CHAPTER VII.

'TWIXT THE CUP AND THE LIP.

BARON VON LICHTENSTEIN--THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS--THE ANSWER FROM HAMBURG--THE FOUR ARTICLES--A TERRIBLE JOURNEY--ARRIVAL AT CELLE--INTERVIEW WITH THE QUEEN--BARON VON SECKENDORF--THE ANSWER FROM COPENHAGEN--THE APPEAL TO GEORGE III.--THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION--ANOTHER VISIT TO CELLE--THE LAST INTERVIEW--THE QUEEN'S GRATITUDE--RETURN TO LONDON--WAITING FOR THE ANSWER--A SUDDEN BLOW.

As the queen, in her instructions to Mr. Wraxall at Celle, had left it entirely at his option, on his arrival in London, to wait either on Lord Suffolk or Baron von Lichtenstein, though expressing a degree of preference for the former, he went, on November 15, to Lord Suffolk's residence in Downing Street. Being admitted, a private secretary requested Mr. Wraxall to inform him of the nature of his business: Lord Suffolk not only being confined to his bed-chamber by gout, but unable, from the violence of his disorder, to see any one. Mr. Wraxall informed him, in answer, that as his business was of a nature which could only be communicated to Lord Suffolk in person, he would call again in a day or two, by which time his lordship might be able to see him.

Conceiving it, however, injudicious to lose a moment that could be avoided in opening the object of his mission, Mr. Wraxall went directly to the lodgings of Baron von Lichtenstein, in Chidleigh Court, Pall Mall. The baron was at home, and so soon as the agent acquainted him with his name, he expressed his satisfaction at Mr. Wraxall's arrival; he produced the queen's letter announcing the intended visitor, and assured the latter that it would be as much his wish as he felt it his duty to comply with the Queen of Denmark's commands. He added, that so soon as Mr. Wraxall should have put him in possession of the necessary facts, he would endeavour to find an occasion for laying the whole matter before the king.

Mr. Wraxall informed the baron of his having been at Lord Suffolk's house, but that he had not seen his lordship on account of his indisposition. The baron entreated him not to call again on Lord Suffolk till he should have seen his Majesty, and taken his pleasure on that point, which he promised to do, as far as depended on himself, without delay. In a long and confidential conversation, Mr. Wraxall laid before the baron the proposals made to the queen by the Danish nobility, her answer, and the objects intended to be effected by his present errand to George III. The baron reiterated his assurances of co-operating toward their success, and fixed a day for Mr. Wraxall coming again to him, to know how he had proceeded in the business.

Three days afterwards, the two gentlemen had a second interview, when the baron stated that he had conversed with his Majesty at the queen's house on the matter; that he had to communicate to Mr. Wraxall, in the first place, the king's positive injunctions not to mention the object of his journey and negotiations to Lord Suffolk, but to consider him (Baron von Lichtenstein) as the sole medium through which all matters relative thereto were to pass to the king. His Majesty had received the queen his sister's letters by the Hanoverian courier, and would maturely consider their contents before he should give any answer to them. To prevent any reflections on the part of the court of Copenhagen at his having seen and conversed with an agent of the Danish nobility and the queen, in case that the present attempt were either discovered or found unsuccessful, the king judged it fit not to admit Mr. Wraxall to a personal interview. It was therefore his pleasure that Mr. Wraxall should communicate to him on paper, through Baron von Lichtenstein, every circumstance touching the business; explaining the causes and reasons which had induced the exiled nobility at Altona to confide to his honour so secret and delicate a matter.

His Majesty also desired to know from Mr. Wraxall the names of the principal persons concerned in the enterprise, and the precise time, mode, and place, when and by which they proposed to accomplish the queen's restoration. Baron von Lichtenstein added, that his Majesty manifested favourable dispositions, but would give no opinion till he was enabled to judge of the means possessed by the queen's adherents to carry their proposals into effect.

Thus commanded, Mr. Wraxall sat down and drew up a statement of the whole transaction, going into every point suggested by the king. In so doing, he pointed out, to the best of his judgment or information, the manner in which the queen's adherents had laid their plan for the counter-revolution. Mr. Wraxall, however, was compelled to avow his ignorance of many parts of their future plan, either as having never been entrusted to him, or as being in their own nature incapable of arrangement till the time of their accomplishment approached. Mr. Wraxall transmitted this paper to the king through Baron von Lichtenstein.

On October 5, Mr. Wraxall received the king's answer to the propositions, which the baron communicated to him. It was verbal, and to the following effect:--

"His Majesty, relying on the means possessed by the Danish nobility attached to the queen his sister to effect her restoration, and having thoroughly considered their plans, consented to and approved of the intended attempt in her favour. But the existing treaties between the two courts of Copenhagen and St. James's did not allow him to lend any direct assistance toward its execution. He, therefore, would not advance any money at present, though he would not object to guarantee the restitution of the sums necessarily expended in his sister's restoration, after the completion of the enterprise. Finally, he should not be induced by any entreaties of the queen, or by the applications of the Danish nobility, to affix his signature to a paper promising aid, or even expressing his approbation of the attempt itself."[52]

By Baron von Lichtenstein's advice, Mr. Wraxall transmitted on the following day this answer of the king to Baron von Bülow, in cypher: desiring directions for his future conduct. Mr. Wraxall also communicated it to the queen and to Baron von Seckendorf. From the latter, he received an answer on January 3, 1775, expressing the queen's satisfaction at the king's consent, though she regretted the qualifications which accompanied it.

In consequence of Baron von Bülow's absence from Hamburg, and other impediments, Mr. Wraxall did not receive his answer till January 20, 1775: it was very short, and in cypher. The baron conjured Mr. Wraxall not to lose a moment in returning to Hamburg with the king's approbation of their conduct, authenticated in whatever way might be practicable. He added, that his friends were busied in preparing everything for the expected blow, and that their anticipations of success were sanguine.[53] This letter Mr. Wraxall communicated at once to Baron von Lichtenstein, and its contents were laid before the king.

On January 23, Baron von Lichtenstein informed Mr. Wraxall that the king would despatch him, in a few days, to Celle and Hamburg, adding, that he had reason to believe his Majesty intended to empower him (Lichtenstein) to sign certain articles, of which Mr. Wraxall should be the bearer, and which would, in a great measure, satisfy the Danish nobility. It was not till February 2 that Mr. Wraxall received his final orders and despatches; they were delivered to him by the baron, and consisted of a letter from the king to his sister, together with a paper containing four articles. The baron drew these up in Mr. Wraxall's presence; after which he affixed his seal and signature to them, as representing the King of Great Britain. The articles were to the following effect:--

_First._ His Britannic Majesty gives his consent and approval to the plan concerted by the adherents of his sister, the Queen of Denmark, for restoring her to the throne.

_Secondly._ His Britannic Majesty insists that, in the execution of it, no blood be spilled, nor any measures of severity exercised toward the present administration in Denmark, except such as are indispensable to maintain the counter-revolution.

_Thirdly._ His Britannic Majesty guarantees the repayment of all the money advanced or expended in the necessary prosecution of the Queen of Denmark's revolution.

_Fourthly._ His Britannic Majesty will authorize and empower his Resident at the court of Copenhagen to declare, in the most public manner, so soon as the revolution in favour of the queen is accomplished, that the King of Great Britain approves of it, and will maintain it against all opposition.

Baron von Lichtenstein, when he had placed in Mr. Wraxall's hands these articles, which the latter saw him seal up, and place in a cover without an address, signified to him his Majesty's pleasure that he should set out on the following day for Celle. After delivering his letter to the queen, and the articles, signed in his name, for her perusal, Mr. Wraxall would receive the latter back from the queen, and proceed with them to the Danish nobility at Hamburg.

Accordingly, on the afternoon of February 3, 1775, Mr. Wraxall left London, embarked at Harwich, and landed at Helvoetsluys on the evening of the 6th. Passing through Holland by Utrecht and Deventer, he arrived on Sunday morning, the 12th, at daybreak, at the bank of the little river Dinckel, which divides the provinces of Over-Yssel from the circle of Westphalia. From this point, the "Private Journal" shall speak for itself, until the traveller arrives at Celle:--

* * * * *

_February_ 12_th._--I arrived at the house near the bank of the Dinckel as day broke: here I found the royal courier, who came over in the same packet with me from England. He had arrived here on Friday morning, but the waters were so deep that he had not dared to attempt the passage, with two carts laden with boxes and coffers. The inn was misery itself: oxen, pigs, men, and women all together. The courier assured me, that if he had not provided himself with provisions very amply, he should have been almost starved, nothing being procurable from the people. When I had drunk my chocolate, we walked forward half a quarter of a mile, to reconnoitre the spot, and see if it was practicable to pass over. After a long debate, the landlord of the house offered, for a few stivers, to mount one of the four horses, and endeavour to conduct us through it. In consequence of this resolution, they raised my trunks, by putting straw and turf under them to move them five feet from the surface of the ground, to prevent the water from spoiling my clothes. They would have persuaded me to get up behind the carriage, as, in case it overturned, I might then have easily disengaged myself; but, notwithstanding, I got in: as to my clothes and linen, I trusted them cheerfully to fortune, and only reserved the letter with which I was charged, which I carried in my bosom, resolved that it should not perish, except with myself. We drove off about noon from the inn. When we came to the place, the two fore horses plunged in; the water was as high as their backs, how much deeper it might be I cannot pretend to say, as they immediately swam: the carriage floated likewise, and the horses drew it about twelve or fourteen paces in this manner, when we touched ground, and all the danger was over. Had there been a very violent stream or had not the horses done their part, the chaise must have inevitably been overturned--nothing could have saved it.

* * * * * * Continuing my route from Bentheim, I got in the evening at about eight o'clock to Rheine. The roads were terrible, and I trembled continually for my own and my servant's safety. The moon, however, was our protection, and under her auspices and guidance we arrived safe. We passed through another small river, which was swollen with the rains to the breadth of three or four hundred paces. Happily, however, the depth was not above three or four feet, and we got through without any accident. The country all round us was deluged with water, and scarce appeared like land. Rheine is a small town belonging to the bishopric of Münster, not fortified, though surrounded with old walls. The postmaster appeared to be an obliging man, and the horses being ready, I set out at about ten o'clock at night. I had not driven more than a mile from the place when the carriage overturned; my servant's hand was cut by the glasses, which broke in pieces, but I escaped unhurt. The horses stood still, without attempting to drag the chaise, which, had they done, the consequences to us must have been very fatal, as some minutes elapsed ere we could get out at the windows.

I despatched my servant back to the town for assistance, and the postilion to a neighbouring village on the same errand, while I remained alone with the carriage. My servant returned first, after an hour's absence, with an old man, the postmaster not choosing, or not being willing, to afford him any more help. We waited, therefore, for the postilion, who came at length, to our great joy, with four villagers, by whose endeavours we raised the carriage up once more, and returned to Rheine about midnight. I am most fully of opinion that the postilion did it purposely, and probably by his master's orders. The postmaster's behaviour justified this conjecture: he neither blamed the man, nor promised me any satisfaction; he only told me I had better forget it, and go to bed in his house. I did so, for what other course could I take in a country where I spoke the language very imperfectly, and in which I was absolutely at their mercy? To proceed without glasses at this season of the year, in the night, was not agreeable; and even if I would, the postmaster said he could give me no other postilion till the next morning, and to set out with the same would have been madness. I was tempted to severely chastise the driver myself, but the consequences which might have ensued deterred me. So I lay down in a miserable apartment, as large as an Egyptian hall, where the winds whistled in every corner. I made my servant lie in the same room, and held my pistols ready, but all was very tranquil during the night. Why the landlord should wish to overset my carriage, unless to make me return, and get a couple of guilders for my lodging, I do not know, but I am convinced it was a concerted affair.

_February_ 13_th._--The morning began most inauspiciously. It rained very hard, and blew with equal violence. I thought of the poor courier, who would be prevented by it from passing the Dinckel. I set out once more at eight o'clock from Rheine in this dismal weather and without glasses, not any being procurable at the place. It was, indeed, a terrifying view on all sides, and resembled a deluge or inundation. I recommended myself to God, and comforted myself by the thought that I undertook the journey in the service of my royal mistress. That I was not repeatedly overturned was almost a miracle; and had I been so in the great pieces of standing water through which I passed, the consequences might have been of the worst sort. I crossed the little river Aá, which was likewise swollen by the rain to a considerable size. I got at one o'clock to Ippenburen; from this place I had only eighteen miles to Osnabrück, but the road was so horribly bad that all I had yet seen sunk before it. A peasant who accompanied us on foot about four miles from Ippenburen supported the carriage at different places with his hands, or we must have been overset. The torrents of rain which had fallen made the highway so soft that the wheels sank up to the axletrees at every step. There were great holes made in the middle of the road large enough to take a man and horse. In other places it was so rough, I expected each moment that the axletrees, wheels, or brancards must go to pieces. We crossed two very dangerous waters by moonlight, in one of which a single inch more on one side must have precipitated us into a river, where we should, I think, have been both inevitably drowned. How we escaped and got safe to Osnabrück I do not know. In the bitterness of my heart, tired with such incessantly-repeated dangers and vexations, I cursed the errand, and swore that I would never again undertake a journey through Westphalia in the winter, let the inducement be what it would; but this was only momentary, and _now_ I am ready, at my sovereign's command, to return through all if it should be necessary. 'Twas near ten o'clock at night when I reached Osnabrück, to my no small comfort. I was fatigued and sore with the continued shaking of the carriage; I wanted glasses to my chaise; I wanted repose; so I determined to stay the night.

The landlord of the inn, after congratulating me on my safe arrival, implored me not to attempt to pass the river Weser at Stolzenau, which is the straight road to Hanover, but rather to go round ten miles by Minden, where there is a bridge across it. He showed me a letter he had just received from there, which said that the Weser was swollen to a prodigious size; that twenty-two dead bodies had been taken up at the bridge, floating on the water; that the danger of passing in a boat was extreme, and the inundation beyond any ever remembered. This induced me, though reluctantly, to take his advice as the safest, or at least the most certain in every point of view.

About one o'clock in the afternoon I left Osnabrück, and arrived at Boomele, which is fifteen miles distant, at six. The road was, if possible, yet worse than all I had hitherto seen or passed, but of a different kind, in some measure. There were no dangerous waters or rivers; but such numbers of stones, and of so prodigious a size, that it appeared astonishing in the highest degree that the carriage was not totally demolished by them. I started at eight for Diepenau, which is twenty English miles, but did not arrive there till half-past five the next morning. I had here occasion for all my courage to support me. The postmaster obliged me to take six horses, and they were indeed most necessary. The country was all covered with water like a lake; and I passed through a horse-pond, where I expected every instant to be overset, and in which the horses were almost up to their shoulders. At length we came to two vast hollows, not less than four-and-twenty feet deep, and in which a great quantity of water had collected. Here I got out, as did my servant. The postilions carried us on their shoulders through it, the carriage followed, but I never expected to see it come out, at least, without being broken to pieces. It did get through, notwithstanding, to my astonishment; yet, at many other places I dreaded every instant to be overturned at the hazard of my life. Still, I proceeded, encouraged by the moon, which shone very brightly, and was indeed my protectress amid so many and so repeated dangers. Yet the continued anxiety of mind which prevented me from closing my eyes, and the violent exercise of the body in such horrid roads--if roads they could with propriety be called--at length wearied and fatigued me beyond belief. I wished to be at the end of my journey. I wished I had never undertaken it; I almost lost that animating principle, that enthusiasm and hope, which had borne me up and made me with joy devote myself to every untoward accident. In a word, I felt that I could brave death, but not mental and corporeal agitation unusually continued. But what could I do? I had passed the Rubicon.

_Wednesday, February_ 15_th._--In this frame of mind, after waiting from five till three for horses at Diepenau, I again got into the carriage; where to go, however, I really knew not. There were only three roads to choose. If I went to Minden, which was only ten miles distant, I could indeed get there and pass the Weser by the bridge; but then they were unanimously agreed that the road from Minden to Hanover was not practicable, or to be attempted. I would have gone north to Nienburg, and have passed the Weser by _that_ bridge, but it was impossible; the Weser had inundated the road, overflowed the bridge, left holes big enough to hold a house in the highway; and there were at this time more than two hundred carts belonging to the peasants which could not get out of the town. The last resource was to go on straight to Stolzenau, and attempt, at all events, to cross by boat to Leese on the eastern side. I embraced this last proposal in consequence of the courier's advice, and followed his waggons. While I was meditating on so many vexatious circumstances, and going slowly along the pavé in the village of Diepenau, unsuspicious at that moment of any immediate accident or danger, the postilion turned the carriage short round a corner and flung it into a deep ditch. By a good fortune, however, which never totally abandoned me, the chaise just being in equilibrium, and a peasant running up came just at the instant it was tumbling over, and supported it with the greatest difficulty with his hands till more assistance arrived.

I must own, I thought myself lost, and do assuredly believe that, if the chaise had fallen over, the violence must have broken it in pieces, and both myself and my valet would in all probability have been cut most miserably, or been possibly killed on the spot. I jumped out of the carriage the instant I could. I drew my hanger, and, in the transports of my resentment, I should most assuredly have made the postilion remember, as long as he lived, his carelessness; but the fellow was gone far beyond my reach long even before I could get out. The villagers helped out the chaise, and happily no material injury was done it. This provoking accident filled up the measure of my vexations. To have my life and limbs every moment in extreme danger--to suffer by roads, by villany, by heedlessness, by water, by a train of obstacles which increased instead of diminishing--the river Weser before me, and yet to be passed--I lost all patience, I believe I shed tears of anger and sorrow. "In the name of Heaven!" I said to myself, "am I destined to perish in one of these confounded ditches? And is this message, for which I so eagerly wished, to be the last I shall ever carry?"

I trembled as I once more entered the carriage, which I began to think was no other than my coffin. Another postilion mounted, and I fairly told him that if he overset me I would put him to death on the spot, whatever consequences might ensue. I abandoned myself to fortune; worn and oppressed by such continued exertions, my senses sank under it, and though in momentary expectation of being again overturned, I yet fell asleep for a few minutes. I arrived safe, notwithstanding, at Stolzenau, and walked down, accompanied by the courier, to view the Weser. What a sight! it was more than a mile and a half wide, and ran with vast rapidity. The meadows, the very hedges all under water, and extending quite to the village of Leese on the other side. I was determined, if I died, to attempt the passage. I agreed instantly with some boatmen to take me and my carriage over in a boat. They would not go that night, but agreed to carry me to-morrow morning at six o'clock. So I shall see some end to my misadventures. I write this from Stolzenau. The courier left all his waggons, for it was totally impossible to get them over in any manner, and went away with his letters only to Hanover in a small boat. I wrote to Baron von Seckendorf by him, telling him where I was, and my resolution, my fixed determination, at all events, to cross to-morrow, for I preferred anything to remaining in a vile inn, in a horrid village, with the Weser in full view. At this moment my mind has somewhat recovered, and I am calm and tranquil--yet some termination I will see to these cursed disasters. And now for some rest. Sleep will, I doubt not, be the kindest friend and restorer to me in nature.

_February_ 16.--Why should I quarrel so with fortune? why complain, when as yet she smiles upon me? True, the roads are terrible, and the dangers numerous beyond belief; but am I not already past the worst, and hastening to a queen? This reflection ought to be alone sufficient in every situation.

I got into my carriage, which was placed in a little boat, at about seven in the morning, and, leaving Stolzenau, in about an hour and a half I reached the opposite dry land, and set my foot again on shore. I passed through meadows and fields, where the tops of the hedges and the trees began to appear above the surface of the water for nearly a mile, perhaps more. The inundation was amazingly extensive, and reminded me of Deucalion's deluge. It cost me, I think, about a ducat to cross over from Stolzenau. The water reached to about a quarter of a mile from Leese, where the post is situate. I proceeded, as soon as I had drunk my coffee, for Hanover, and got to Hazelberg, which is twelve miles from Leese, at about three in the afternoon. The weather was beautiful, but the road tremendous. I know not by what continued series of fortunate chances we were not upset. I continued my journey, and arrived safe at Hanover at about ten at night. This part of the Electorate, from the Weser to Hanover, is the most beautiful I have seen, and finely cultivated; but of all the roads conceivable, none ever, I believe, exceeded this in badness. I drove in continual danger of my life, and, really, several times, in the deep waters through which I passed, prepared myself for instant death.

_February_ 17.--I left Hanover about noon, and took the road for Zell. I do not believe the whole distance is more than twenty-two or three English miles, though it is called five German ones. I arrived at Engsen, which is exactly half way, as night set in. The road was still the same; it was not worse, but one can hardly say it was better. I waited for the moon to rise, and then proceeded for Zell. I arrived there at ten o'clock, but that I ever did arrive is wonderful. One half of the road from Engsen, which is five miles, lay almost entirely through water, and in many places so deep, so wide, and so long, as might have inspired terror in the boldest heart; but my near approach to the place of my destination gave me courage, and supported me through everything. Once, though, we were just lost in the water. The carriage balanced, and the balance was in our favour. I thought of William Rufus crossing into Normandy, and the boatmen. "Rascals," said he, "did you ever know a king drowned?" "Was ever," I thought, "young man drowned in sight of his port?" I drove to the same inn where I had been concealed before, and gave the same name to the guard.

* * * * *

On the following morning, Mr. Wraxall acquainted Baron von Seckendorf with his arrival. The latter received the agent with the warmest marks of joy and gladness, informed him that her Majesty, who was apprised of his arrival by the name given at the gates, expected him with impatience, and that she had already taken measures to admit him to an audience that same afternoon. "When you hear the palace clock strike four," the baron said, "set out from the inn, on foot, for the castle. Mantel, the queen's valet, will wait to receive you, and conduct you to her."

Mr. Wraxall delivered to the baron the despatches for her Majesty, and went at the appointed hour to the palace. Mantel was waiting, and carried him round the great court through a number of apartments to a room, where he was left alone. At one end of it was a staircase communicating with the queen's chamber. In a minute afterwards, Caroline Matilda came in, and her reception of her agent was most gracious. The account of the interview shall be told from the "Journal:"--

"We conversed till about ten minutes past six, entirely alone, and in the most unreserved, undisguised manner. Her Majesty made me the recital of her reign, of the revolution, of her own conduct on that fatal night when she lost her crown. I listened in silence and astonishment. What an avowal, what a recapitulation did she not make me! Her words are for ever graven on my heart. I could repeat her story almost verbatim. I know what scarce any other man on earth _can_ know. I must own, her unreserve, her goodness, her minute detail of circumstances the most concealed in their nature, my situation quite alone with her, superadded to some consciousness still more affecting, made me more than once forget I was talking to a queen. She was dressed in a brown silk Polonaise, trimmed with green silk. Her hair powdered. A locket on her bosom. Her under-lip is too large, but her teeth are fine, and that family violence in speaking becomes her. Her nose is finely shaped, and her eyes are eloquent. She is thinner in the face than she was last October. She showed me his Majesty's letters to her, and permitted me to carry an extract from one away with me. She was obliged to leave me soon after six, which, otherwise, she seemed in no way inclined to do. Her talents are very good, and in mimicry she excels. Her specimen of Prince Frederick of Denmark was excellent. She went, and I remained ten minutes alone. The valet came again and conducted me to a distant chamber of the palace, where the baron attended my coming. We conversed together till near eight, then I returned home. The baron himself conducted me to a private staircase, by which I descended into the great court, and thence, under cover of the night, got home undiscovered. This was _one_ of the singular days of my life!"

Mr. Wraxall passed nearly the whole of the next day with Baron von Seckendorf, who returned him the articles from the queen, enclosed in a cover addressed by herself to Baron von Bülow, and sealed with her own cypher. She also transmitted to him assurances calculated to confirm the zeal of her adherents. Mr. Wraxall proceeded toward Hamburg on the same night, though the country between it and Celle was almost everywhere under water. Crossing the Elbe, he arrived at Hamburg on the evening of February 21, 1775, after a hazardous and fatiguing journey.

On the following day he wrote to Baron von Bülow, by means of Monsieur le Texier, informing him of his return. The baron came to Mr. Wraxall on February 23, about noon, and expressed great joy at his safe arrival. The agent then delivered the papers containing the articles to the baron, who perused them many times with the deepest attention. Of the two first articles he expressed the highest approbation. He regretted that the King of England would not advance any pecuniary assistance toward accomplishing his sister's restoration. But he lamented much more that the fourth article only stipulated or promised, on the part of his Britannic Majesty, to avow the revolution _after it should be effected_, instead of making that avowal _during the time that it should be actually executing_.

"We must, however," the baron exclaimed, "transmit the articles to our associates at Copenhagen, and receive their reply. That alone can enable us to form our determination respecting the line to be pursued."

The baron then asked Mr. Wraxall if he should be willing to undertake the commission of carrying the articles to Copenhagen, which he assured him he would do at an hour's warning. After thanking the agent for so unequivocal a proof of his attachment to the cause, and admonishing him to be on his guard, as they were surrounded by spies, the baron left, promising to return on the next day.

When they met on the 24th, the baron informed Mr. Wraxall that, having maturely reflected on the proposition he had made the latter of going to Copenhagen, and having consulted two of his friends upon it, they were unanimously of opinion not to hazard such an experiment. Mr. Wraxall being known in that capital, his return to it must, in the present state of affairs, excite inquiry, and might expose the enterprise itself to discovery or suspicion. They had, therefore, already selected for that commission a gentleman attached to the cause, who would set out immediately. He would return with all possible despatch, but, as the passage of the two Belts was always uncertain in winter, it might probably require two, or even three, weeks to receive an answer. During this time the baron requested Mr. Wraxall, in the name of the party, to remain quietly in Hamburg.

On March 14, Baron von Bülow came to Mr. Wraxall and informed him that the expected answer from Copenhagen had arrived. "It is," he said, "exactly such as I predicted and anticipated. Our friends had hoped that his Britannic Majesty would have authorised his Resident to have come forward _at the time that they were effecting_ the counter-revolution; and that, as representing the king his sovereign, he would, in that critical and decisive moment, have been empowered openly to avow and justify it. This is the only request they make. They know that they are powerful enough to _accomplish_ the queen's recall, but to maintain it may be their difficulty."

After a little further conversation, the baron added:

"At the instant when the queen dowager and her son, Prince Frederick, are put under confinement in their own apartments, when the principal ministers are arrested, and the King of Denmark's order obtained for Queen Matilda's immediate return to Copenhagen, all eyes will be turned upon the conduct of the British Resident. If he shuts the gates of his hôtel, and remains a silent or a passive spectator of so great a change, men will naturally conceive that his court and his master are unacquainted with, if not adverse to, the enterprise itself. It is even possible that, encouraged by such inaction on the part of the English representative, the adherents of the queen dowager may attempt, while the counter-revolution is yet scarcely completed, to overturn it, or to excite the populace of Copenhagen to insurrection. We may be the victims of the King of England's reserve.

"But if, on the contrary, while Queen Matilda's friends are achieving the counter-revolution, the English Resident goes to the palace, avows his master's approbation of it, and adds, that every attempt to overturn it, or to impede his sister's recall, will excite the resentment of his Britannic Majesty, who will support it, if necessary, by force: all ranks of men will remain in profound submission. The party is, therefore, determined to draw up a letter to the above effect, addressed to the King of England in their joint names, and to limit their requests to this single point. That granted, they are ready, without delay, to proceed to action."

Before they parted, it was settled that Baron von Bülow should draw up the letter in question, and that as soon as matters were arranged Mr. Wraxall should return once more to Celle, and thence to England.

As George III. had made choice of Baron von Lichtenstein as the medium through which all immediate communications to him on the subject of the queen his sister should pass, it was highly important to apprise the baron of this intention. Mr. Wraxall accordingly wrote to him on the same day by the post, expressing in very few words that, on account of some circumstances which had arisen, he would probably see Mr. Wraxall again in London early in the ensuing month. The writer added, that if, unfortunately, the baron should have quitted England before his return, he relied on his leaving accurate directions in writing how to proceed in the affair. Mr. Wraxall also wrote to Baron von Seckendorf, apprising him that he might be expected again in Celle in a few days.

On March 20, Baron von Bülow delivered Mr. Wraxall the letter for the King of Great Britain. It was not signed by him or by any of the party, on account of the danger incurred by such a signature. But it expressed in very strong terms the united entreaties of the queen's adherents on the single point already stated. This letter Mr. Wraxall was empowered to deliver to the queen on his arrival at Celle, to request her to peruse it, and afterwards to enclose it in a letter from herself to her brother, supporting every argument contained in it by her entreaties. Mr. Wraxall was, as on the two previous occasions, to draw up a letter to the queen, and his further instructions for her were to the following effect:--

"To assure her Majesty, on the part of the Danish nobility engaged in her cause, that they were unremittingly occupied in concerting measures for her restoration. That they were so numerous and powerful a body, possessed of such means, and inspired by motives so strong, as to render their success almost infallible. That the consent of the King of Great Britain to the only request preferred by them would, indeed, accelerate, as his refusal might retard, the accomplishment of the projected enterprise, but that nothing could prevent its ultimate execution. That even a discovery of the design would not frustrate it; and that, if the executioner should strike off ten heads or twenty, a number sufficient would still survive to seat her on the throne. That the plan, when ripe, would be carried into execution in the following manner:--

"On the day fixed, certain of them would repair to the palace, obtain access to the king, and either induce or compel him to affix his name to an instrument ready drawn up for the purpose. The instrument would simply contain an order to the queen dowager to retire to her own apartment till his further pleasure was known; and to Prince Frederick, to remove to one of the palaces, probably that of Frederiksborg, about twenty miles from Copenhagen. That at the same time, by virtue of a similar order, the ministers would be dismissed or arrested; and a messenger sent off to invite the queen to return, without an instant's delay, to Denmark, to resume her proper rank and authority. That their measures would be so well concerted and so rapidly executed as to produce the counter-revolution in the space of one or two hours.

"That they trusted, therefore, she, on her part, would repair with all possible expedition to Copenhagen. That a proper escort, becoming her dignity, should be formed, to accompany her from Altona through the Danish territories, and that they calculated she might, with despatch, reach Copenhagen in four days from the time of her quitting Celle, if no extraordinary impediment arose in her passing the two Belts. That her presence in the capital of Denmark would animate the courage of her adherents, cover her enemies with consternation, and complete the counter-revolution. Lastly, that though they could not yet name the precise time when they hoped to proceed to action, which must in a certain degree depend on the answer of his Britannic Majesty to their present request, yet, that for many and urgent reasons, they neither could nor would long defer the blow."

Having received the above-mentioned letter from Baron von Bülow, and general directions for his conduct, Mr. Wraxall again set out from Hamburg on March 21, 1775, and reached Celle on the following night, at ten o'clock. He gave the same name to the sentinel at the gates, and drove to the same obscure inn, as on former occasions. Next morning he went to Baron von Seckendorf to inform him of his arrival. The baron entreated him to remain concealed as much as possible, and not to stir out by day, as the Princess of Brunswick was then on a visit to the queen. But, he added, that her Majesty was determined to see Mr. Wraxall, at all events, previous to his departure, as she had various matters to impart to him of a confidential nature.

On Mr. Wraxall's return to the inn, Mantel, the queen's valet, came to him. Mr. Wraxall gave him, in consequence of the order he brought, the letter of the Danish nobility to George III., and also a letter from himself, addressed to the queen, containing the heads of the instructions with which he was charged. It was afterwards fixed, between Baron von Seckendorf and Mr. Wraxall, that, on Saturday morning, March 25, as soon as the hereditary princess had returned to Brunswick, Mr. Wraxall should be brought to the castle, where the queen would be ready to receive him. But, after mature deliberation, the baron thought that it would be safer for him to repair to the castle during the night before the princess left Celle. The circumstance of her then being at Celle was favourable, because no one would be tempted to suppose that the queen could venture on so hazardous an experiment when her sister was under the same roof. It was therefore agreed, that precisely at eight o'clock on the evening of the 24th, Mr. Wraxall should wrap himself in his great-coat, and proceed to the entrance of the drawbridge over the great moat of the castle, where Mantel should punctually meet him, and conduct him to the queen. The circumstances of this last interview are so interesting, that I shall allow Mr. Wraxall to speak in the first person.

* * * * *

I set off about a quarter of an hour before eight for the inn. The darkness of the night was accompanied by a tempest of wind and rain. When I got to the spot, no valet appeared, and directly afterwards the guard was relieved. I was therefore compelled to hide myself as well as I could while the whole guard passed close to me. The rain was so heavy, and the darkness such, that fortunately I was not discovered. I waited in this unpleasant predicament a full quarter of an hour, anxious and impatient to the greatest degree. At length Mantel came. He said not a word to me, but, wrapping his cloak all over me, and covering me with his umbrella, he led me in silence over the drawbridge, under the arch, into the square court of the castle.

We went up a private staircase, and he conducted me along the great gallery or corridor into the queen's library. Two candles were burning, and the book-cases were thrown open, as it was uncertain at what hour the queen could come to me. Mantel left me, but returned in less than a quarter of an hour with a note from Baron von Seckendorf, to the following effect:--

"Un mot pour vous, mon très cher, tout va bien. On espère même que la princesse se retirera à neuf heures; alors sa Majesté pourra vous parler jusqu'a onze heures, à son aise. Vouz pouvez lui dire tout ce que vous avez sur le cœur. Le mauvais temps, m'annonce l'impossibilité de me trouver demain matin au rendezvous: ainsi, ayez la grace, étant d'ailleurs destiné d'être mouillé, de passer à huit heures chez moi. Ordonnez les chevaux à neuf, et partez sous la garde de Dieu. Bon soir. Je retourne le chiffre dont j'ai pris copie. Rapportez-moi demain tout ce que vous avez de papiers ou d'ailleurs. Vous verrez la reine précisement à neuf heures."

I had scarcely perused the note when I heard the queen's footstep on the staircase. A moment afterwards she entered the room. She was charmingly dressed, though without diamonds; she had on a crimson satin sack, and her hair dressed. I drew a chair, and entreated her to allow me to stand and receive her commands, while she was seated, but she declined it, and we both stood the whole time. Our interview lasted about two hours. It was a quarter past eleven when I asked her Majesty if I should retire, and she signified her pleasure that I should. She approved of the letter drawn up by the Danish nobility to the King of Great Britain, as well as the request contained in it, which she confessed to be natural and just, though she doubted his Britannic Majesty's consent to it.

"I will, however," she added, "write to my brother the letter requested before I go to bed to-night, enforcing, as far as I am able, the petition of the nobility. You shall receive it from Baron Seckendorf to-morrow morning, and at the same time that of the Danish nobility shall be returned to you."

Her Majesty ordered me to assure Baron von Bülow by letter that "she was satisfied with all I had communicated to her on his part, and that she should be ready on the shortest notice to mount on horseback in men's clothes, in order more expeditiously to reach Copenhagen: there to encounter every difficulty with her friends."

Her Majesty was gracious enough to express to me the strongest assurances of her protection. She was pleased to say:

"I lament that I have no means left me of proving to you at this time my satisfaction. You have run every hazard in order to serve me. I will, whatever may be the event of the present attempt, recommend you to the king, my brother. He can, and will, I have no doubt, recompense you properly. Meanwhile, write to me freely and unreservedly from England on every point, and rely on my recollection of your services."

When the queen was about to withdraw, she opened the door, but held it a few minutes in her hand, as if she had something to say: she then retired. I little thought her death was so near, and that I should never see her again. In a short time afterwards, Mantel came to me, and wrapping me up in his cloak as before, conducted me by a private staircase out of one of the postern gates of the castle. It was quite dark, and he therefore showed me the way through the suburbs to the inn. When I got there, it was midnight.

* * * * *

On the following morning, Mr. Wraxall waited on Baron von Seckendorf. The latter delivered to him the two letters, one from the Danish nobility, and one from the queen to George III. They were under separate covers, but both were sealed and addressed by herself. Mr. Wraxall received orders from her Majesty, concerning what he had written on March 14 from Hamburg, namely, to deliver the letters on his arrival in London to Baron von Lichtenstein, if he was still there, and in case of his having quitted England, he would follow the instructions which might be left by him respecting the mode of conveying the despatches to the king.

Baron von Seckendorf, at the same time, communicated to Mr. Wraxall, by the queen's command, a message with which she had charged him. It contained the most gracious assurances of her favour and protection, "as due," she was pleased to say, "to his zeal, exertions, and disinterestedness."

Mr. Wraxall left Celle immediately afterwards, and took the road to Osnabrück and Holland. From Rotterdam he wrote to Baron von Bülow, as well as to Mr. le Texier, informing them of all that had happened at Celle, and of his being on his way to England. On April 1, he embarked at Helvoetsluys, and reached London on the morning of the 5th.

On the next day, Mr. Wraxall called at Baron von Lichtenstein's lodgings, but, to his great mortification, learned that the baron had left England ten days previously. He left behind him, however, the following letter for the Queen of Denmark's agent:--

J'ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'écrire en date du 14 de Mars. Je suis très faché que mes occupations, et mon emploi à Hannovre, ne me permettent pas de m'arréter ici jusqu'au temps de votre retour, pour avoir la satisfaction d'apprendre le succès de votre voyage, n'en ayant pas eu, comme vous vous imaginez, des nouvelles par la personne en question. En attendant, j'ai donné l'avis de votre arrivée prochaine. Vous trouverez çi joint l'adresse de la personne à laquelle _on_ veut que vous remettiez vos lettres, dont vous pourriez être chargé. Je dois vous dire de n'être pas surpris, se vous ne recevez point de réponse. _On_ l'adressera à moi. Des raisons que vous savez, c'est à dire qu'on ne donnera rien d'écrit de sa main touchant cette affaire, ne permettent pas d'agir autrement. Si _on_ ne change pas de sentiment, et si _on_ ne vous fait pas dire par celui auquel vous donnerez vos lettres, d'attendre ici, je ne vois pas d'autre expédient que de retourner dans une quinzaine de jours et de venir me trouver à Hannovre, où je compte d'être infailliblement vers la fin du mois d'Avril. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec la considération la plus distinguée,

Monsieur, Votre très humble et Très obéissant serviteur, N. L.

A Londres, ce 24 Mars, 1775.

Adresse de la personne à laquelle Mr. Wr. remettra ses lettres,

MONSIEUR DE HINÜUBER, Jermain Street, St. James's.

In obedience to this order, Mr. Wraxall waited upon Mr. Hinüber on the next morning. The latter received him with great politeness, and informed him that he had the king's directions to take from Mr. Wraxall, and forward immediately in a sealed-up box to the queen's house, whatever letters Mr. Wraxall might give him. Mr. Wraxall, in consequence, delivered to Monsieur de Hinüber two packets: one from the Queen of Denmark, and another from the Danish nobility. To these he added a letter addressed by himself to his Majesty. In the last, he thought it his duty to request the king, in the name of all the adherents of his sister, to admit him to an audience, as the only person who could, from his perfect knowledge of the plan and the persons, satisfy any inquiries, or explain any secret matters relative to the enterprise itself.

Mr. Wraxall also wrote to the queen, Baron von Seckendorf, and Baron von Bülow, acquainting them with his arrival and his Majesty's orders. During a fortnight, he waited in expectation that the king might possibly signify to him his commands. But having received no communication, Mr. Wraxall wrote, on April 21, to Baron von Bülow and Monsieur le Texier, informing them how matters stood. He particularly requested to be told in what manner he should act: whether they wished him to remain in London, or return by Hanover and Celle to Hamburg. By the same post, he addressed a letter to her Majesty at Celle, stating fully to her the facts which he had communicated to the Danish nobility.

It was not till May 10 that Mr. Wraxall received an answer from the Danish nobility. The letter was written by Le Texier in his own name and that of Von Bülow. It was to the effect that the baron's absence from Altona had occasioned the delay of some days in replying to Mr. Wraxall's last despatch; but that, the baron being then returned, they had maturely considered it together. They greatly regretted the king's not having admitted their agent to an audience, as well as his silence on the important point requested. The state of affairs at Copenhagen was extremely critical; but till the return of young Baron von Schimmelmann, whom they expected impatiently and daily, they were in a degree unacquainted with the person, condition, or intentions of their associates. The instant they were enabled to give Mr. Wraxall any information on the subject, he should hear again. In the meanwhile, they besought him, in the joint names of all the party, to remain quiet where he was, and not to set out from London, either for Celle or Hamburg, unless by his Majesty's positive directions.

In pursuance of this letter, Mr. Wraxall waited for further information, and held himself in readiness, if it should be thought necessary, to return to Germany, or to renew his application to George III. through Mr. de Hinüber, if the Danish nobility should instruct him to do so; but Providence had decreed that their efforts should be rendered vain. While the measures concerted to restore the queen to the throne of Denmark appeared to be near their accomplishment, she was no more. The melancholy intelligence did not reach London till May 19, and it need hardly be said that the news of so unexpected and lamentable an event produced a terrible effect on her zealous agent.

On May 25, Mr. Wraxall received a letter from Baron von Seckendorf, which I shall transcribe here, as it contains a singular and material fact, that George III. had given, through Baron von Lichtenstein, an answer to the request made him by the Danish nobility; but that, as the king's letter arrived at Hanover when Caroline Matilda was either dying or dead, the packet was returned to him unopened:--

MON TRES CHER AMI,

La mort également douleureuse et rapide de mon incomparable maîtresse, renverse tout d'un coup l'édifice de notre prospérité. Que nous sommes malheureux, et que sa perte est grande pour nos amis. Lepy (Baron von Bülow) a été incessamment informé par moi de cette triste catastrophe. Le paquet dont se trouvait chargé le courier, a été renvoyé, sans être décacheté au Sieur Abel (the King of England) par Alis (Lichtenstein) et j'ignore entièrement ce qu'auroit été la résolution qu'il comptait donner aux amis de Montpelier (Copenhagen).

Alis m'a promis de faire en sorte que toutes les dépenses faites par eux et par vous, seroient remboursées par Abel, le plutôt que possible. Et sitôt que j'aurai des nouvelles sûres à cet égard, vous en serez instruit. En attendant, je vous prie de dire ceci à Lepy. Il est juste que personne ne perde son argent.

Que deviendrons nous à cette heure, mon très cher ami? Resterez vous à Londres, oui ferez vous le voyage que vos parents avaient projetté? Puis-je me flatter de vous revoir jamais? Grand Dieu! quelle désolation en si peu de momens! Je ne pourrai jamais me remettre de ce coup. Vôtre dernière lettre parvint encore à la chère défuncte.

Adieu, mon très cher ami! Je ne cesserai de ma vie de vous aimer et de conserver la mémoire de votre attachement sincère pour la precieuse Agujari (Queen of Denmark).

Tout à vous, BROCARD.[54]

Ce 16ᵐᵉ May, 1775.

From Baron von Bülow, Mr. Wraxall received a letter, in June, announcing to him the same event; it was dated May 22nd, and I shall extract the first part of it here, as it proves another very important circumstance, that the enterprise would have been carried out whether George III. had given the required promise or not:--

MONSIEUR,

La nouvelle la plus malheureuse du monde m'avait mis dans un tel état d'anéantissement, qu'il n'a été jusqu' ici pas possible de vous dire un mot.

Occupé avec Grenier (Schimmelmann) à deliberer sur les moyens les plus prompts pour exécuter le plan, et rempli de nouvelles espérances non équivoques fixant, pour ainsi dire, malgré le silence opiniâtre d'Abel, le _jour_, le _moment_ tant désiré, je reçois une lettre de Brocard. Je l'ouvre avec précipitation, dans l'idée d'y trouver les choses les plus agréables: mais, au contraire, la première ligne annonce l'arrêt du Destin le plus cruel. Je ne dirai rien de ce que je sentis dans un moment aussi inattendu, puisque je suis sûr que vous vous en faites une idée exacte, par la situation dans laquelle vous vous serez trouvé vous même, en apprenant notre malheur.

C'en est donc fait de notre bonheur! il s'est enfui pour toujours. Nous n'avons pas dû être heureux. Nous n'avons pas dû le rendre les autres. Il ne nous reste aucun espoir. Nous rentrons dans le néant dont nous voulions sortir! Mais que ce Fantome de bonheur envolé ne nous emporte pas votre amitié et attachement. Comptez jusqu'à la fin des mes forces, sur le mien. Mes amis vous assurent la même chose. Nous vous devons trop pour devenir ingrat. Tout ce qui dépendra de nous, pour vous le temoigner, ne sera jamais négligé. Parlez et disposez de ce qu'il y a en notre pouvoir.

Thus terminated, seemingly at the point of fruition, an enterprise in which some of the first nobility of Denmark, Norway, and Holstein, were engaged, and to which George III. had given his consent.[55]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 52: George III., it must be borne in mind, considered his public duties as superior to private feelings. In 1775, he, though overwhelmed with grief at his sister's death, obtained from Christian VII. a decree that the Danes were to give no sort of assistance to the American rebels.]

[Footnote 53: The admirers of cryptography will find a specimen of the baron's letters in the Appendix. To the same dreary limbo I have also consigned my grandfather's letters to his father relating to this affair, solely through a fear that I might be charged with giving him undue prominence in a work purporting to be the life of Caroline Matilda.]

[Footnote 54: Seckendorf.]

[Footnote 55: Baron von Bülow and his friends nobly kept their word, and constantly urged George III., through Lichtenstein, to reward my grandfather for his great exertions on behalf of Caroline Matilda. It was not, however, till 1781, or when Mr. Wraxall had a seat in the House of Commons, and a useful vote, that Lord North brought up the subject. My grandfather then received 1,000 guineas for his services, and the promise of a seat at the Board of Green Cloth. The promise was not kept; for what reason he shall tell us himself:--

"In November, 1783, on the meeting of Parliament, the memorable East India Bill was introduced by Mr. Fox. Upon the first division that took place on the bill, I quitted Lord North, notwithstanding the motives I had to adhere to him; rather choosing to abandon my expectations, however near their accomplishment, than give my support to a measure which I considered to be pregnant with mischief to the country and constitution. I joined Mr. Pitt in opposition, and was one of the one hundred and twenty members who formed the minority on that evening against a majority of two hundred and twenty-nine in favour of the bill."]