Struensee, 101; draws up Falckenskjold's pardon and release, 136, 137; becomes cabinet secretary, 279; his ministry, _ib._; honours conferred upon him, 280; receives the name of Höegh-Guldberg, _ib._; opposed by the crown prince, 284; his overthrow, 285, 289; his death, 289.

H.

Hanbury, Mr., English consul at Hamburgh, 176; invites Mr. Wraxall to dinner, _ib._

Hansen, admiral, unfounded charges brought against, 106; how disposed of, 110, 112; his death, 112.

Hauch, general, first deputy of the College of War, 136.

Hee, Rev. Dr., the chaplain of Count Brandt, 83; attends Brandt to the scaffold, 88; rewards allotted to, 95 _et note_.

Hesse, Prince Charles of, invited to Copenhagen, 266.

Hesselberg, colonel von, charges brought against, 105; biographical notices of, 106; how disposed of, 111; his death, 112.

Holck, count, his alleged freedom with the king, 5.

Holstein, count, presented with a diamond solitaire by the queen, 157.

Holstein, countess, her personal appearance, 176.

Horse-guards, corps of, disbanded, 54.

Huth, lieutenant-general von, councilor of state, 285.

I.

Indigenate law of Denmark, 281.

J.

Juell-Wind, J. K., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61; and Count Brandt, 67.

Juliana Maria, the dowager queen, her vengeance satiated in witnessing the execution of Counts Struensee and Brandt, 94, 95; her presents to the chaplains who attended the unhappy victims, 95, _note_; Suhm's account of her avenging spirit, 96; her unnatural feelings, 151; her heartless conduct after the death of Queen Matilda, 250; her absolute sway, 280, 281; her fury at the overthrow of the Guldberg ministry, and at the insulting treatment of her son by the crown prince, 287, 288; her power at an end, 289; driven into obscurity, 290.

K.

Keith, colonel Sir R. M., his visits to the Queen of Denmark, 142; his active interference on the queen's behalf, 147; Lord Suffolk's letter to, _ib._; his anecdote of the queen, 150; accompanies her to the chateau Göhrde, and then takes leave of her, 157; his letter to Lord Suffolk, 161; his interview with the queen, _ib._

Köller-Banner, one of the triumvirate in the government of Denmark, 262; his projects for remodelling the army, 265; his plans examined, and rejected, 266; his dissatisfaction, and dismissal, 267; appointed governor of the fortress of Rendburg, _ib._; royal concessions made to him, 268; receives his discharge from the military service and retires to Altona, where he dies, 270.

Kronsborg, anecdote of the fettered slave of, 155.

L.

Lehzen, pastor, 245; his account of the queen's death, 247.

Leyser, Dr. von, 245.

_Lex Regia_, a law by which all government decrees, letters and documents, shall be signed by the king, 52.

Lichtenstein, baron von, Mr. Wraxall's interviews with respecting the Queen of Denmark, 203, 204; communicates the king's views and intentions, 204 _et seq._; Mr. Wraxall's satisfactory interview with.

Louisa Augusta, princess, separated from her mother, 152.

M.

McBride, captain, arrives at Copenhagen, 150; introduced to Caroline Matilda, 151.

Magistracy, abolition of the, 41.

Mantel, the queen's valet, 221.

Mathias, British minister at Hamburg, 184, 186.

Mattheson, Mr. Wraxall's letters to be addressed to, 199.

Matthiesen, Jerome, Mr. Wraxall and several Danish nobility sup with, 178.

Moranti, the negro boy, his evidence, 5.

Mösting, von, minister of finances, 287.

Munkholm, fortress of, 124; Colonel Falckenskjold sentenced to imprisonment for life there, _ib._; history of his abode there, 125 _et seq._; voyage to, 125, 126; description of the fort, 126; a monastery of Benedictines founded here by Canute the Great, _ib. note_; demoralised state of the soldiery, 128; Lieutenant-General von der Osten the commandant, _ib._; officers of, 129; the garrison chaplain, 132; a fresh commandant of the fortress, Major Colin, 135; imprisonment of Beringskjold, the political foe of Falckenskjold, 278.

Münter, Dr., peruses the sentence against Struensee with trembling, 73; his communications with Struensee, 73 _et seq._; his opinions on Struensee's conduct, 79; his kindness to Struensee, 83; attends him to the scaffold, 90-3; rewards allotted to, 95 _et note_.

N.

Norwegian coast, the, 131.

O.

Ortwed, Etats-rath, the king's bailiff, 88.

Osnabrück, strange adventure at, 199.

Osten, lieutenant-general von der, commandant of Munkholm, 128; his brutal character, 129; brings a pardon to Colonel Falckenskjold, 138.

Osten, count von der, one of the triumvirate in the government of Denmark, 262; banished to Jütland, 278; his subsequent appointment, 279; his death, _ib._

P.

Prince Royal, Struensee's letter to his governess, 78.

Q.

Queen Dowager (_see_ JULIANA MARIA.)

R.

Rantzau, count von, his blackness of soul, 76; Struensee's letter to, 81, 82; no hostile feelings entertained against, 81; one of the triumvirate in the government of Denmark, 263; suddenly removed from his office, _ib._; ordered to quit the country, 264; settles at Avignon, _ib._; his death, _ib._

Reforms, by Struensee, 39 _et seq._

Reverdil's animadversions on Count Brandt's trial and sentence, 69; exposes the Grub Street libellers, 165.

Roques, M., pastor of the French Protestant Church at Celle, 254; his testimony to the queen's innocence and purity of mind, _ib._

Rosencrone, count, opposed by the crown prince, 284, 285.

Rosenkranz, von, privy councillor, 285.

Rothes, Christian Adolphus, an anonymous libeller, 165.

Royal prerogative, 53.

S.

St. Germain, count de, sentiment of, 135.

"Sandkrug," the suburban inn of Celle, 189.

Scarlet fever, prevalence of, in the neighbourhood of Celle, 243; the queen's illness and death caused by, 244 _et seq._

Schack, supreme marshal von, dismissed, and expelled from the court by the crown prince, 286.

Scheel, the valet, his evidence, 5.

Schimmelmann, baron von, and his lady, 176; their son introduced to Mr. Wraxall, 180; his revolutionary project, 181.

Schmidt, J. C. E., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61, and Count Brandt, 67.

Seckendorf, baron, chamberlain to the queen Matilda, 173; Mr. Wraxall's interview with, 186; acts as the confidential agent between the queen and Mr. Wraxall, 188, 198; his warm reception of Mr. Wraxall, 221; his note, 231; Wraxall's interview with, 233; delivers important letters to him, _ib._; his letter respecting the queen's sudden death, 238.

Seeland dragoons, reform in the regiment of, 54 _note_; ordered to the court and city, 59.

Serfdom, restoration of, in Denmark, 261; its subsequent abolition, _ib._

Sevel, professor F. C., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee and Count Brandt, 61, 67; acted as inquisitor, 116; his insulting treatment of Colonel Falckenskjold, 116, 125.

Small-pox, ravages of the, 77.

Sporon, tutor of the crown prince, 282, 283.

Stade, the queen's arrival at, 157.

Stampe, H., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61, and Count Brandt, 67.

Stampe, baron de, an odd adventure with, 200.

Stampe, privy councillor, 285.

Stemann, von, minister of finance, 283; his overthrow, 285.

Struensee, count Fred., his robbery of the royal treasury, 11; assisted by Count Brandt in all his crimes, 12; sentence on, 33; the charges against him recapitulated, 34 _et seq._; his general conduct and designs, 34; abolishes the council, 36; his impediments of the colleges, 37; his ignorance of the Danish language, 38; his important reforms 39; his despotism, 40; his dismissal of the ministry, 41; his establishment of the Council of Thirty-two, _ib._; his avarice and selfishness, 46; his salaries, _ib. note_; excludes all from the throne, excepting his intimate friends and relations, 43; his selfishness, 44; the large presents received from his Majesty, 45; his embezzlements, 47, 48; his ambition not less than his avidity, 49; his "moderation," _ib._; his assumed authority, 50; his cabinet orders, 51; his disregard of the _Lex Regia_, 52; contravenes the royal prerogative, 53; his disbandment of the guards, 54, 55; his cabinet extracts, 56; his despotic administration, 60; committed the crime of high treason in an eminent degree, 61; his sentence, degradation from the dignity of count and all other honours, his body to be quartered, &c., _ib._; royal assent given to the sentence, 62; his sentence announced to him by Commissioner Uldall, 71; his fortitude, 72; his deep concern for Count Brandt, _ib._; his doubts and ruminations, 73; his letter to his parents, 74; his conversations with Münter, 77, 78, 79; his letter to Frau von Berkentin, chief gouvernante to the prince royal, 78; his letter to Chamberlain Christian Brandt, 80; his letter to Count Rantzau, 81; his farewell to his brother Justiz-rath Struensee, 83; his procession to the place of execution, 86, 87; his hopes of salvation, 90; his behaviour, 91; his execution and horrible death, 93; his head exposed on a pole, 94; his skull eventually stolen by four English sailors, 94 _note_; his character, 96 _et seq._; in prosperity not a hero, in misfortune cowardly and worthless, 96; of the romantic episodes of his life, 96; his acquirements, 97; his enlightened despotism, 98; remarks on his administration, 99; his mistaken policy, 100; after his fall behaved like a coward and a traitor, 100; Baron Seckendorf's account of his administration and the plots against his life, 199 _note_.

Struensee, Justiz-rath, his intercommunication with his brother, 83; charges brought against him, 120; his high character, 121; his honorable conduct while in Prussia, 122; honored with the distinguished favor of Prince Henry of Prussia, _ib._; released from prison, 124; becomes minister of state in Prussia and ennobled in 1789, 124.

Sturtz, councillor, groundless charges brought against, 107; biographical notices of, _ib._; how disposed of, 110, 112; dies of grief, 112.

Suffolk, lord, his letter to Sir R. M. Keith respecting queen Matilda, 147; Keith's letter to, 161; Wraxall's fruitless visit to, 202, 203.

Suhm, the historian, 95; his anecdote of the dowager queen's avenging spirit, 96.

T.

Texier, M. le, treasurer to Christian VII., 176; proposes to Mr. Wraxall a project for restoring the Queen of Denmark, 179, 180; letters to be addressed to, 199.

Thirty-two, council of the, 41.

Torp, the valet, his evidence, 5.

Traventhal league, 113.

"Trésor," the, reserved by Struensee as a special cabinet treasury, 46, 47.

Trondhjem, garrison of, 127, 128; (_see_ MUNKHOLM).

U.

Uldall, commissioner, announces to Struensee the sentence passed upon him, 71.

V.

Vardohuus, a small fort built by Christian IV., 129.

W.

Walpole, Horace, his version of the sailing of the British fleet, 144; his gossip respecting Queen Caroline Matilda, 145.

Warnstedt, count, his alleged freedoms with the king, 5.

Willebrandt, Etats-rath, groundless charges brought against, 108; how he was disposed of, 111, 112.

Wiwet, Fiscal General, his charges against Count Brandt, 1.

Wraxall, Mr. N. W., anecdote related by, 155; his visit to Celle, 172; biographical notices of _ib._; his introduction to Queen Matilda and the Princess of Brunswick, and his gracious reception, 173; his varied conversations with the queen, 174, 175; proceeds to Hamburg, 176; dines with the English consul, _ib._; the distinguished company he meets with, _ib._; his sentiments in favour of the queen, 178; receives a proposal for undertaking her restoration to the throne of Denmark, accepts the offer, and proceeds to Celle as an agent of the conspiracy, 180 _et seq._; his communications with the queen, 186-9; his second visit to the queen, with full instructions, 190-4; his important conversations with the queen, and his plans laid down for future proceedings, 195 _et seq._; meets with a strange adventure, 199; his return to England, 201; his arrival in London, and introduction to Baron von Lichtenstein, 203; his communications with the king respecting the Queen of Denmark, and the plans of her exiled nobility for her restoration, 204 _et seq._; receives the king's answer to his propositions, 205; the articles in favour of the revolution assented to by the king, 207, 208; leaves England for Celle, 208; account of his journey and its dangers, 209 _et seq._; his arrival at Celle, 220; his interesting interview with the queen, 221, 222; his departure from Celle, and arrival at Hamburg, 223; delivers his despatches, _ib._; again visits the queen with letters from baron Bülow, 229; his interesting interview with the queen, 230-3; his interview with Baron von Seckendorf, 233; his departure from Celle, and arrival in London, 234; delivers his letters to M. Hinüber, 236; the difficulties he has to encounter, 236, 237; receives intelligence of the death of the Queen of Denmark, 238; the termination of his enterprise, 241; through the interest of Lord North he receives 1,000 guineas for his services, and the promise of a seat at the Board of Green Cloth, 241, _note_; the promise never fulfilled on account of his adverse vote in Parliament, _ib._; extracts from his correspondence with his father, relative to the restoration of Caroline Matilda, 291 _et seq._, (APPENDIX); his remuneration for his outlay and services withheld, 306, 321; sample of his cypher writing, 307-312, (APPENDIX.)

Z.

Zell, (see CELLE), the castle of, 175.

Zimmermann, Dr., 245.

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Two Vols. post 8vo, £1 1s.

Contents:

La Vendée. Marriage. Campaign of the Rhine. Fra Diavolo. Journey into Italy. Arrest of Lahorie. Meeting with Napoleon. Coucha the Monk. Story of General Louis Hugo. El Empecinado. An Idyll at Bayonne. Masserano Palace. College of the Noble. France Invaded. Bourbons. The Hundred Days. The Foolish Things Master Hugo did before he was fully fledged. First Introduction to the Academy. A Word for Chateaubriand. Death of the Mother. Lamennais becomes Victor Hugo's Confessor. A Wedding. A Visit to Blois. Coronation of Charles X. Visit to Lamartine. M. Victor Hugo's Recital. Letter from Lamennais. Cromwell. Amy Robsart. The Scaffold. The Consequences of "The Last Day of a Convict." Ernani. Notre Dame de Paris. Marion de Lorme. Lucrezia Borgia. Marie Tudor. La Esmeralda. Fête at Versailles.

* * * * *

ATHENÆUM, _June_ 27, 1863.--"The story of such a life as M. Victor Hugo, told by a witness, can hardly fail to be a tale which will make Europe sit still to listen."

PRESS, _July_ 25, 1863.--"These volumes contain a wonderful wealth of anecdote, and we predict that they will be read with great avidity."

LONDON REVIEW, _July_ 25, 1863.--"We have said enough, we hope, to show our readers that the present volumes will repay perusal. From beginning to end we have found them full of lively and interesting gossip, with numerous passages which have also an historical value."

STANDARD, _Sept._ 29, 1863.--"This is altogether a very charming little book; its contents are so various that no reader can fail to be pleased, and the style--light, graceful, and piquant--is the perfection of chatty biography."

NONCONFORMIST, _Sept._ 2, 1863.--"A work which is sure to attract much attention."

EDINBURGH COURANT, _Sept._ 19, 1863.--"The anecdotes--the pictures--the sketches of continental men and women--all of which follow each other naturally in the story of the career of a famous Frenchman, make this life as instructive as it is amusing to British readers."

13 Waterloo Place, S. W.

_In One handsome 8vo volume_, _with_ 72 _Illustrations on Wood by_ VIZETELLY, LOUDAN, NICHOLLS, _and_ HART, _also with a Map_, _price_ _£_1 6_s_.

THE CHANNEL ISLANDS:

CONTAINING