Part 28

I return to you again, my dear Farel. I do not know whether you have sent Bucer's letter to Viret. Anyhow, I have gathered from it that the worthy man is labouring under too much moroseness at present.[301] I shall write him a quiet letter by and by. There will be silence in future concerning the Zurichers; for I perceive that it only heightens his exasperation. Seeing that he longs greatly for your [letter], I should like him to approve of mine. For that saying of Terence's applies to him, that the unfortunate abuse everybody. For he makes no secret of thinking, that his old friends neglect him when they do not write frequently. Nor is he deceived in Sturm, perhaps, who formerly stood so high in his favour that he would have wronged most men before him.

[301] Saddened by his exile, and tormented by a malady under which he sunk the year following, Bucer complained bitterly of being continually the object of an unjust suspicion to the theologians of Zurich, and of being neglected by his friends in Switzerland.

Adieu, brethren, both very dear to me. May the Lord be always present with you, to guide and watch over you.--Amen. I was more tedious than I imagined on Saturday. For I did not wish to give [the letter] to Latern just when I had it ready. But, having striven in vain to reconcile him to his wife, I sent them both away, not without considerable displeasure.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

Normandie especially salutes you. Your other friends do the same. We have some here at present, by no means our friends. Maréchal de la Mark, the Duc de Nemours,[302] and too great a host of that sort. They will decamp a short while before dinner.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Gotha._ Vol. 404, p. 10.]

[302] Two of the keenest adversaries of the Reformation in France.

CCLXVIII.--TO FAREL.

State of religion in England--Calvin's literary labours--arrival of Robert Stephens at Geneva.

GENEVA, _10th November 1550_.

As for the circumstances of the English king, I simply charged Hugo to inform you, that the success of the Gospel in that country was highly gratifying. The French and the Germans are allowed to adopt the plain and simple mode of administering the sacraments, practised by us. So well disposed was the King himself to religious matters, that he showed some kindness even to me. But as you will learn all this better from the letter of Utenhoven, I shall not add more.[303] I had hardly any communication with the other brother, for having gone out of the church with him, I met by accident the syndic Corné, with whom I walked on, and while doing so, the worthy man slipped away, and did not again make his appearance. I am afraid he may have taken it amiss that I neglected him for the syndic. But you can easily excuse the thing, although an excuse is hardly needed. But to return to England. You will gather from the same source certain other things, of one of which, I must truly confess, I can by no means approve; viz., that John Laski can be so much influenced by the slightest breezes of court favour; I fear its winds will drive him in all directions.[304] I have not as yet made bold to stir up the King himself. As certain parties have repeatedly urged me,[305] I have at last resolved upon dedicating Isaiah to him; and as I thought there would be room enough for an overplus, I intend adding to it a second work, viz., the _Canonical Epistles_, which was conjoined with the former, and which will be out at the same time. I shall accordingly inscribe his name on both works.[306]

[303] See note 2, p. 283. Having left Strasbourg at the same time as Bucer and Fagius, John Utenhoven went to London, where he resided for many years before going to exercise the ministry in Poland. See his correspondence with Bullinger, (1549-1554,) _Zurich Letters_, first series, toms. i. and ii.

[304] John Laski, (Joannes a Lasco,) a Polish nobleman devoted to the cause of the Reformation, who had preached successively in Poland, in Germany, and in England. In the reign of Edward VI. he rose to great favour in the latter country, and was appointed superintendent of the congregation of foreign Protestants in London.--_Zurich Letters_, first series, tom. i. p. 187.

[305] "I am glad your Commentary on Isaiah, and also the Canonical Epistles, are designed for our king; and I do not doubt but that, even from your letter to him, very considerable benefit will accrue to the English king."--Utenhoven to Calvin. Paris MSS. _Recueil Historique de France_, tom. xix.

[306] See Calvin's letter to the King of England, of January 1551.

In truth, that on the Acts and on Genesis, of which you remind me, can scarcely be said to have any existence yet. I am ashamed of my slow progress with the Acts; and the third part which has been completed will, I expect, make a large volume. I was compelled to lay Genesis aside for some time. The revisal of the New Testament has kept me busy for four months past. I am dragged reluctantly into a considerable part of the Old Testament also. I had reminded our printers, in time, to select persons for themselves who, unlike me, were fit for and would undertake the work. They have not attended to my hint, and so their neglect is now my punishment. I have got Louis de Budé[307] to undertake David, Solomon, and the history of Job, but as he will assist me only with his own labour, he will not entirely rid me of annoyance. I have rolled over the Apocrypha on Beza. What could I do? Many are wanting Bibles to themselves, and it is long since there was a single copy to be had. There is no one to undertake the burden, so the horse's housings fall to the ox. Some time has been expended also on the French version of the treatise _De Scandalis_. But I am annoying you to no purpose with these trifles; and, in truth, if I had to give you a reason for so doing, I could only deal in absurdities. I can truly affirm this, however, that it was not without shame that I read that part of your letter in which you laud my industry, being abundantly conscious of my own sloth and tardiness. May the Lord enable me, creeping along gradually, to be in some manner useful....

[307] Louis de Budé, Sieur de la Motte, brother of John de Budé, was particularly versed in Oriental languages, of which he was made professor at Geneva, a short time after his arrival in that town. He died in 1552. We have of his a _Psautier traduit de l'Hebreu en Français_. 8vo. Geneva, 1550.

I have not received a letter from Bucer for a long time. What Vergerio is doing I know not, except that he wrote me from Zurich, with certain reasons for not returning at once to his own church. My only fear is that he will have enough to do, as you know the restless disposition of those people. Robert Stephens[308] is now entirely ours, and we shall soon hear what storms his departure has raised at Paris. The retiring philosophers will doubtless be quite insane.[309] If the Lord will, I shall pay you a visit early in spring, since I did not go during the last vintage season, which I hoped, and particularly desired, to do. My colleagues, Normandie and his sister, one of the Budés, who is here, (for John has gone to France for his father-in-law,) Trier, one of the Colladons--all, salute you most lovingly and cordially; so do very many others. Present my best regards to my countryman Christopher, to Michael Faton, and to your own family; nor do I wish to forget Mirabeau. Be not surprised that the sea of Scandals is wellnigh drunk up by the draughts I have taken of it. Be it known, also, that I was afraid to attempt exhausting it, lest I should drain it dry. May the Lord preserve you long in safety, and may he ever bless your labours.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[308] The celebrated printer Robert Etienne, (Stephens,) a man of the purest reputation, who lived in an age which failed to recognize his genius, and which rewarded his labours with ingratitude. Having become odious to the clergy by his beautiful editions of the Bible, and by his desire for reform, and but ill protected by the King of France against the vexations of the Sorbonne, he resolved to quit his country and remove his presses to Geneva, whither the printer Crespin had already preceded him. He arrived there towards the end of the year 1550, with his son Henry, who afterwards shed a new lustre on the name of Stephens. He publicly embraced the cause of the Reformation, together with the members of his family, and honoured his adopted country by the publication of various works of antiquity, both sacred and profane. Made a burgess of Geneva in 1556, he lived in constant intimacy with Calvin and Beza, until his death in 1559.--Senebier, _Hist. Litt._, pp. 355, 356; Haag. _France Protestante_, Art. Estienne.

[309] In allusion to a tolerably numerous party in France, who, on receiving the Gospel, believed they might remain united in external communion with the Romish Church, and escape persecution by an apparent adhesion to its dogmas.

CCLXIX.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[310]

[310] After leaving Bâle, and his establishment at Geneva, (July 1548). This seigneur lived in the village of Veigy, situated several leagues from the city, between Hermance and Les Voirons.

Misconduct of a servant of M. de Falais.

_This 24th of December_ (1550.)

MONSEIGNEUR,--I thank you in the name of all, for the trouble you have been pleased to take in helping us, if perchance the bad business which has been going on underhand can be set right.[311] I find, however, that the examination will not be sufficient to enable us to get to the bottom of it. We have of course forbidden all intercourse for the future between the young man and that unhappy woman. But it will be a more difficult matter to bring home to their consciences their past misdeeds. Indeed there is but one witness who testifies that the brother was incensed at it. Now he denies that he had ever perceived it at all.

[311] In allusion to the misconduct of a servant of Monsieur de Falais.

Yesterday I was called away from the consistory by some extraordinary business, so that I could not see how they dealt with this gallant. And my brethren are at this moment taken up with the _Visitation_,[312] whither indeed I must also go. However, I hope that what we have got will serve very well to make a beginning. I shall, if it please God, let you know of any shortcoming, by word of mouth, humbly thanking you for your so liberal entertainment, although I feel always assured of your good-will, even had you not said a word to me about it.

[312] We read in the MS. Chronicle of Michael Roset, lib. v. chap. 27, "By advice of the ministers, April 3, 1550, it was enacted, that an annual visitation be maintained from house to house, for the examination of men and women as to their faith, in order to discern between the ignorant, and hardened sinners, and true Christians, which in time has wrought great benefit."

Wherefore, Monseigneur, being constrained to conclude, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his holy keeping, and to guide you by his Spirit, as seemeth good to him, for the glory of his name by you even unto the end. I hope that he will vouchsafe us grace to celebrate the Supper together, although we must be locally separate. And so I commend me to the kind favour of yourself and of Madame.

Your humble brother and servant,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CCLXX.--TO HALLER.[313]

[313] See the notice, p. 249.

In a reaction, perhaps exaggerated, against the practices of the Romish Church, the magistrates of Geneva were led to adopt a measure which made a great noise among the Swiss Protestants. While Berne and Zurich celebrated the four great feasts of the year, according to the ancient Catholic custom, the Genevese abolished the weekday feasts, and kept nothing but the Sabbath. This measure, in which Calvin had no hand whatever, and of which he, in some degree, even disapproved, was made nevertheless the subject of very violent personal declamations against him. Some even accused him of wishing to abolish the Sabbath. In letters to his friends, Haller, Bullinger, and some others, he thought it his duty to represent the true character of the reform effected at Geneva, and his real relation to it. He had little difficulty in obtaining the approbation of Bullinger, who replied to him in these words: "You have just given the answer which I expected, my dear brother. For I know that in matters of that sort, where duty is but little heeded, and much ill-will is engendered, you have never been morose. I am anxious, indeed, in such matters, to see that liberty preserved, which I perceive to have flourished in the churches from the very days of the apostles." ...--Calvini _Opera_, tom. ix. p. 63.

Explanations on the subject of the abolition of the great festivals at Geneva.

GENEVA, _2d January 1551_.

I desire you, my dear Haller, not to measure my affection for you by my not writing to you and to our friend Musculus, of late, to lighten the domestic affliction under which you both laboured.[314] There is no need for my occupying many words in expressing how anxious I was about your danger, from the time that I heard of your houses being visited by the plague. But as this remembrance should not be more pleasing to kind-hearted and considerate men than the duty of writing, I trust that when I inform you that my silence did not by any means arise from neglect, I shall fully satisfy you both. The reason why I did not write you is this: a report lately reached this place regarding your calamity, but I could not accurately ascertain the extent of its progress. Accordingly, I did not venture to take any active measures; I preferred having recourse to prayer; this I knew both to be more necessary for you, and to be desired by you. Besides the abolition of the feast-days here has given grievous offence to some of your people, and it is likely enough that much unpleasant talk has been circulating among you. I am pretty certain, also, that I get the credit of being the author of the whole matter, both among the malevolent and the ignorant. But as I can solemnly testify that it was accomplished without my knowledge, and without my desire, so I resolved from the first rather to weaken malice by silence, than be over-solicitous about my defence. Before I ever entered the city, there were no festivals but the Lord's day. Those celebrated by you were approved of by the same public decree by which Farel and I were expelled; and it was rather extorted by the tumultuous violence of the ungodly, than decreed according to the order of law. Since my recall, I have pursued the moderate course of keeping Christ's birth-day as you are wont to do. But there were extraordinary occasions of public prayer on other days; the shops were shut in the morning, and every one returned to his several calling after dinner. There were, however, in the meanwhile, certain inflexible individuals who did not comply with the common custom from some perverse malice or other. Diversity would not be tolerated in a rightly constituted church: even for citizens not to live on good terms with one another, would beget mistrust among strangers. I exhorted the Senate to remove this disagreement in future by a proper remedy. And indeed, I lauded, at the same time, in express terms, the moderation which they had hitherto exercised. I afterwards heard of the abrogation, just as a perfect stranger would. Would that N.[315] had acted less ambitiously on former occasions! For feast-days might have been abolished in that entire province. In order that those four might return to their old condition and former privileges, he contended as keenly against all the French-speaking pastors as if he had been acting for the good of the Church. You would have said that Victor was doing battle with the Orientals in behalf of his Easter. When I once asked him why circumcision had a right to more honour than the death of Christ, he was compelled to be silent. But let us forget the past. I am satisfied with having indicated briefly the cause of so sudden a change among us. Although I have neither been the mover nor instigator to it, yet, since it has so happened, I am not sorry for it. And if you knew the state of our Church as well as I do, you would not hesitate to subscribe to my judgment. Let me say this, however, that if I had got my choice, I should not have decided in favour of what has now been agreed upon. Yet there is no reason why men should be so much provoked, if we use our liberty as the edification of the Church demands; just as, on the contrary, it is not fair to take a prejudice against our custom.

[314] The plague, which had cut off Hedio, the pious minister at Strasbourg, made great ravages at Berne during the same year. It entered the houses of Wolfgang Musculus, and of John Haller, although they escaped themselves. A great number of the ministers of the Church of Berne sunk under the attacks of this awful scourge.--Ruchat, tom. v. p. 470. The _Chronique_ of Haller, cited by Hottinger.

[315] Ruchat, who reproduces this letter, (tom. v. p. 441,) considers that the name here suppressed is that of Pierre Kontzen, a minister of Berne, who presided, in 1538, at the Synod of Lausanne.

Adieu, very excellent sir and brother, deserving of my hearty regard. Salute your colleagues, I pray you, and Mr. Nicolas Zerkinden, in my name. My brethren salute you and those aforementioned, very heartily. May the Lord by his Spirit rule over you, preserve you, and bless you in all things. Amen.

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 62.]

CCLXXI.--TO VIRET.[316]

[316] Always attentive to regulate by ordinances the different points of religious and ecclesiastical life, the Seigneurs of Berne had just published (Dec. 1550) new edicts more rigorous than those which had preceded them. These edicts were especially directed against the gross notions and certain customs of the Papists, which Berne punished by fine. Indulgent to the taking of oaths, of which the custom was generally disseminated among the Catholic population subject to their dominion, the Seigneurie seemed to reserve all their severity for the offence of not observing the feasts abolished at Geneva.

Criticism of a mandate published by the Seigneurs of Berne.

_4th January 1551._

What else can we say, my dear Viret, of those men destitute of the Spirit of God, but that they have lost their wits? For from that very trivial circumstance in which they have betrayed their infatuation, we conjecture what violent decrees they would have passed if matters should ever come to a serious issue. I have no doubt but the taunt of some Papist, rashly uttered over his cups, has so stunned them, that they have immediately hatched this mode of propitiating them. But in their zeal to gratify the Papists, not only do they indulge them with a permission to take rash oaths, but they even urge superstitious people on, as if by the blast of a trumpet, to taking these oaths. For how many will be found who, for the sake of incurring this penalty, will spontaneously and deliberately commit the offence? For my own part, I am of opinion, that before the edict is promulgated, you should not fail to repair thither. If the prefect, having received the order, should urge you to publish it, James, in your absence, will petition him to put it off till this return. For should you betake yourself thither, by private conferences with your friends you will gain more than if ten deputations were sent out. Nevertheless, unless you insist strenuously by well-timed entreaties, you yourself will not obtain much success. Meanwhile you will have to put in practice the artifice of leaving free to them and untouched whatever they may have resolved to expedite in the city. One thing, however, you will take care to point out to them, that their purposes cannot be effected in this province. For I am in hopes that ere long they will repent of their thoughtlessness. For the present what has dropped from them so inconsiderately, in the first burst of their passion, they will wish to defend. Beware then of going one step further than seeing that they put in execution the article about prayer in the French edicts. Respecting the abrogation of feast days[317] in our city, I doubt not but scandalous speeches are bandied about there. I told our brother Beza, when he lately visited us, that that edict had been framed without my knowledge, and even without a desire on my part for anything of the kind. As I cannot, however, escape being considered as the author of it, why should I not quietly treat with contempt all unfavourable judgments on that point? I have sent to you an unsealed letter for Haller. If you think proper, you may take a copy of it, and shew it to Farel on his return. Farewell, my most excellent brother; salute your wife and daughters for me. I am happy that everything goes on well at home. May the Lord preserve you long in this prosperous state, and bless your labours. You will present my best wishes to the brethren. My colleagues and most of the brethren desire to be kindly remembered to you.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[317] This abolition, which was at a later period to provoke such warm debates between Berne and Geneva, had been pronounced the 16th Nov. 1550.

CCLXXII.--TO RICHARD LE FEVRE.[318]

[318] Richard Le Fèvre, a native of Rouen, one of the martyrs of the Reformed Church of Lyons. Seized in that town in 1551, and condemned to death, he appealed thence to the Parliament of Paris, and was delivered _in transitu_ by some unknown friends. Surprised, two years afterwards, at Grenoble, he was brought back to the dungeons of Lyons, saw his first sentence confirmed by the Parliament of Paris, and went cheerfully to the stake the 7th July 1551. He wrote on the 3d of May to Calvin,--"The present is to let you know, that I hope to go to keep Whitsuntide in the kingdom of heaven, and to be present at the marriage of the Son of God, ... if I am not sooner called away by this good Lord and Master, whose voice i am ready to obey, when he shall say, Come, ye blessed of my Father, possess the kingdom which has been prepared for you before the foundation of the world."--(The original autograph letter, _Library of Geneva_, Vol. 109.) During his first captivity at Lyons, Richard Le Fèvre had consulted Calvin on some points of doctrine, and had received pious exhortations from him regarding them.

Explanations regarding various points of doctrine in dispute between the Romish and the Reformed Churches.

GENEVA, _19th January 1551_.