Letter XIII. p. 47. He had been charged by the seigneury of Berne

to draw up the oath which was to be taken by the ministers, and the order of procedure to be followed in the Synod.

[59] On the authority of Ruchat, it appears that Caroli did not wait for the decision of the Lords of Berne, and that he withdrew himself into voluntary exile from the condemnation with which he was threatened. The act of his desertion was given to Farel and to Calvin, the 29th of June 1537. (MSS. de Grossmann. Archives de Berne.) We shall meet him again in the following letters of the Reformer.

[60] See that Confession, (Calv. Epist. et Responsa,) p. 227.

XVI.--TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE.

Persecution in France--request addressed to the Seigneury of Basle in favour of the faithful of the Church at Nismes.

GENEVA, _13th November 1537_.

The urgent business on account of which we have thought it right to send this person by express to you may be stated in few words. A new outbreak of the cruel rage of the ungodly has burst forth at Nismes, as the place is now called, no mean city, a town of Languedoc, against the unhappy brethren who reside there, scattered up and down, and that at a time when we might have suspected nothing of the kind. Not very long ago we had obtained letters from the town councils of Strasbourg and Basle, by which the safety and personal security of all those, who were then imprisoned throughout France on account of religion, was commended to the care of Count William.[61] That eminent person, as was reported, had obtained of the king that they should all be set at liberty. We rested secure in this expectation, until word was brought to us, that the fire of persecution was again raging in that quarter. Two persons have been burnt, concerning the manner of whose death you will hear from the eye-witness himself, for he can relate to you in Latin what he has narrated in detail to us. Many have been thrown into prison, who are in jeopardy of their lives, unless timely opposition is made to the fury of those who, already drunk with the blood of these two victims, are not otherwise at all likely to set any bounds to their persecuting spirit. The two who suffered have shown a remarkable spirit of constancy to the very last, although their patient endurance of suffering was tried with the most exquisite cruelty. Of a truth, we may question whether the same strength of mind will be found in the others. Relief, therefore, ought to be brought to them in their present exigency, if anyhow it can be supplied, lest those may break down who are weaker in the faith. Besides, the utmost care must be taken that the blood of the godly, which is so precious in the sight of God, may not be lightly esteemed by us.

[61] William du Bellay, Seigneur of Langey, one of the cleverest diplomatists under the reign of Francis the First. Born in 1491, he died the 9th January 1543. William du Bellay and his brother John, the Bishop of Paris, had shown themselves favourable to the first ideas of Reformation, and had consulted with the King for the purpose of calling Melanchthon into France, there to put in train the work of religious pacification.--Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ tom. i. p. 10; Florimond de Remond, _Histoire de la Naissance et du Progrès de l' Hérésie_, liv. vii. p. 817. The last mentioned author has given the letters which passed on this occasion between Melanchthon and Francis I. The French Protestants formed great expectations from Du Bellay. In these terms Bucer wrote to the physician Ulrich Chelius, 17th Aug. 1534: "Dominus excitet multos isti heroi similes, et spes erit forte ut emergat aliquando regnum Christi."--Sturm, on his part, wrote to Bucer, 17th Nov. 1535; "Si Langæus isthuc veniat, obsecro, habe eum in numero eorum qui quidvis pati volunt pro Christo."--_MSS. de Strasbourg._

We hear that a treaty was lately agreed upon by your Rulers with our King, in which some mention was made of religion, to the effect that henceforth those who agree with yourselves in their sentiments of religion, should not be punished with the wonted severity. If that is true, we must not allow so favourable an opportunity of helping the brethren to escape unimproved, unto whose assistance Christ is not only calling us with a loud voice, but complains that he is deserted and forsaken by us when they are deserted.

Wherefore, most excellent and pious brethren, devote yourselves entirely to this cause, according to the Christian sincerity of your heart; because we are confident you will do this of your own accord, we do not press you more urgently upon the matter. Take measures, therefore, with your council, that the subject may be brought under their consideration effectually and in earnest, and with as much brevity as possible, so that these furious men may not be able to counterwork you. You know how watchful is their enmity. Most learned and beloved brethren, may the Lord Jesus daily enrich you more and more with the increase of his Spirit.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. Copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XVII.--TO LOUIS DU TILLET.[62]

[62] Louis du Tillet, curé of Claix in Poitou, canon and archdeacon of Angoulême. He was the brother of John du Tillet, the celebrated registrar of the Parliament of Paris, and of that other Du Tillet who became Bishop of Sainte-Brieuc and of Meaux. Having devoted himself to an ecclesiastical career, his first leanings inclined him towards the Reformed. With Calvin he became acquainted at the University of Paris, formed a friendship with him, shared his perils, and received him in 1534 at Angoulême in his own house. United thenceforth to the young Reformer by a like faith, he resigned his curacy of Claix to follow him, under the name of Hautmont, to Strasbourg, to Basle, and into Italy. In August 1536 he was at Geneva, when Calvin was there retained by the earnest entreaties of Farel. But the struggles to which the Reformer was thenceforward condemned, were little suited to the mild and contemplative disposition of Louis du Tillet. A prey to indecision, he secretly left Geneva and went to Strasbourg, where his anxieties were only put an end to by his return to the Roman Catholic faith. He wrote to Calvin to inform him of this change, and to submit to him his scruples regarding the lawfulness of the ministry in the Reformed Churches. Calvin replied; and that controversy, free, sincere, but tempered by respect, marked the later relations between these two men, at first united and too soon separated by the religious revolution of the sixteenth century.

Departure of Louis du Tillet from Geneva--regret of Calvin--controversy between the two friends regarding the character of the Church of Jesus Christ.

FROM VILLEFRANCHE,[63] _31st January_ [1538.]

[63] Ville Affranchie (Genève.)

MONSIEUR,--Eight days before I received the letters which you left at your departure to be forwarded to me, John had arrived,[64] so that some weeks before I had any news of you the rumour of your departure had taken wing hither. Although such a state of uncertainty was very great occasion of annoyance to me, nevertheless, I held my judgment in suspense as much as was possible; what troubled and tormented me most was the fear I entertained of having offended you by my imprudence, as I know and acknowledge that I have not observed towards you the due consideration which I ought. It is indeed true, that I derived such advantage from your society and conversation, that absence could not be joyous to me; but inasmuch as I saw you were in a somewhat languid state, I bore my loss patiently, considering your comfort as a sufficient recompense. Finally, since the arrival of your letters from two different quarters, by them I have partly understood your intention. While I consider, however, that my company could not be very agreeable in such rudeness and incivility as I used towards you, notwithstanding, I feel confident that that circumstance has neither estranged nor alienated you from us, for which we may certainly rather thank your prudence, which I have had to sustain me in regard to that, than because I conducted myself as became me.

[64] John du Tillet, brother of Louis, raised at a later period to the honours of the Episcopate. Accomplished in the knowledge of the ancient languages and in sacred archæology, he was charged with various scientific missions by Francis I., and in the course of his travels had visited Geneva.

I cannot conceal from you that I have been very much astonished on hearing of your intention, and even the reasons which are put forth along with the declaration of it in your letters. What occasions me the greatest surprise is, that I considered you so settled and resolved in that affair, that it would no way be possible to dislodge you from your purpose; and although you could not have had in the course you have been following very solid reasons, yet this so sudden change has appeared very strange to me, seeing the constancy and firmness which you manifested. May God grant, nevertheless, that your change of opinion may be as benignly construed by others as I endeavour to take it.

As for the reasons which have swayed you in arriving at that determination, I cannot perceive them to be very peremptory. I know well that my conscience before God is sufficiently assured of the contrary, and I hope that it will be so until the day when we must appear to give in our account. Besides, I am much misunderstood if I have not manifestly proved the justice of my cause in such a way that every one ought to be content, were it not that the one party pardon themselves too easily, while the others would readily give entrance to Jesus Christ, but only by ways wherein he will in nowise walk. I have never doubted that the eminent persons[65] you mention might in some degree have helped, without intending it, to land you in such a conclusion, while in touching on this point in letters written to me, they concealed it. Certainly their great learning and piety may well lend authority to their consultations. But I am well assured that in this matter, besides substantial grounds, I shall have more colour of reason than they, if I assume a mask to make myself look like them. Both the one and the other constrain me by their conduct to desire in them greater firmness and constancy. However high our reputation may be, it is never well to be so very liberal in bestowing another's property; and if we must beware of being bountiful at the expense of men, what caution ought to be exercised in dispensing the truth of God, which he does not commit to our trust that we may lessen it in anything? I pray the Lord that himself would give us so much understanding as that we may clearly comprehend that he will not be served by halves, and as our foolishness would divide his portion, but entirely according to his own will.

[65] Bucer and Capito, the Reformers of Strasbourg.

If you do acknowledge for churches of God those who hold us in execration, I cannot help it. But we should be in a sad plight if it indeed were so. For certainly you cannot give them this title, unless you hold us to be schismatics, in which case you will have to consider how your opinion will agree with the deliverance of our Master, "whatsoever ye shall bind on earth," &c. If you consider that there always remains some remnant of the blessing of God, as St. Paul affirms of the Israelites, you may well understand that I agree with you, seeing that I have sometimes declared to you that such was my opinion even as regards the Greek churches. But it does not follow as a consequence from that, that in the assembly we are bound to acknowledge the church; and if we do there acknowledge her, she will be our church, not that of Jesus Christ, who marks his own by other tokens, when he says, my sheep hear my voice; and St. Paul, when he calls her the "pillar of truth." You will answer me that she will be found nowhere, seeing that everywhere there is ignorance. Yet the ignorance of the children of God is of such a nature, that it does not hinder them from following his will.

Were it a question of comparison of such meetings with the synagogues of the Jews, I should fear to injure the latter in not preferring them to the other, or at least placing them in the background, for their idolatry is not so great, nor their abomination so horrible. What one can see of good, it is common to both, except indeed that it appears to be a great advantage that the name of Jesus Christ is avowed in the one and not in the other. But its influence is not the less abolished. Or if we would find a more suitable comparison, it is such a state as existed among the people of Israel under Jeroboam, or rather under Ahab, at a time when the spirit of the people had been corrupted by long usage. I do not mention these things without good cause, for I perceive how many begin to flatter themselves under the title of The Church, strongly condemning whatsoever is not like their own, for which they will have to render account. Let them consider by what right they do so, for I know well that our assurance is too certain to yield merely to frivolous objections. As regards yourself I do not think that you can look upon us otherwise than as if you held intercommunion with us, but it is a step towards separation from the Church of God when any one joins that which is opposed to him.

Moreover, I think that I perceive such a fear of God to be in you that I must see great arguments to move me from the persuasion which I have entertained. Be assured, then, that the first slight reports will not have such power over me as to overturn the experience I have had of you for many long years. But although I may tolerate that infirmity, offering you no more opposition than if you were one of ourselves, I can by no means approve your conduct; and would choose rather that I should be taken out of the world by a bitter death, than approve your deed, which I know to be damnable in itself, and besides that, fraught with ruin, or at least marvellous offence towards many, as well as because I see the readiness with which we justify ourselves, in order to encourage others to follow our example. However, concerning those matters of which at present you are resolved, I will make no long dispute. I would rather entreat the Lord that it may be his pleasure to deliver you from all scruples, so that his way may be quite plain and open in that direction, waiting an opportunity when such shall offer itself.

As for the departure of Lois Dartois, I never had a suspicion that it proceeded from you, inasmuch as I have been lately informed to the contrary. But it has been a poor stratagem on his part to conceal things from me in which he could not deceive God; for it is no light thing to tempt God, which those do who voluntarily bring themselves again under bondage. The miserable excuses with which we are wont to cover even our moral nakedness before men,[66] will never be able to endure the heat of God's judgment.

[66] In the French original: _Les sacs mouillés_ dont nous avons coutume de nous couvrir devant les hommes.

You have long ago graciously permitted me to consider all things in common between us. Would that it pleased God I could make you a due acknowledgment. My companions charge me to commend them to you, who are of the same mind with me, although I have striven to the utmost, without shewing your letters, to prevent their taking offence. I could give no other counsel to John than that which my conscience warranted, unless I would turn traitor to the truth of God, and to his personal salvation. You will not take it amiss. I entreat you to have special remembrance of us in your prayers, to which although the knowledge you have of our weakness ought sufficiently to stir you up, nevertheless, the difficulties which press upon us ought yet more to arouse you, as they are now greater than ever.[67] After humbly commending myself to your kind remembrance, I pray the Lord to keep you in his holy protection, and so to direct you that you may not go astray in that slippery path whereon you are, until himself shall have manifested to you his complete deliverance.

[67] The opposition which the establishment of the ecclesiastical discipline drawn up by Farel and Calvin met with at Geneva, became every day more intense and lively. The newly-elected Syndics made common cause with the malcontents, and already gave signs of the forthcoming crisis which was to lead the way to the triumph of the party of the Libertins and the banishment of the Ministers.--Spon, _Histoire de Genève_, edit. 1730, tom. i. p. 276.

You will pardon me if this present is very confusedly written, shortness of time is in part the cause, and partly our troubles, besides that the argument was not very easy to handle.

Your very humble servant and brother,

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.[68]

[_Fr. Copy_--_Imperial Library, Paris MSS. fr. Fonds Baluze_, 8069-5.]

[68] Charles d'Espeville. Pseudonyme adopted by Calvin during his residence at Angoulême, and his journey in Italy, (1534-1536.)

XVIII.--TO HENRY BULLINGER.[69]

[69] Henry Bullinger, born July 18, 1504, at Bremgarten, minister of that parish in 1529, was a friend of the Reformer Zuingli and his successor at Zurich, after the fatal battle of Cappel, 1531. He discharged the ministry of that church with wisdom and prudence for more than forty years, kept up a regular correspondence with the Reformers abroad, was on friendly terms with Melanchthon, Cranmer, Calvin, Théodor de Bèze. In 1566 he drew up the Swiss Confession of Faith, and in the way of advice, exercised a decisive influence over the progress of the Reformation in the different countries of Europe. He died at Zurich, September 17, 1575. His decease was deplored by the churches of Switzerland as that of a father, and Théodor de Bèze consecrated some verses to his memory.

"Doctrina si interire, si pietas mori, Occidere si candor potest; Doctrina, pietas, candor, hoc tumulo jacent, Ilenrice, tecum condita."....

(_Icones Virorum Illustrium._)

Bullinger left some precious works; among others a Chronicle which he wrote in German, Commentaries and Theological Treatises, some of them on important and remarkable questions, and a vast Correspondence, preserved more especially at Zurich and at Geneva.

State of the Church at Geneva--wish for the union of the Reformed Churches--mention of Luther.

GENEVA, _21st February 1538_.

Grace to you and peace, from God the Father and from Christ the Lord, most respected and learned brother.

Were I to begin to describe to you at length the full narrative of our most wretched condition, a long history must be unfolded by me. For I call ours the trouble which for a long time has pressed, and which now severely presses upon that Church over which the Lord has been pleased to set us. But because there is not enough of leisure at present for explaining everything, and these good men can relate somewhat themselves, I will not trouble you with a larger epistle. Although, indeed, they have not perhaps discerned the very source of the evil, nor perceived whither the attempts of the wicked tended, yet they have forecast pretty clearly the aspect of affairs, how it was likely to turn out. How I wish that we could have a single day for free communication together, for from such a meeting we could not depart without much advantage! I have some things which can neither be treated safely in a letter, nor determined, until they have been weighed and thoroughly discussed on both sides. This, however, I will venture to throw out in passing, that it does appear to me, that we shall have no lasting Church unless that ancient apostolic discipline be completely restored, which in many respects is much needed among us. We have not yet been able to obtain, that the faithful and holy exercise of ecclesiastical excommunication be rescued from the oblivion into which it has fallen; and that the city, which in proportion to its extent is very populous, may be distributed into parishes, as is rendered necessary by the complicated administration of the Church. The generality of men are more ready to acknowledge us as preachers than as pastors. There are many other things besides, which, although we desire intensely to see amended, we can find out no means of doing so, unless that can be accomplished by faith, by diligence, and by perseverance on the part of all. Oh, if a pure and sincere accommodation could be agreed upon at length among us! What, then, would hinder the assembling of some public Synod, where individuals might propose whatever they may conceive to be most for the benefit of the churches? A way might be found out of going to work by common deliberation, and if need be, that the cities and princes also should assist in this undertaking by mutual exhortation and counsel, and also confirm by their authority; but in so great perplexity, the Lord is rather to be inquired of, that himself may open up a way.

Pellican has informed us that you have received a kind and friendly reply from Luther, from which Grynée affirms that he entertains much hope of seeing peace established.[70] But of what kind we have not been able to divine, seeing that that church, which, from its near neighbourhood, might most easily communicate with us in all things, has not thought us worthy to receive any intelligence whatever. When occasion offers, you must not grudge to let us at least understand the sum of it. Farel greets you. Will you salute for me with no common esteem my highly respected brethren in the Lord, your colleagues, Pellican, Leo, Theodore, Bibliander, and besides, Phyrisius? May the Lord keep you all in safety for the promoting of his kingdom.--Yours wholly,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Archives of Zurich._ Vol. i. Gest. vi. p. 287.]

[70] Bucer and Capito were at this time engaged in very active negotiations to bring about a union between the Reformed Churches of Switzerland and those of Germany. Luther did not oppose himself to this accommodation, and had written, Dec. 1, 1537, to the Reformed districts of Switzerland, a letter full of the spirit of tolerance and conciliation, in which we remark the following passage:--"They can easily advise with Bucer also and Capito on all these matters, provided we can lay aside all that is offensive, and in like-minded agreement give room for the leading and guidance of the Holy Spirit, that we may go forward in pious and brotherly concord. Assuredly, in so far as we are concerned, and especially as regards myself, casting aside whatever may be occasion of offence, I shall embrace you in faith, good will, and with love."--_Hospinian Historia Saeramentaria_, tom. ii. p. 276. In another letter to Capito of the same year, 6th Dec. 1537, he thus expresses himself:--"I write these things that you may know that our heart is upright and sincere in the hope of agreement; may the Lord himself complete the work. Amen."--D. M. Luther's _Briefe_, edit. De Wette, tom. v. p. 70.

In a letter to Bullinger, written 4th March 1538, at length he renders an evidently deep-felt homage to the memory of Zuingli and Œcolampadius. "I can freely declare that, after having seen and heard Zuingli at Marbourg, I have considered and esteemed him as a most excellent man, as also Œcolampadius; so that their calamity has well-nigh disheartened me," &c. These sentiments of true generosity seemed almost to open up an era of reconciliation and of peace between the Churches.

XIX.--TO HENRY BULLINGER.[71]

[71] Important events had fallen out at Geneva. Expelled from that town (23d April 1538) for having refused to administer the communion on Easter day, Calvin and Farel had gone to Berne.--(Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, tom. i. p. 276.) The deputies of the Reformed Swiss cantons were met at Zurich to treat about the union with the Lutheran Church. The two ministers appeared before that assembly and gave account of their conduct at Geneva. Without intimating any opinion on the matter at issue, "The Lords deputies resolved to write in friendly terms to the Genevese, to induce them to support their pastors in the work of re-establishing and putting their churches on a better footing. They also charged the Bernese to support that letter by a deputation."--(Ruchat, _Histoire de la Réformation en Suisse_, tom. v. p. 84.) But this double intervention proved ineffectual. The banishment of the ministers was confirmed, May 26th, by the assembly.

Synod of Zurich--attempt at reconciliation between the banished ministers and the town of Geneva.

BERNE, _20th May 1538_.

If I have hitherto deferred writing, it has been because everything was so very much in suspense, that it was not possible to write anything for certain. And now, as the narrative of all that has happened [at Geneva] could not be given by us without complaining, we only desire to acquaint you, that the treatment which we have experienced, though in opposition to all our wishes, has nevertheless been in accordance with our expectation. Besides the very irksome delay of a fortnight, it was also a source of very much annoyance, that none of those things which passed at Zurich, and had been openly concluded there, were noticed by Konzen.[72] And in order not to appear to uphold a bad cause, he declaimed with much violence against us, as if it were evident that we wished to draw back and not to keep the promise we had given to the brethren. It only remained, therefore, that the Senate itself should take the lead in regard to everything, who in passing the decree took no very particular account of those things which had been conceded to us at Zurich by the general consent of all. For we are content rather to encounter any alternative than not to try every method by which the requirements of religion may be satisfied, or by which we may discharge the duty we owe to the Church. Now, therefore, we start upon our journey,[73] which may it please the Lord to prosper, for as we look to him in our proceedings, so we commit the success to his wise disposal. I am compelled to interrupt my letter, scarcely now begun, because the brethren hasten to depart. Adieu, most kindly brother, and with very respectful regard.--Greet for me most lovingly your colleagues. Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Archives of Zurich_. Gest. vi. 166, p. 1.]

[72] Peter Konzen, minister of Berne, deputy to the Synod of Zurich. In that assembly he manifested the most hostile sentiments toward Farel and Calvin, whose conduct at Geneva he disapproved.

[73] In order to testify the conciliatory spirit which animated them, Calvin and Farel accompanied, within a short distance from Geneva, the deputation which had been charged to entreat their return. But their solicitations having been rejected, they determined to proceed to Basle, where they arrived after a most fatiguing and even perilous journey. See following letter.

XX.--TO PETER VIRET.

Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle.

BASLE, [_towards the end of May 1538_.]

We have at length reached Basle, but well soaked with the rain and completely spent and worn out. Nor was our journey free from perils, for in truth one of us was almost carried away by the swollen currents; but we have experienced more tender usage from the impetuous river than from our fellow-men, for since, contrary to all right and reason, they had decided that we should travel on foot, that also has been complied with through the mercy of the Lord in preserving us. There is nothing fixed or agreed on as yet, because Grynée has committed the charge of the Academy to Oporin.[74] We departed from Berne without taking leave of the Senate, although it had been agreed in common among ourselves to do so. We perceived some here were inclined that we should be retained; and they confidently alleged that we would be unpardonable if we should decline so just a call. That we might not do anything rashly, the Lord at length has opened an outlet to us. For when we asked a hearing of the Senate, we were put off to the next day,--on the receiving of which answer to our request, it seemed to us that we had done all that was required of us in duty, and that we were discharged from further application in that quarter.

[74] John Oporin, Director of the Academy of Basle, one of the most celebrated printers of that town.

Your affairs, dear Courault,[75] we have entrusted to good men, according to our ability, but only in a general way, that you may not be brought under obligation before we have tried to do our best elsewhere. You know how much we wish to serve you. When we have got some settled abode we will write to you more at large and by the first opportunity. Farewell, most excellent and dear friends and brethren.--Your brethren,

FAREL AND CALVIN.

[75] The conclusion of this letter is addressed to the minister Courault, the colleague of Calvin, expelled along with him from Geneva. He lived in retirement with Christopher Fabri at Thonon, whence he was called as minister by the Church of Orbe.

This brother to whom we have delivered the horses to be brought back, has made up his mind to stay with you if he can procure any suitable employment: therefore see what can be done to put him in the way of being serviceable to the Church of Christ. We think well of his sincerity and probity, and that he is not unskilled in useful learning. If he shall appear worthy of your regard, for our sake also we desire to commend him to your good offices.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva_. Vol. 106.]

XXI.--TO LOUIS DU TILLET.[76]

[76] The first letter of Calvin to du Tillet (Letter xvii. p. 60) did not remain unanswered:--"If my retreat in this country has caused you great annoyance, as I have understood by your letter of the last of January, I myself have not thought the less of it, considering the interruption of our accustomed converse and familiarity ... could not produce in you so much disquietude. But what could I have done, if, having been there two years or thereby, my conscience could never be at peace on this account, that without a clear call I had retired from a charge which I ought not to have relinquished without the command of God, whereby I have been put into a state of languor, such as you have seen, and by reason of the great unceasing depression of mind which has taken possession of my spirit, I have for this some time past been useless for everything?"--_Paris MSS._ This letter, written from Paris, (10th March,) did not reach Calvin at all; it was during a sojourn to Strasbourg that the Reformer, driven from Geneva, (23d April 1538,) had retired to Basle, and imparted to his old friend the events which condemned him to a new exile.

Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg--project of a new assembly at Zurich--policy of the Bernese--in his retirement Calvin breathes freely--news from France.

STRASBOURG, _10th July 1538_.

I hope, sir, you will not take in ill part that John[77] is gone away thitherward to you without my letter, for it grieved me to write to you, having so many things to communicate, without having time to make at least a partial communication. On the other hand, it was not easy for me to impart such information to you by halves, without at once entering fully into the details. The complete declaration was by no means impossible, but I was afraid that it would scarce be pleasing to you; wherefore I greatly preferred entirely to forbear writing, casting the duty upon John, who, as I think, will have faithfully acquitted himself of the charge, except that he will not have been able clearly to discover to you the source and origin of the evil, which is not known to many. I have been so greatly importuned by the two of this town[78] that to satisfy them I have made the journey hither.

[77] See Note, p. 60.

[78] Bucer and Capito, already mentioned.

Touching ourselves, it has been resolved that it is fit and proper even now to call an assembly, where Zurich, Berne, Basle, this town of Strasbourg, Bienne,[79] and one from the aforesaid place,[80] shall be present, where, after diligent inquiry made by them, it may be formally declared that we have duly and faithfully administered our charge, to the end that such a testimony may stand as a lawful judgment, to shut the spiteful mouths of the malignant, as well as to the confusion of those who have taken upon them to engage in such an enterprise. By the same method they hope that the schisms which may take place, and have already begun, will disappear. When I do well consider the case, the difficulty seems to me to overpass all human help; wherefore, I have nought else to recommend than to commit the issue to the great Physician, who alone can provide and take order in applying the proper remedy.

[79] That town, then independent, and already Reformed, was united by a treaty of alliance to the Protestant cantons of Switzerland.

[80] Probably Geneva.

The Bernese endeavour, or, I should rather say, persist,[81] as much as they are able, to make believe that all goes well, but there is no one else who does not think quite the contrary. By his just judgment God sends blessing after such a fashion upon the head and family of those who thus wickedly mock at the disorder of his Church; and it is sent for their correction, in order that they may be differently minded in an affair of so great importance. I shall retire to Basle, waiting to understand what the Lord would have me to do. It is not the fault of those of this town that I am not their guest; but they have charge enough without me, and I can live for a while supporting myself on what you left with me, and a portion of my books; yet the Lord himself will direct us. Above all, however, on looking back and considering the perplexities which environed me from the time when I first went thither, there is nothing I dread more than returning to the charge from which I have been set free. For while, when first I entered upon it I could discern the calling of God which held me fast bound, with which I consoled myself, now, on the contrary, I am in fear lest I tempt him if I resume so great a burden, which has been already felt to be insupportable. There are other reasons, which can only be explained in conversation, with which, however, those with whom I have to do will never rest contented. Nevertheless, I know assuredly that our Lord will guide me in that so very doubtful a deliberation, the more so because I shall look rather to what he will point out to me than to my own judgment, which beyond measure drawing me contrariwise, I feel ought to be suspected.

[81] The Bernese were the declared opponents of the ecclesiastical discipline which Farel and Calvin had wished to establish at Geneva, and which appeared to them to trench upon the right of the civil power. The seigneury of Berne were not disposed to favour the two banished ministers.

There is a stir at present about an affair of vast consequence, and _not without the knowledge of the king and the emperor_,[82] which I can well suppose that Monsieur Firmin[83] will tell you something about, and therefore I say no more about it. One may very much doubt whether they are not merely trying the ford without any thoroughgoing intention; but within two months we shall know for certain whether there is any thing in it. After my humble commendation to your good graces, I pray our Lord so to guide you in his way, that you may be holy and unspotted at the day of his appearing.

Your humble servant and assured friend,

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.

[_Fr. Copy_--_Imperial Library of Paris_. _Baluze_, 8069-5.]

[82] Allusion to the truce concluded, 18th June 1538, between Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V., and to the approaching conclusion of a general peace, on which great expectation was founded for the settlement and reformation of the Church.

[83] Antony Firmin, minister of the church of St. Thomas at Strasbourg.--See _Sculteti Annales_, I. 170, 172.

XXII.--TO WILLIAM FAREL.[84]

[84] To my most excellent friend and brother, William Farel, faithful minister of the church at Neuchatel.

William Farel, the most illustrious missionary of the Reformation in French Switzerland, was born at Gap, in Dauphiny, (1509?) He studied at the University of Paris, under the direction of the learned Le Fevre of Etaples, whose friendship he speedily obtained, and shared with him the same faith. Of an ardent spirit, and gifted with an impetuous eloquence, he preached the doctrines of the Reformation successively at Paris, at Meaux, in Dauphiny. In 1524 he left France, when he retired to Strasbourg, and brought over to the new doctrine (as the true doctrine of the Gospel was termed at that time) the Duchy of Montbeliard, Bienne, Morat, Neuchatel, Aigle, Geneva. Driven at first from the latter town in 1532, he reappeared there, and was thereupon banished. On the 27th August 1535, he obtained the famous declaration which restored the Reformation. In less than two years afterwards he was banished from Geneva along with his colleague Calvin, whom he followed to Basle, and became, in the month of July 1538, pastor of the church of Neuchatel, which he served until his death (13th Sept. 1565) with indefatigable activity.

Having been called as minister by the Church of Neuchatel, Farel had left Basle precipitately, without taking leave of Calvin, then on his journey to Strasbourg. On returning to Basle, Calvin wrote the following letter to his old colleague, which is one of the earliest in the long correspondence which they kept up with each other.

Farel called as minister to the Church of Neuchatel--sad condition of the Church at Geneva--uncertainty of Calvin--Bucer's urgency to draw him to Strasbourg.

BASLE, _4th August 1538_.

The grace of the Lord be with you. The person who had brought back the horse, promised that he would return after three days. When, after the lapse of five days, I had ceased to expect him, I began to look about for a messenger. For I knew that as soon as my silence began to appear to you to be longer than it ought, you would impute it to carelessness as well as indolence. But while these were my thoughts, lo, the messenger presented himself upon the spot, who informed me of your departure two days before he came away. With regard to your letter, that elaborate lament over your own clownish simplicity with which you furnished me for Grynée, I have carefully complied with. When dinner-time arrived, I told Grynée that I observed from your letter the rain somewhat had slackened your wonted speed: whereupon, by your riding at so slow a pace, Simon remembered that you were a rustic. Thereafter also I read to him your letter, and added, of my own accord, what appeared to me to be required in the way of serious apology. In regard to him, so little need was there of clearing yourself, that he would have complied good-humouredly with your infectious anxiety, if the business in which he is now completely immersed had not stood in the way. How our successors[85] are likely to get on, I can conjecture from the first beginnings. While already they entirely break off every appearance of peace by their want of temper, they suppose that the best course for themselves to pursue was to tear in pieces our estimation, publicly and privately, so as to render us as odious as possible. But if we know that they cannot calumniate us, excepting in so far as God permits, we know also the end God has in view in granting such permission. Let us humble ourselves, therefore, unless we wish to strive with God when he would humble us. Meanwhile, let us wait upon God. For the crown of pride of the drunkards of Ephraim will speedily wither. I could wish that you had not so much anxiety on my account. Since your departure, I have begun to consider more attentively what it may be right to be prepared for in case of emergency. It cannot be told how this apprehension torments me, lest those who measure us by their own standard, because conscience accuses themselves, may think that we have fixed designedly upon our present abode as convenient for the purpose of retaliating injuries, and so may set themselves to contrive some new contests, and take no rest until they have stirred up some fresh disturbances against us. When I am out of the way, suspicion will not be so apt to arise. For no one will be so utterly malignant as to suppose that we intend anything farther. But if you do not at once come hither, we must put off until the meeting become hopeless, which the Strasburghers always insist on our requiring; or if we obtain it, the result will teach us what we ought to do. This above all, in the name of the Lord, I entreat of you, that you do determine nothing about me without first of all giving me a previous warning. You will perceive, from Bucer's letter, what are his present sentiments. He has communicated certain other matters to Grynée in writing, which I have not yet had an opportunity of reading. I strongly suspect, however, that they tend to the point of my hastening thither, which I shall not comply with, unless a greater necessity convinces me. In so far as I can discover, the person you wot of has endeavoured most ambitiously, by means of his relations, to pave the way for himself to the office of the ministry. Expressions sometimes are thrown out which afford greater room for conjecture than for any meaning which they contain. But as he hoped that erelong I would take my departure, he advised me to undertake what by and by I might resign to him. He did not know what might be brought to pass with you, and I took care closely to conceal that from him. "Are you not ashamed," said he, "in so great an assemblage to remain silent? Would there be no church here vacant for you?" I replied, that we had an auditory also in our house at home which suited us very well. He, forsooth, would have nought but what was public. Having dined once with us, he wished to be received at table by Grynée through my introduction. Excuse was of no avail, but he must urge the proposal with unseasonable importunity, until Grynée restrained his forwardness by checking him aloud. I have satisfied the owner of the horse; the rest of your commissions are duly attended to. Grynée salutes you in the most friendly manner, and entreats you to pardon him, on account of his business engagements, that he does not write at present. Oporin also, Stagnæus, Du Tailly, for the other two have gone from this. May the Lord preserve and protect you, may your soul prosper in the strength of his own Spirit.--You will not envy me the reading of Capito's epistle, which I send you unsealed. Will you, if you please, return both the letters of Bucer, or carefully preserve them, as hereafter we shall have occasion for them? Salute not merely with your complaisance, but from my heart, all our brethren, especially such of them as you well know are here meant. If you desire that I should write, arrange that I may have messengers from yourself.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[85] The new ministers elected at Geneva to replace Calvin, Farel, and Courault, were Antony Marcourt, pastor of the Church of Nyon, and Doctor Morand. Their nomination, approved only by a part of the Church, gave occasion to serious disorder. See Gaberel, _Histoire de l' Eglise de Genève_, 1853, vol. i. _passim_.

* * * * *

Read after this Bucer's letter, where he advises that we carefully avoid colleaguing together, since it may be suspected that the one urges on the other, to what both are too much inclined to. He even wishes that I may yield to that extent, in order that this irritable disposition may not be disturbed by frequent rumours.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XXIII.--TO FAREL.

New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to attract Calvin thither--the plague at Basle--detail of the death of a nephew of Farel.

BASLE, _20th August_ [1538.]

The grace of the Lord be with you.

After frequent perusal of your letter at length I perceived my own obtuseness, who could be so much bewildered about the rank of Count John, as if, indeed, there could have been any one more competent to deal with the matter than your neighbour. Now my wonder ceases; for there has been a Helen in the strife? but well hath the Lord cared for the interests of the Church in not permitting him to fall a victim to her seductions. Explain to me, I entreat you, the other things about which I am at a loss, particularly what was reported in French separately concerning the two ministers, both the elder and the younger. I know not what to think regarding Peter,[86] but the whole weight and import of what was said, depends on the person of the speaker. The Strasburghers are taking active measures just now concerning me, that I may agree to go to them. They plead very earnestly with Grynée; nor indeed do they conceal from me their strong desire that I would acquiesce. Bucer's last letter I send you herewith, by which, as usual, he persists in advising me to do so. Firmin[87] urges, by many arguments, that it is desirable. Some of the reasons I put aside as savouring of his peculiarities; but others are specious, such as that it would prove of some advantage when our adversaries should see that I had an opportunity of lecturing in that church, which they are compelled, willingly or unwillingly, to respect. Then, if a diet can be had, that my opinion would have more weight, and would carry with it a sort of prestige when it was known that such a Church had bestowed on me the ministry. I have excused myself anew however, since they could not include you. Grynée, although with more reserve, that he might not appear to suggest any thing in this arrangement from a desire to be rid of the charge of entertaining me, shewed that the bent of his opinion inclined to the advice they had given. If they wished to bind me for a longer period, the determination would not be so difficult; but you perceive what they require. I shall wait for your opinion. To prevent them having immediate recourse to you, I leave them to suppose that I am detained here by weighty reasons. They will allow you, indeed, quietly to go forward in the work of the Lord, but will not suffer both of us to labour together.

[86] Without doubt, Peter Caroli.--See Note 3, p. 57.

[87] See Note 2, p. 73.

I wish that here I could have ended my letter, that you might be spared the hearing of what will be unpleasing to you. But I shall not hesitate to inform you of what the Lord has done, who are yourself both learning and teaching others willingly to submit to his providence. Last Sabbath-day your nephew was seized with the plague.[88] His companion and the goldsmith who bore testimony to the Gospel at Lyons brought me word immediately. As I had taken some pills to relieve the complaint in my head, I could not go to him myself. Every thing, however, which was required for the preservation of his life was both faithfully and carefully attended to. A woman, acquainted with both languages, was engaged to sit up with him, and in some degree accustomed to the care of persons suffering under such maladies. Not being able to undergo the fatigue of constant attendance herself, she got her son-in-law to assist her. Grynée visited him frequently; I did so too as soon as my health allowed it. When our friend Du Tailly saw that I did not fear the danger, he insisted on sharing it with me: we were with him for a long while yesterday, and as the signs of approaching death were now evident, I imparted spiritual rather than bodily comfort. He wandered a little in his mind, yet had so much consciousness of his state as to call me back to his chamber that he might entreat me earnestly to pray for him; for he had heard me discoursing of the benefit of prayer. This morning, at about five o'clock, he departed to the Lord. Of his companion, who was afflicted with the same malady, we cannot yet write anything certain. Yesterday, there appeared to me to be some hope. I fear, however, that last night may have injured him; for although he occupied a separate bedchamber, and had his own attendant, he heard what had happened to his companion. I shall see him, as I hope, again to-day. That excellent man, the goldsmith, because he had intercourse with the infected, has been dismissed by his master. I have sent him, with my recommendation, to Strasbourg, that he may get a situation there. Concerning the wearing apparel and other movables of your nephew thus you have it: The son-in-law of the old woman affirms that all his clothes, which, however, are not many, were left to him, but with no appearance of truth, since he could not have done so unless in the intervals of delirium under which he laboured during the whole night. He has a sword and a shirt with Wolf. I know for certain that he had no money when he fell ill. It was required, therefore, to expend somewhat for his support while living and what was necessary for his burial. I fear, however, lest any little sum of money which I conjecture to remain may be made away with. This I write to you somewhat minutely, since I consider it right to inform you that you may know all. His landlord, Wolf, who has this morning told me all these things, thinks that the story about the legacy of clothes is a pure fable. He is a decent fellow, and one who conducts himself uprightly. Adieu, excellent and most esteemed brother.--Hastily yours,

CALVIN.

[88] The pestilence, seven times in the course of this century, made great havoc in the city of Basle. The plague of 1564 carried off a third part of the population of the town and suburbs.--See Jean de Muller, _Hist. de la Confédération Suisse_, tom. xi. _passim_, and the _Diary of the Physician Platerus_, MS. Library of Basle.

* * * * *

Our friends salute you and Michael Mullot, who has stolen hither for three days during the holidays of his school, to take counsel along with us. On his return he will intimate that he does not remain there beyond the time agreed on. After having heard your last letter, Grynée requested to be informed as soon as I should have obtained the first opportunity of a messenger, but I was unwilling to interrupt him at this time of the day.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XXIV.--TO FAREL.[89]

[89] Letter without date, but written, as the first words indicate, shortly after the departure of Calvin from Basle, and his arrival at Strasbourg, (September 1538.) Earnestly solicited by Bucer and Capito to associate himself in their labours, he had accepted the charge of Professor of Theology and the ministry of the French Church in that town.

Calvin at Strasbourg--negotiations between Bucer and the magistrates of Geneva--first preaching of Calvin in the French Church--Anabaptists of Metz.

STRASBOURG, [_September 1538._]

My departure from Basle was so hurried and disorderly, that I brought away with me, stuffed aside in the innumerable travelling-pouches of the brain, the letter which I promised would be left for you; nor indeed was there at the time, anything that required my writing sooner. Three days after my arrival a messenger presented himself, and there was already somewhat worth communicating. But as I was afraid to run the risk of sending my letter by that channel, I chose rather to put it off until now. Bucer[90] does not deny that N. has sent an answer such as might be expected from him. Indeed, the only reason he gives why he would not read it to me, is because he was unwilling to raise my indignation to no purpose. You may hence infer how much spiteful bitterness there was in it, which, according to his wonted prudence, he plainly intimated could not be passed over by me without committing a worse scandal. S., in the meanwhile, applauds his complacent courtesy. For he entertains the possible hope that both he (_i.e._, N.) and the senators who have hitherto been opposed to us can be reconciled, if only first of all we declare our good-will by letter. Which, as it is vastly ridiculous, Bucer reckons out of the question. But suppose that might be hoped for, at what point could we begin? Shall we, as though, we were the authors of the scandal, study to conciliate them? and that we may not blink that consideration, shall we consider, also, what method should be observed for the reparation of the offence? I am not of opinion that past negligences are so far about to be amended, nor do I perceive any provision about to be made for the future. We may indeed acknowledge before God and his people, that it is in some measure owing to our unskilfulness, indolence, negligence, and error, that the Church committed to our care has fallen into such a sad state of collapse;[91] but it is also our duty to assert our innocence and our purity against those who, by their fraud, malignity, knavery, and wickedness, have assuredly brought about this ruin. Willingly, therefore, do we acknowledge before God and all the pious, that our unskilfulness, as well as carelessness, deserved to be chastised by an example of this kind. But I will never admit that that unhappy Church fell into such utter disorder through our fault, seeing that we are conscious in ourselves, that it is far otherwise in the sight of God. Nor is there an individual among them who can fix upon us the smallest particle of blame. Now, in reference to the future, who cannot see that by the proposed method we shall be exposed to scorn and mockery? For there is none of them who would not immediately cry out that we would shrink from no disgrace, however great, provided only that we might be restored to our position. But the Lord, as I hope, will open up a better way. Nor indeed has Bucer himself given over writing, whose authority they cannot despise; but he will appear to be set at nought, unless at length they now yield somewhat to him. This, moreover, is his best hope, that if he shall not obtain a meeting or conference before next spring, even then at least he may discover a remedy. And in the meanwhile, perhaps the Lord will so order and dispose in providence that all may be more fully ripened. I preached on the Lord's day, which, as it was commended among the people by the acceptance of all the brethren, had many who were either hearers or at least spectators. The brethren have a mind, should there appear to exist among them any face of a Church, to grant also the administration of the Lord's Supper. At Metz,[92] when already everything was opposed to pure religion, when the Senate was sworn to its destruction, and when the priesthood had joined them with all their fury, there has arisen the plague of the Anabaptists, as it were, to create fresh scandal: two were cast headlong into the Moselle, a third was punished by banishment, with the brand of ignominy. So far as I could ascertain by conjecture, that barber who was the companion of Hermann was one of them. I fear that this pestilential doctrine is widely spread among the simple sort in that city. The Lord preserve you and the rest of the brethren to himself, and make you the means of prospering his own work. Salute all of them for me, especially Thomas and the others who were guests with me along with yourself.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[90] Bucer had entered into correspondence with some of the magistrates of Geneva to bring about a reconciliation between them and the banished ministers.

[91] The Church at Geneva was at this period given up to the most lamentable divisions and in a state of deplorable disorder.

[92] The Reformation had extended to Metz in 1523. Two martyrs, Jean le Clerc and Jean Chatelain, had sealed with their blood the introduction of the Gospel into that country.--Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._, tom. iii. p. 431.

XXV.--TO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.[93]

[93] Although he had become the minister of a community of exiles, and had engaged in theological works of the greatest importance at Strasbourg, the activity of Calvin was by no means confined to these objects. But in the midst of the contending claims on his time and care, his attention was ever turned towards the Church of which he had been the pastor--towards "these relics of the dispersion," whom he exhorted from the depths of his exile, and whom he consoled by his letters.

Letter of consolation and advice addressed to the Church at Geneva, deprived of her faithful pastor--testimonies of his innocence--confidence in God--trust for the future.

FROM STRASBOURG, _this 1st of October 1538_.

To my dearly-beloved brethren in our Lord, who are the relics of the dispersion of the Church of Geneva.

The mercy of God our Father, and the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, be continually multiplied to you by the communication of the Holy Spirit.

MY BRETHREN,--I have restrained myself from writing to you until this present, in the hope that the letter of our brother Farel, who had taken upon him that charge for both, would prove sufficient; and also by that means I would take off all occasion, in so far as was possible, for misrepresentation on the part of those who are on the lookout for it. That is, in order that they may not calumniate us by affirming that we purpose, in drawing you closer to ourselves, to retain you in some degree of partiality toward us. I have been unable, however, to refrain from writing to you to assure you of the affection with which I do ever regard you, and my remembrance of you in the Lord, as it is my bounden duty; neither shall that fear prevent me which has somewhat withheld me to the present time, forasmuch as I see right well that the colour of pretext which the malicious, from the love of detraction, might put upon it, would be found utterly frivolous and vain. God is our witness, and your own consciences before his judgment-seat, that while we had our conversation among you, our whole study has been to keep you together in happy union and concord of agreement. Those who, for the sake of making and maintaining a faction apart, had separated from us, have introduced division as well into your Church as into your town. Discerning the beginnings of that plague from the commencement, we have faithfully occupied ourselves as before God whom we serve, to apply the remedy; wherefore, an appeal to the past exempts us from all their calumnies. And if now, in thus communicating with you, we afford you some good reason to retain us in your memory, this ought not to be made a reproach to us; for our own conscience is well assured Godward, that it has been by him that we have been called to the fellowship of this ministry among you. For which reason it cannot be in the power of men to break asunder such a tie; and as in time bygone we have been upheld, we hope still by the guidance of our Lord so to conduct ourselves, that we shall afford no occasion of trouble, nor present any cause of division, unless it be to those who are so closely banded against Jesus Christ and all his people, that they cannot suffer any agreement with his servants. For to such manner of folk, if this blessed Saviour is a scandal and an offence, what must we be, who ought to carry his mark impressed upon our soul and on our body? But herein is our consolation, that we give them no occasion; even as our kind Master did not come to throw obstacles in men's path, but rather to be the way wherein all may walk without stumbling.

To proceed, then, my beloved brethren, for that the hand of the Lord, from all that I can understand, is continually stretched forth to visit you, and that by his righteous permission the devil strives incessantly to scatter the Church which has begun to be formed among you, there is a manifest necessity to admonish you of your duty. That is, that you consider and seriously meditate, that whatsoever perversity of will urges forward to action the men who so trouble and vex you, the assaults are not made upon you so directly by them as they are the work of Satan, who uses their malice as his instrument, for your annoyance. This is what the Apostle teaches in the word of exhortation when he says, that we do not fight against flesh and blood, that is to say, against men, but against the powers of the air, and against the prince of darkness. You are well aware how necessary it is to reconnoitre an enemy to know by what method to counterwork his stratagems. If we set ourselves to do battle with men, thinking only to wreak our vengeance upon them, and so to have satisfaction for the wrongs which they have done to us, it may well be doubted whether we could ever conquer so long as we entertained such views. Nay, it is a certain fact, that by following that method, we shall ourselves be vanquished by the devil. On the other hand, if avoiding all conflict with men, except only insomuch as we are constrained to have them opposed to us, inasmuch as _they_ are the adversaries of Jesus Christ, we _do_ resist the wiles of our spiritual enemy, being furnished with the armour wherewith the Lord would have his people to be girded and strengthened; there need then be no fear about our getting the upper hand. Wherefore, my brethren, if you seek true victory, do not oppose evil by evil of a like kind, but laying aside all evil affections, be guided solely by your zeal for the service of God, moderated by his Spirit according to the rule of his word.

You have besides to consider, that these things have not thus fallen out without the dispensation of the Lord, who carries forward his purposes even by means of the wicked, according to the good pleasure of his own will. Now, that thought will turn you away from the pursuit of your enemies, to consider and look into yourselves, and so to consider, that you may acknowledge that you have well deserved on your part to receive such a visitation, to chastise your negligence, your contempt, or even your careless slighting of the word of God which you had among you; your slothfulness in following and rendering to him a strict obedience. For you cannot excuse yourselves from having committed many faults; and how easy soever you may think it, to justify yourselves in some degree before men, nevertheless before God, your conscience must yet feel burdened and chargeable. The servants of God have so demeaned themselves in their tribulations, that is to say, from whatever direction their trials came they have ever turned their thoughts to the hand of God and to their own sins, acknowledging the cause to be discoverable in themselves, and to afford quite sufficient reason why the Lord should so afflict them. Daniel understood well what had been the perverseness of the King of Babylon in his destruction and scattering of the people of God merely to satisfy his avarice, arrogance, and cruelty; what also had been his iniquity in unjustly oppressing them. Yet nevertheless, seeing that the first cause lay wholly in themselves, inasmuch as the Babylonians could do nought against them unless by the Lord's permission, that he might follow and duly observe a right order, Daniel begins first with the confession of his own faults, and then those of the kings and of the people of Israel. If the prophet humbled himself in this manner, bethink yourselves what far greater occasion you have; and if it was necessary for him to do so in order to obtain the mercy of God, what purblind folly would it be in you to stand still and engage in the accusation of your enemies without any acknowledgment of your own faults, which far surpass, by many degrees of ascent, those of the holy Seer?

In so far as we ourselves are concerned, if there is any occasion to argue our case against the ungodly and calumniators who would charge offence upon us, I know that not only is our conscience clear to answer before God, but we have also wherewithal to purge ourselves before the whole world. And this assurance we have testified sufficiently when we demanded to be heard in our defence; yea, even in the face of our adversaries, in answer to every thing which they would lay against us. A man had need to be well furnished with his justifications when he presents himself at so great disadvantage, being inferior in every way to his opponents, except in the goodness of his cause. As oft as the question recurs of compearance before God, I make no doubt that he has humbled us in this way to make us acknowledge our ignorance, our imprudence, and those infirmities which, for my own part, I feel in myself, and do make no difficulty in confessing before the Church of the Lord. In doing so we must not be afraid lest thereby we might give occasion to our enemies; for Daniel did not justify Nabuchodonosor when he attributes to the sins of the Israelites the oppression which they suffered under that tyrant, but rather he has confounded him, shewing that he was the rod of God's wrath as well as the devil and his underlings. Neither is there any danger that we might subject our cause to reproach or shame; for if we have presented ourselves before all the Churches, shewing again and again that duly and faithfully we have discharged our duty; and if still from day to day we are ready to do so, it is no sign that we have thereby given the opportunity to bite, or to detract from us; and if we cannot hinder them from miscalling us--seeing that some of them are transported, not simply by an unruly temper, but even by ungovernable rage, we know the promise which is given, that the Lord will make our innocence appear like the bright and morning star, and will cause our righteousness to shine forth like the sun. We may boldly lay hold on this confidence whenever there is occasion to contend against the wicked, albeit that we ourselves may be answerable in a very high degree to the justice of the Lord.

In the day of our humility and downcasting, the Lord, nevertheless, will not forsake us until he has supplied very full consolation to uphold and comfort; we have it even ever present and ready to our hand, when himself hath said in his Scripture of truth, that the chastisements which he sends on his friends are for their welfare and salvation, provided they accept them with submission. Wherefore, my beloved brethren, return always to this consolation, that although the wicked strive with all their might to bring ruin upon your Church, and although your faults and offences have deserved far more than you could ever endure, yet, nevertheless, our Lord will vouchsafe such an outgate to the corrections which he has sent, as that they shall be made helpful to your salvation. His wrath towards his Church, inasmuch as it is only intended to bring her back to welldoing, is only for a little moment, and then it passes away, as saith the prophet; his mercy, on the contrary, is eternal, extending to future generations; for from the fathers it descends to their children and to children's children. Look at the proceedings of your enemies; you will clearly discover that all their doings tend to confusion, and, notwithstanding, they are quite of the opinion that they have attained to the uttermost point of their enterprise. Do not, therefore, cast away your consolation, for that it hath pleased the Lord to abase you for a season, seeing that this is no more than what the Scripture forewarns you must come to pass, even that he exalts the humble and the despised, and lifteth them out of the dust, the needy he raises up from the dunghill; that to those who are in weeping and in tears he gives a crown of joy; that he gives light to those who sit in darkness, and raises up to newness of life those who have dwelt in the valley of the shadow of death. Hope, therefore, that this gracious God will open such a deliverance that you shall have good cause to magnify and also to glorify his clemency. Take comfort from this blessed hope, and strengthen yourselves also to endure patiently the rod of his correction, until he shall be pleased to declare himself gracious, which, without a doubt, will be ere long, provided that we can willingly commit all to the guidance of his providence who knows the fit opportunity, and sees what is for our real advantage better than we can anyhow conceive.

Above all, take heed that you watch unto prayer; for if your whole expectation rests upon God, as it ought, there is good reason to infer that your heart should be daily lifted up to heaven in calling upon the Lord, and earnestly supplicating the mercy which you hope to obtain from himself. Understand, moreover, that if he delays to grant the desire of his children, and does not immediately manifest himself in the time of need for their deliverance, it is generally because he wishes to stir them up and urge them on to supplicate his favour. However confident we may be in making a vain-glorious boast of putting our trust in him, it will be of no avail while we do not offer any proof of it, by flying to him as our refuge, in prayer. Besides, it is a matter of tried experience, that there is never such an earnest fervency of stayed affection and ardour in our prayers as there ought to be, save when we persevere therein without ceasing.

I pray the Lord of all consolation to strengthen you and sustain you in patience, so long as it is his will to prove you in these tribulations, and to confirm you in the hope of the promises which he has made to his servants. He has said that he will not try them beyond what they can endure, but that along with the affliction he will increase strength and give a prosperous issue.

Your brother and servant in the Lord, JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. copy_--_Archives of Geneva._ No. 1203.]

XXVI.--TO FAREL.

Conferences of Basle--absence of the theologians of Zurich and of Berne--the minister Konzen--complaints against Bucer--a wish for the establishment of Ecclesiastical discipline--celebration of the Supper in the French Church of Strasbourg--the news of Germany and the Netherlands--question addressed to Melanchthon--domestic affairs.

[_October 1538._[94]]

[94] From Farel's hand: Received in the month of October 1538.

Grace to you and peace in the Lord.

Yes, indeed, I do very much rejoice that the marriage of Grynée happened at the time when so many and such weighty matters kept you necessarily at home. For the expected conferential meeting did not after all take place,[95] and after two days our friends returned. Yea, forsooth, and the Zurichers had scented out what Grynée would be at; therefore, having promised that they would be present on the day appointed, they managed somehow to excuse themselves. Afterwards, when they were pressed somewhat closer on the affair of the conference, they cut off all hope of it. We have reason to lament that good and otherwise right-hearted men are not more earnestly affected by the desire of promoting the public peace. For if they no longer need to care for the establishment among themselves of a godly union, they ought at least to consider it a duty to endeavour to come to a good mutual understanding with the churches. Luther, with whom I do freely acknowledge that I am not satisfied, may have been to blame. But what will it at length come to, if thus of set purpose we contend with each other, which can exceed the other in sin? Besides, they are in no trifling degree injurious to Bucer, concerning whom they cannot brook the thought of imagining any good. Lastly, while they desire to have the upper hand in every thing, they are faulty in the very form and substance of their procedure. For why do they stand in so much dread of a Convocation? If they have seen anything in Bucer which needs to be reproved, where could they find a more suitable occasion for admonishing him? It is needless, however, for me to write of these things to you, who deplore them as much as myself, and who are not able to correct them. The Bernese, expecting that we should soon have a conference, have thought that it would be expedient to absent themselves from the marriage, that they might not appear to take any measure separately or apart from others. Therefore they also excused themselves. As for myself, unless I had wished to rush upon death, it was impossible for me at that time to venture on a journey. The day before I must have set out, so violent an attack of dysentery had seized me, that in the course of a single day I was exhausted to such a degree, that I could with difficulty remain with comfort in one position; it was well, therefore, that you did not fatigue yourself to no purpose. The conference which you relate as having had with the mayor was by no means to be evaded, although I confess that it afforded me very little pleasure. For I see much that we have to fear in that quarter; what good we may expect, I do not perceive. He manifests the same disposition in his expressions which we have hitherto known by experience. For he either upbraids and rails at us, or, where there is not any ground of more serious accusation, in his own peculiar way he trifles with you, carping and biting under cover of some figurative expression. Then you were scarcely cautious enough when you came to speak of Konzen,[96] in having poured out your indignation with such exceeding liberality. How much do I fear lest this your complaint, although most just, prove the cause of much annoyance to us! The other things which nettled the spirit of the man, I venture to believe, may have been so well excused, that even what you said about Konzen may have passed over quietly. As for the rest, if you hearken to our friends, you will endeavour for the future when you meet with him, and in so far as he shall give you opportunity, to insinuate yourself into his familiarity: he cannot manage so craftily but that you may hear many things _which it may be of use for us to know_. Himself also will be forced to hear, in his turn, many things from you, by which his temper will either be in some small degree softened or subdued. What ought to be said, what not spoken about at all, and what method of treatment is to be applied in each emergency, it would be absurd were I to admonish you. From long and close experience, you yourself know the temper and disposition of the man. The best defence of our cause is planted in the truth, from which, should I attempt to draw you away, I could effect nothing. If we believe the Lord the defender of the innocent, since we cannot be deprived of the testimony of a good conscience as in his sight, let us be content with this sole defence. For I will never advise that we should adopt those underhand, those wily methods, which are the false refuges of a bad cause. Nevertheless, we must not let slip the opportunities which, in entering upon a course of sincere dealing with the conscience, do not require us to set aside our own reason; and we ought to reckon it a great gain to have restored such a man to many of the servants of Christ, from whom, by the false representations of the wicked, to the great loss and inconvenience of the Church, he had become estranged. Lastly, whether you can thoroughly conciliate him to yourself or them, this, however, in any event, will be beneficial, if you shew yourself friendly.

[95] The negotiations relative to the union of the Reformed Churches of Germany with those of Switzerland, were at all times eagerly promoted by Bucer. But the theologians of Zurich had but little hope of arriving at a satisfactory accord of agreement between the two parties, on account of the absolute opinion of Luther on the Supper. Having been invited to a conference held in the house of Simon Grynée, at Basle, they did not attend that meeting, where Bucer and Capito were both present, and which took place without attaining the object for which they had met.--Hospinian, _Hist. Sacrament._, vol. ii. pp. 290-300.

[96] Pierre Konzen, a minister of Berne, the opponent of Farel and of Calvin, whose conduct at Geneva he disapproved.

It is singular how confidently Sulzer undertakes for Konzen even yet. For he writes that there is not a doubt but that he will consent willingly to the Diet, and refer the matter to arbitration, that we may return to an entire agreement. What I disapprove of in Bucer's method of dealing with this matter is, that he declares that we have sinned through too much severity; he subjoins, it is true, But where shall you find better? where more learned? I would rather that he had been more sparing of praise, and at the same time have abstained from any charge against us, that he might not have this only vantage-ground, on which he may flatter himself that he has got the victory.

In your next letter I look for a full detail of the matters which have been discussed in your assembly, as well as of what has been done. Most gladly would I hear that somewhat has been undertaken which might tend to consolidate the Church. With great exertion they hasten forward the setting up of our Discipline, but without seeming to do so, that the evil-disposed may not understand what they are about, and throw hindrances in their way at the very commencement. If any degree of order is established here, I see some good prospect of introducing it among you, if it is sought for on the common application of the brethren in the first assembly. But this must be well considered before the fall of the year. Indeed, I do not see any hope of success in trying to bring it about sooner. For if the assembly shall be obtained after winter, of which Sulzer's letter holds out to us the expectation, it will be occupied with other business, unless, perhaps, it passes from the consideration of Ecclesiastical Agreement to that of Order. I almost think that I have found out the cause which took Morand and Marcourt to Berne,[97] since they are learning by experience what they did not foresee, that in order to clear themselves of the imputation of conceit or vanity, they must lay the blame on the exceeding malignity of those who favour our views. If I am not mistaken in my opinion, they will so strain the terms of their accusation, as to embrace the entire community of Geneva. Thus, of necessity, they will have to seek out a new settlement for themselves. May the Lord so order it, that they might set themselves down anywhere else than in your neighbourhood. If we had fit persons here who could drive away such pests immediately on their approach, I would rather take in hand to go thither myself, than leave you exposed to such danger as I see to impend over you, if they make an inroad. For the first time, we have administered the sacrament of the Supper in our little church[98] according to the custom of the place, which we purpose to repeat every month. Capito and Bucer, and all our brethren have charged me in their name to return their friendly salutations to our friends. Bucer has undertaken a long and at this season of the year tiresome journey: he is gone to the Landgrave, and thence he will go into Saxony. He has business to treat about with the Landgrave and some of the free cities, with Luther and the Saxons, relating to the Ecclesiastical property, which they desire to restore to its legitimate purposes. I delivered to him a letter for Philip, in which I requested that he would inform me of his opinion in this matter. I appended twelve Articles, which if he can acquiesce in them with me, nothing farther can be required, either from himself or Luther, in this business. If I receive anything of a reply, I will thereupon communicate with you. I wrote so hurriedly, that I had not the opportunity of retaining a copy. Germany is alarmed by the expectation of new disturbances: if the affair of the Dukedom of Gueldres is to be decided by arms with the Duke of Cleves, there is some danger lest our friends be drawn indirectly into the contest. What the amount of our reckoning was with Oporin you will understand from his letter. It was the opinion of Grynée that the wine ought not to be taken into account, because he had bestowed it himself. When, however, I saw that Oporin of his own accord was not inclined thereto, I was unwilling to higgle about it. You have boarded seven weeks and two days with him, myself two months and about twelve days; which I think will amount to less than the heavy expense which you anticipated. Thus I divide it: I pay five gold crowns; you, four. Balthazar had given us eight crowns; there was one remaining of the common fund. You had paid six out of your own money; I, one. Thus there had been paid by you ten and a half. You have received, through my brother, five crowns; four have been expended on victuals; I yet owe you one gold crown and a half, which I will pay as soon as possible. Here, unless I would be a burden to the brethren, I must live at my own expense. I have paid that which was owing for hire to the owner of the horse, and the half of what was due to the matron with whom we had a bed. I have about twenty shillings of Basle money, more or less; for the hire of the horse cost sixteen shillings and a half. My outlay on account of your nephew I have received except about ten shillings, which Claude was about to send me; for there was wherewithal to make up that small amount. I do not know what prevented him. I mention that, lest you may think that I had received nothing. Adieu, my very dear brother, with all our brethren, whom may the Lord preserve, along with yourself, in safety.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[97] Ministers of the Church of Geneva. See note 1, p. 74.

[98] The French Church of Strasbourg.

* * * * *

What is that I hear about the ludicrous engagement of the Bombardiers? Why, they say that it has become a matter of ridicule to the whole neighbourhood! What brazen impudence! As if they were not everywhere sufficiently odious already, unless they take occasion from every folly: thus it is that God darkens the understanding of his enemies, either with frivolities or things of nought. I shall remove within two days to the dwelling of Bucer. I have kept this letter ten days waiting for a messenger.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XVII.--TO LOUIS DU TILLET.[99]

[99] In a new letter to Calvin (7th September 1538) Louis du Tillet had thought it his duty to signalize the events which had recently occurred at Geneva as a providential chastening, destined to recall his old friend from the way of schism. "I am disposed to think, indeed," said he, "that the things which have happened to you have been brought about and pursued by the evil disposition of persons who have more care about the aims and ends of this world than consideration of what is due to God. But what I beseech you take in good part, I believe you have rather to consider on your part whether our Lord has not meant to warn you by that to bethink yourself if there has been nothing to reprove in your administration, and to humble you in his sight, and that by this means the great gifts and graces with which our Lord has furnished you may be employed to his glory, to the salvation of his elect, and on that account always more and more increased."--MSS. of Paris. Calvin replies to that objection, and appeals from "the sentence of the wise" to the tribunal of God.

Reply to doubts as to the lawfulness of his call--inward assurance of his calling--declines the kind offer of Louis du Tillet--appeals to the tribunal of God from the accusation of schism charged on him by his friend.

STRASBOURG, _20th October 1538_.

Prolonged and lengthened as the time has been during which our Lord has made me feel the exhortations and remonstrances which are contained in your letter, I cannot but take them in good part, unless, indeed, I would give the lie to my own conscience. I learn therefrom, that in the dealings which our Lord has taken with me, I should find both material and occasion for the acknowledgment of my faults. Neither am I content to examine myself only and call them to mind, but, as was my duty, I have made no difficulty to confess them in the presence of those who would have been better pleased to justify me than to ween that there was any need to blame myself. True it is that, so far as our adversaries are concerned, I have, with good reason, always maintained mine innocence, suchlike as I could testify it before God. And, in like manner, I have never yielded to those who set themselves up rashly to sit in judgment, as for the most part overforward to determine the nature of the malady while ignorant of its root. But I have never failed to declare, whether it was in public or in private, that we must accept that calamity as a singularly remarkable chastisement of our ignorance as well as of our other vices which called for it. Whatsoever are my peculiar faults as an individual, while I can discern very many, yet I hold, nevertheless, that I do not perceive the greatest of them, even the grosser faults. Wherefore, I pray the Lord that he would make them more clearly manifest to me from day to day. Those which you point out are not to be laid to my charge. If there was any ground to dispute my call, I believe that you have got no such reasons to impugn my ministry, but the Lord has furnished me with more firm and stable ones for my confirmation. If you entertain some doubt about that, it is enough for me that it is quite clear to my own satisfaction, and not only so, but that I can approve it to those who are willing to submit their censures to the test of truth. You do well to admonish me that it is wrong to confide too much in one's own understanding, for I know my range to be such that I cannot presume ever so little upon myself without exceeding. I would, however, request of you to believe that the complaints which, on other occasions, you have heard me make, were not the utterances of hypocrisy, for they testified that I was well aware of my insufficiency for the charge I hold.

You dwell very much upon the point, that it might be painful to us to make retractions under the fear of the imputation of trifling, when we have formed a rash and inconsiderate determination. For my own part, as I know well enough that by good right I ought to fear lest that foolish ambition should so far hoodwink me as to deflect the straightforwardness of my judgment, so, on the other hand, I hope that our Lord will not leave me so far to myself as to fall into such a degree of pride, that for the sake of preserving mine own honour scatheless I would wilfully oppose myself to his truth. I have discussed this question with some eminent persons whom you know. I cannot, even now, see the case in any other light than that which I have declared. I know not whether the witness who was present has brought you any random report of what took place, as he has a shrewd turn at upsetting and embroiling whatsoever he puts his hand to.

Concerning that objection of condemning others, I feel constrained to make one observation, which possibly shall not be pleasing to you. I would that you should take a part of these observations to yourself. For in calling _the darkness light_ throughout the whole of your letter, you do condemn those who walk far more straightforwardly in regard to that matter than any of yourselves.[100] I shall not enter upon a disputation, for neither is that your intention; but I would like to know what equity there is in a person who passes judgment in his closet, condemning all those who maintain their doctrine daily openly before all the world, and who thinks, notwithstanding, that it is presumption in those others to dare to condemn the manifest enemies of God and of his majesty. What you have said in reference to that question I take as proceeding from a good intention, but must attribute it to a very different spirit from that of God. Touching my retirement, I confess to you that I have found somewhat strange the first word which you have spoken to me regarding it, as to seeking the means of returning to a place where I would be as it were in a sort of hell.[101] The earth is the Lord's, you will say, but I beg you will allow me to follow the rule of my conscience, which I know to be surer than yours. As to my resuming the charge, I could indeed have wished to be believed and taken at my word; and had I only had to do with those whom you might consider too inconsiderately and obstinately determined on setting men to work, I should have been in no hurry to do so; but when the most moderate of them all threaten that the Lord would find me out as he did Jonah; and when they come to such words as these, "Suppose to yourself the Church to be lost through your fault alone. What better course of repentance lies open to you than to dedicate yourself wholly to the Lord? You who are endowed with such gifts, with what conscience can you decline the ministry which is offered to you? &c...."[102] What else to do I knew not, except to state the reasons which deterred me, in order that I might follow my own inclination with their consent. When that was to no purpose, I concluded that I had no alternative, in such a state of perplexity, but to follow that which I thought was pointed out to me by the servants of God. I give you my hearty assurance that care about the body would not have brought me to that conclusion, for I had seriously pondered the question of setting about the gaining of a livelihood for myself in some private station, which I think is not altogether impossible; but I have decided that the will of God has otherwise disposed. If I have erred, reprove me, I beseech you, only let it not be by a simple explicit condemnation, to which I can attribute no authority, against so many reasons and the testimony of individuals who are nowise contemptible, nor ought they to be so accounted in your esteem.

[100] The passage in Du Tillet's letter, to which Calvin here alludes, is as follows:--"One thing to be most carefully avoided is an overweening confidence in our own judgment, and a too great readiness either to accept new opinions or to condemn old ones, especially where matters of religion or piety are concerned; for a mistake on such ground is more fatal than on any other; ... and God punishes the temerity of such as thus act, bringing them into a thousand perplexities."--MSS. of Paris.

[101] That is to say, in France. Louis du Tillet had advised Calvin to return to that country, where the profession of the Evangel was interdicted. "I greatly desire that on your part it might be possible for you to retire hitherward, and that our Lord had furnished you the means ... but if that cannot be done as yet, I applaud and appreciate your determination to stop for the present at Basle, without mixing yourself up in anything else. In waiting upon our Lord you will shew plainly whitherward you tend."--MSS. of Paris.

[102] These expressions are taken from a letter addressed by Simon Grynée to Calvin, to induce him to decide on accepting the ministerial charge at Strasbourg. Here is the original text, which Calvin quotes from memory:--"Fac esse quod tuâ unius gravissima culpa res Christi sic labefactæ sint Genevæ, non tamen pia erit ejusmodi pœnitentia, quâ in ista ministrorum qui istic idonei sunt copia, tu istis dotibus non tibi sed Ecclesiæ ornatus, oblatum ministerium repudies."--_Grynæi Epistolæ_, edition of Streuber, p. 55.

You have made me an offer for which I cannot sufficiently thank you; neither am I so rude and unmannerly as not to feel the unmerited kindness so deeply, that even in declining to accept it, I can never adequately express the obligation that I owe you.[103] I shall abstain, however, as much as possible, from being burdensome to any one, but principally to you, who have already in the past been put to too much expense. My aliment at present costs me nothing. To meet my necessary requirements over and above my daily bread, the money for the books will furnish somewhat, for I hope that you will kindly give me others in case of need. Had you addressed your proposition to me in such terms as to have left no imputation, but only on myself personally, I could easily have put up with it. But inasmuch as you do injustice to the truth of God, and to his servants, it has on my part been inevitable that I must reply briefly, in order that you may not indulge the notion that I have acquiesced. I believe that you have considered our affliction to be quite sufficient to cast me into the utmost perplexity, even such as to throw all former trials into the shade. I have been greatly afflicted, it is true, but never to such a degree as to have to say, _Nescio ubi sint viæ Domini_, (I know not where are the ways of the Lord,) wherefore these temptations are tried upon me in vain.

[103] Du Tillet had made an offer of money to Calvin in the letter above cited:--"It is possible that you may be ill provided with money, without which you cannot live there in a manner becoming you; but you need not mind about that, for should you receive nothing elsewhere but from me, if you wish it, God helping, I will supply enough to meet your necessity, as for the present I have no occasion for any money, living entirely in the house of my brother.... But that notwithstanding, I will find means to furnish you."

One of my companions[104] is now before God to render account of the cause which has been common to him and me. When we come thither, it will be known on which side the rashness and desertion has been. It is thither that I appeal from the judgments of all the worldly-wise sages, who think their simple word has weight enough for our condemnation. There, the angels of God will bear witness who are the schismatics.

[104] The minister Courault. See following note.

After having humbly commended myself to your good-will I shall entreat our Lord that he would uphold and keep you in his holy protection, so directing you, that you decline not from his way.--Your humble servant and sincere friend,

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.

[_Fr. Copy_--_Imperial Library of Paris. Fonds Baluze_, 8069-5.]

XXVIII.--TO FAREL.

Death of Courault--Calvin's discouragement and trust in God--answers a question of Saunier regarding the Supper--the faithful at Geneva exhorted not to separate from the new preachers--affectionate advice given to Farel.

STRASBOURG, _24th October 1538_.

The death of Courault has so overwhelmed me, that I can set no bounds to my grief.[105] None of my daily occupations can so avail to engage my mind as that they do not seem to turn upon that one thought. Distress and wretchedness during the day seems only to prepare a lodging for the more painful and excruciating thoughts of the night. It is not merely the want of sleep, to which custom has so inured me, by which I am harassed, but I am utterly exhausted by these melancholy thoughts all night long, than which I find there is nothing more destructive of my health. But that atrocious deed chiefly rankles my mind, if indeed the suspicion is well founded, to which, whether I will or nill, I am constrained to allow some weight. To what a degree of wickedness must our posterity at length arrive, when in the very commencement such monstrosities rise up before our eyes? I much fear lest this great wickedness may speedily be punished by some great affliction of the Church. Moreover, it is no slight evidence of the anger of God, that, amid so great a scarcity of good ministers, the Church should be deprived of one who stood in the foremost rank of the good. What else, therefore, dear brother, can we do than lament our calamity? although, nevertheless, we are not lacking in solid consolation. This of itself is a great comfort when all do thus testify, by affectionate sorrow as for their own loss, the high esteem in which they held him for courage and uprightness. So neither does the Lord suffer the wickedness of our enemies to remain concealed upon earth. They have not gained the worth of a single hair by his death. For there stands before the judgment-seat of God a witness and avenger of their villany, whose voice will proclaim their destruction more loudly than if it shook the earth. We, the survivors whom the Lord has left behind for a while, let us persevere in the same path wherein our deceased brother walked, until we have finished our course. Whatsoever difficulties may be thrown across our path, they will not prevent our arriving at that rest into which he has been already admitted. Unless this sure hope held us firm and steadfast, what ground of despair encompasses us round about! But since the truth of the Lord remains firm and unshaken, let us stand resolutely upon the watch-tower even to the end, until the kingdom of Christ, which is now hidden and obscured, may shine forth.

[105] The aged monk, Augustin Courault, a zealous preacher of the Reformation at Paris and at Geneva. He took part with Calvin and Farel; after a short imprisonment was banished from Geneva, found a retreat with Christopher Fabri at Thonon, and was appointed pastor at Orbe, where he died, 4th October 1538. Courault was advanced in years, and had become blind. ("Illuminant les âmes, dit Bèze, combien qu'il fust devenu aveugle quant au corps."--_Hist. Eccl._ tom. i. p. 15.) His death, which was at first attributed to poison, caused the deepest regret both to Farel and Calvin, who were his colleagues in the ministry.

Our opponents have already sounded the trumpet on account of the sentence pronounced against the town of Minden.[106] As the interest of religion is concerned in the matter, our friends are necessarily implicated. It will be our surest and invincible defence if the Lord of Hosts shall defend us by his own strength. Otherwise we are scarcely strong enough to repel the assaults of our enemies. Let us therefore take refuge in that one asylum, which, even although the whole earth may be shaken, can never be moved.

[106] As one of the cities in league with Smalkald for the defence of the Gospel, the town of Minden had just been placed under the ban of the empire. The Roman Catholic princes of Germany confederated at Nuremberg prepared to execute the sentence against which the Protestant princes had solemnly protested.--Sleidan, _Commentarii_, lib. xii. p. 338, édit. de 1612, in 4to.

We do not slacken our endeavour, and continue to cry incessantly for a conference until it shall have been obtained. Saunier[107] wished another question to be discussed by us,--Whether it is lawful for himself, and others similarly situated, to receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper from the hands of the new ministers, and to partake of it along with such a promiscuous assemblage of unworthy communicants. In this matter I quite agree with Capito. This, in brief, was the sum of our discussion: that among Christians there ought to be so great a dislike of schism, as that they may always avoid it so far as lies in their power. That there ought to prevail among them such a reverence for the ministry of the word and of the sacraments, that wherever they perceive these things to be, there they may consider the Church to exist. Whenever therefore it happens, by the Lord's permission, that the Church is administered by pastors, whatever kind of persons they may be, if we see there the marks of the Church, it will be better not to break the unity. Nor need it be any hindrance that some points of doctrine are not quite so pure, seeing that there is scarcely any Church which does not retain some remnants of former ignorance. It is sufficient for us if the doctrine on which the Church of God is founded be recognized, and maintain its place. Nor should it prove any obstacle, that he ought not to be reckoned a lawful pastor who shall not only have fraudulently insinuated himself into the office of a true minister, but shall have wickedly usurped it. For there is no reason why every private person should mix himself up with these scruples. The sacraments are the means of communion with the Church; they must needs therefore be administered by the hands of pastors. In regard to those, therefore, who already occupy that position, legitimately or not, and although the right of judging as to that is not denied, it will be well to suspend judgment in the meantime, until the matter shall have been legally adjudicated. Therefore, if men wait upon their ministry, they will run no risk, that they should appear either to acknowledge or approve, or in any way to ratify their commission. But by this means they will give a proof of their patience in tolerating those who they know will be condemned by a solemn judgment. The refusal at first of these excellent brethren did not surprise nor even displease me. In truth, at a time of so great excitement, which could not fail to produce an ebullition in the minds of men, a schism in the body of Christ was the infallible result. Besides, they were still uncertain whither at length this tempest would drive them, which for the time put everything in confusion and disorder.

[107] Antony Saunier, countryman and disciple of Farel, was honoured to be his companion in announcing for the first time the simple Gospel in Geneva, (September 1532.)--(See Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, tom. i. p. 215, Note P.) Having been appointed Regent of the college of that town, he offered, in 1538, a determined opposition to the pastors who were elected in room of Farel and Calvin, and along with his colleague Mathurin Cordier was banished, on account of his refusal--notwithstanding the advice of Calvin himself, to receive the sacrament at the hands of the new ministers. He retired to the Pays de Vaud, and at a later period became pastor of the church at Morges.

Saunier then proceeded to speak of himself, but with so much contention, that it seemed as if he would never have an end until he had extorted what he sought. There was evident ground of reason why we should deny. For prudence in making a due distinction is required from the minister to whom the dispensation of this sacred mystery belongs. Moreover, he who has not from the first repudiated their fellowship plainly approves their ministry. Lastly, the question having been reduced to these conditions,--whether it were better to yield or to refuse, I forced him into this dilemma:--If the minister does his duty, all will at once go well; if not, it will beget a scandal which must not be endured, whatever supposed advantages might arise therefrom. But when he perceived that I was firmly determined to accomplish what I sought to effect, he readily acquiesced therein, whatever it was. We know by our experience how difficult it is to keep within due bounds those who are puffed up with a silly opinion of their own wisdom. When we all thought this particular time very unseasonable for discussing the points in dispute among the brethren, the Lord has surpassed our utmost expectation. Whatever we sought has been obtained. Saunier at first seemed to dislike that any formula of confession should be required. He supposed that our friends would be satisfied for this alone, because they had been taught by himself. Afterwards, however, he relaxed his opposition and approved without further controversy, such as I have drawn it in their name. I fear that the person will give you most trouble whose business it ought to be to help you; however, by patient sufferance you will struggle through. I entreat of you, my dear brother, in so great iniquity of the time in which we live, that you will use your utmost endeavour to keep together all who are any way bearable. As to the trifling ceremonies, strive to induce the brethren not to dispute the point with those of their neighbourhood with so much of stiffnecked obstinacy. It will then come to pass that we may carry our point, ourselves free from all, that we may only serve the interests of peace and Christian agreement. If I omit any important points, it is because your letter, which I had given to Capito to read, has not yet been returned to me. May the Lord preserve and strengthen you by his Spirit, confirm you in the enduring of all things, my most beloved brother in the Lord. Your anxiety on my account admonishes me in my turn to recommend your taking care of your health, for all accounts report that you appear very much worn out. I beg and entreat of you, my dear brother, have such regard to others as at the same time to keep in mind that the Church of Christ cannot yet spare you. Greet a thousand times for me all the brethren who are with you; Viret, Francis also, and James, when you write to them. Capito, Sturm, and Firmin, desire to salute you in the most friendly way.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XXIX.--TO FAREL.

Second edition of the "Institution of a Christian"--death of Robert Olivetan--state of religion in Germany--first lectures of Calvin at Strasbourg.

_Month of January 1539._

The grace of the Lord be with you, most sound-hearted brother.

You would have received a longer letter from me, had not grief of mind so distracted me that I had neither heart nor hand capable of discharging duty. When I thought that the edition of my work was quietly going forward,[108] lo and behold! a copy is forwarded to me by my brother in the same state in which I had sent it; therefore it must be put off to the next fair-time. This kindness has been repaid to me by Robert. Although there is privately no reason why I should vex myself on this account; yet since I supposed that it would be of public advantage that it should go forth as soon as possible, I could not be otherwise than greatly annoyed that the expectation and desire of many good men should be frustrated by the cross humour of a single individual; for I do not wish to say anything more severe. The death of our friend Olivetan followed upon that other vexation, of which the wife of Sinapi informed me by letter.[109] You will therefore bear with me in my reasonable sorrow, if my letters are not only confused, but also somewhat concise. What you mention about the reply of Konzen cheered me as much as was possible in such sadness. I entreat you, my dear brother, that we may follow up such favourable and auspicious beginnings. Now, for the first time, our spirit can be raised to entertain good hope of the result; but, as you observe, we must have a conferential meeting, without which the fallen and miserably scattered churches cannot be built up. Scarcely could I have dared to hope for any good until I understood that this opening had occurred. Now am I led to entertain the sure hope of an excellent result, if we have once an opportunity of meeting together. We must wait, however, for the return of Bucer, who, when he was arrived at no great distance from home, was drawn back again upon a new piece of business, a secret indeed, but which I will whisper in your ear. Duke George of Saxony,[110] beyond all expectation, intimated that he wished to have some consultation with him and Melanchthon about religion and the reformation of the Church, and appointed a day for them to come to Leipsic, on which he promised that he would be present; therefore both secretly set out thither. If he comes to any determination, he will draw many others after his example. Some of the princes are impelled by a fierce desire of stirring up war against us, and already they are prepared with all requisite munition. They are, however, kept in some restraint by the more prudent, who foresee that the Turk will not remain quiet if he sees Germany engaged in civil war. Already he has possession of Upper and Lower Wallachia, and has declared war upon the King of Poland, unless he allow him free passage through his territories. As soon as Bucer returns, I will tire you with a long story, for I am very confident that he will bring along with him a great store of news. He has loaded Saunier and the brethren with superfluous expense, and has hence fatigued them with labour to no purpose. I am too much intent on the success of this project to have any need to be goaded on regarding it; but what could I do, since the proposed Diet of the princes and free cities on whom the charge was laid has not yet been held? There met lately a council of the cities at Erlangen, but that concerned other matters; nor was it composed only of those of our persuasion, although the cities sent deputies, but of all promiscuously. The Diet of those of our side, both of the princes and of the cities, is called for the eighth of February, before which day ambassadors from the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave are to come hither. We are so cordial in the undertaking that we shall omit no opportunity of promoting it so far as lies in us.

[108] He refers here to the second edition of the _Institution Chrétienne_, which appeared in 1539 at Strasbourg.

[109] Robert Olivetan died in 1538, at Ferrara. That intelligence was announced to Calvin by Francisca Bueyronia, wife of the physician, John Sinapi, a German settled at the Court of the Duchess of Ferrara as the preceptor of her children.

[110] George Duke of Saxony, cousin of the Elector of Saxony, John Frederick. Although the princes of his family had adopted the (so called) new doctrines, this prince had constantly opposed the Reformation, which he persecuted in his states. He died in 1539.

Having lately been induced by Capito, against my inclination, to lecture publicly, I either lecture or preach daily. Michael writes you. Others more fitted for the work will fall in afterwards, if they have only a little time given them. All send you their most friendly greetings, and especially Capito, who only does not write because he thinks my letter sufficient. Sturm, also, and Firmin, and Gaspar, and Henry, and the others. Adieu, most excellent brother; may the Lord preserve you for himself and his people. Salute all the brethren from me.

You may hence be able to conjecture my state of composure, from the circumstance that I have altogether forgotten in writing to you what I ought to have told you at the first: I mean, that I had written to you and Zebedeus by Dr. Ulrich. He avers that he entrusted the letters to a faithful hand. Do let me hear by the first opportunity whether they have reached you, and how you were pleased with the contents; for I would willingly hear that you were satisfied with reference to the offence which my letters had given among the brethren at Geneva.

[_Orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XXX.--FAREL.[111]

[111] Under the inspiration of Farel the company of pastors of Neuchatel had put forth a desire for the union of the Churches of Germany and Switzerland; but that wish for union, actively followed out by Bucer, desired with so much ardour by Calvin, must necessarily be the fruit of reciprocal concessions; and certain of the Zurich ministers, too much inclined to exalt the memory of Zuingli at the expense of Luther, seemed not much disposed to favour the connection. They altogether distrusted Bucer, who, they said, maintained an artificial spirit throughout these negotiations, equally adapted to deceive both sides; and even Bullinger himself, who was of so conciliating and so elevated a character, was not entirely free from these tendencies.--Hospinian, _Hist. Sacramentaria_, tom. ii. p. 290.

Fruitless efforts for the union of the two Churches--synod of Zurich--Bullinger's distrust of Bucer--parallel between Luther and Zuingli--Calvin thinks of marrying--news of Germany--policy of the ecclesiastical Electors--French Church of Strasbourg--conversion of two Anabaptists.

STRASBOURG, _28th February_ [1539.]

I have carefully explained to the brethren the matters which you had committed to me on the part of your presbytery. They both welcomed and received your admonitions with a very cordial and attentive hearing, for they clearly perceived and understood the motives from whence they proceeded, and that the dangers which alarm you are not imaginary. They will therefore endeavour, so far as lies in their power, in troublous times like the present, that your warnings may not seem to have been tendered to them in vain. That last point which you urge, about coming to an agreement with those of Zurich, affords a strong presumption, that you do not fully comprehend how much in earnest and how faithfully, our friends have exerted themselves to promote this object. Since the meeting of that last synod[112] they have left no stone unturned whereby they might, in some small degree at least, either lessen or appease their resentment;[113] for they even ventured to hope to bring them back so soon to a right understanding and entire good-will towards each other. It would appear, however, that they had not forgotten either the reception they had met with in that quarter, or the manner in which they were dismissed, and the rumours which had afterwards been spread abroad as to their procedure, as well as the letters which had been written. Because, however, they could of themselves make but little impression, they engaged on their side all the men of worth who had any authority or influence among them, in order that, at the long run, some terms of peace, or at least some moderation of their differences, might be devised. In the meanwhile Bullinger makes public that epistle of his in which he reckons the Turncoats and Weathercocks as stumbling-blocks of offence and hindrances to the progress of the Gospel. There is no one so blind as not to perceive that under these designations he points, as with the finger, distinctly at our friends.[114] They, however, were forbearing enough to teach, by their example, not to return railing for railing, and suppressed their sense of so great indignity until Erasmus, one of the Zurich ministers, had arrived in Strasbourg. In good humour, and with courtesy, we expostulated with him. They did not even satisfy us by a single word of explanation; but some while after, not without their knowledge, Bibliander[115] wrote to Sturm that we were tormenting ourselves by a false application of it; for that Bullinger's design had been not to attack Bucer, but those persons in the territory of Wirtemberg who had acceded to the concord of agreement, for that they had themselves professed that they had not always had a clear understanding of the Supper, but that, as for Bucer, those things which had been said at Zurich were no more than might, with perfect propriety, be addressed to him. There is, therefore, nothing for us to dispute about, as if there was any hindrance on our part to their arriving at an entire agreement, or at this present moment to prevent a perfect reconciliation. And further, to say the truth, we have never been otherwise than their friends, however ill disposed they have shewn themselves to us. If you knew with what moderation our friends conduct themselves, you would be ashamed to require anything more of them.

[112] The Synod of Zurich, held from the 29th April to the 3d May of the preceding year, had remained without result. The ministers of Strasbourg and of Zurich had separated much dissatisfied with each other.

[113] The theologians of Zurich had accused Bucer of having spread a snare to entrap their good faith by artificial expressions, better suited to veil the difficulties of union than to solve them.--See Hospinian, tom. ii. p. 290.

[114] This letter of Bullinger is only known to us by Calvin's allusion to it. Bucer manifested great displeasure at the conduct of the theologians of Zurich, and bitterly complained of it in a letter to Comander, minister of Coire. But if we may believe the testimony of Sturm, quoted by Hospinian, it does not appear that the friendly relations between the churches of Zurich and Strasbourg were thereby long or seriously affected.

[115] Bibliander (Theodore), professor of theology at Zurich. He died of the plague in 1564.

The good men flame up into a rage if any one dares to prefer Luther to Zuingli, just as if the Gospel were to perish if any thing is yielded by Zuingli. Nor, indeed, is there any injury thereby done to Zuingli; for if the two men are compared with each other, you yourself know how much Luther has the preference. I do not at all approve, therefore, of those verses of Zebedeus, in which he supposed that he could not praise Zuingli according to his real worth, unless he said of him,

Majorem sperare nefas;

that it was "profane to hope for a greater." Now, while we agree that it is considered unkind to speak evil over the ashes and the shades of the departed; so it would be impiety in a high degree, in our thoughts of such a man, not to entertain sentiments of honourable esteem. It holds true, however, that the moderation to be observed in the award of praise, is that which Zebedeus has very much lost sight of. Therefore, I am so far from assenting to him, that now at this present, I can see many greater--I may hope for some more--I may lawfully desire that _all_ were so. I ask you, dear Farel, if any one extolled Luther in this manner, would not the Zurichers have grumbled, and complained that Zuingli had been overborne? Foolishly, you will say; as if, indeed, those were the only men of any understanding who are favourable to Luther. But these things are intended for your ear alone.

I myself, also, am heartily tired of discussing so often that affair of Caroli, or rather, I am completely worn out; therefore all the more willingly may suffer you to enjoy quiet in time to come, unless some new escapade occurs. Would that only a single opportunity were allowed me, in a familiar and confidential way, to confide to you all my hopes and fears, and in turn to hear your mind and have your help, whereby we might be the better prepared. An excellent opportunity will occur for your repairing hither, if, as we hope, the marriage shall come to pass.[116] We look for the bride to be here a little after Easter. But if you will make me certain that you will come, the marriage ceremony might be delayed until your arrival. We have time enough beforehand to let you know the day. First of all, then, I request of you, as an act of friendship, that you would come. Secondly, that you assure me that you will come. For it is altogether indispensable that some one from thence be here to solemnize and ask a blessing upon the marriage. I would rather have you than any one else. Therefore, resolve whether you think it is worth while, on my account, to undertake this journey. I am waiting to see whether any good will come out of these disturbances by which Geneva is at present thrown into a state of commotion. The affair must have taken a turn one way or other before you can arrive here. Germany, as usual, is in a state of suspense, in expectation of great events. The surmise is very general, that the Emperor aims at more than he avows. Our friends are now assembled at Smalkald, where they will advise upon measures to meet either alternative; so that, whether they settle the matters in dispute by reasonable arguments, or decide their differences by war, they may not anyhow be taken unawares and unprepared. God has already conferred this benefit upon us, that three of the Bishops Electors rather prefer to league with us in defence of their country's liberty, than to plot with the Emperor against it.

[116] The friends of Calvin at Strasbourg were at this time very desirous of having the Reformer married. See the following Letters, (1539-1540,) _passim_.

Our little church here holds on as usual. Hermann has returned to church-fellowship, and in perfect sincerity, unless I am much deceived.[117] He has acknowledged to me, that out of the Church there cannot exist the hope of salvation; he says, the true Church is to be found among us; that therefore, on his part, there had been a falling away, because he had lived as a sectary in separation from it. This he took to himself as criminal, in following these divisive courses, and sought forgiveness. About Free-will, the Divinity and Humanity of Christ, Regeneration, Infant Baptism, and other points, he was willing to be taught, and embraced our doctrine; he only hesitated as to Predestination, on which head, however, he subscribed upon the whole to my views, except that he could not unravel or describe explicitly the difference between foreknowledge and providence. He entreated, however, that this might not occasion any hindrance in the way of himself and his children being received to Church communion. Whereupon, with the courtesy which the occasion called for, I received and welcomed him seeking forgiveness, and reached forth to him the hand in name of the Church. Since then, I have baptized his little daughter, who was more than two years of age. Unless I am very much deceived, he is a pious, God-fearing man. When I exhorted him as to the duty of leading back others into the way of truth, he said, "The least I can do is, that I should now be as earnest in building up as I have formerly been in pulling down." Hans, who lives at Ulm, appears to me to be penitent. That we may not boast, however, and glorify ourselves in this service, the Lord humbles us in a thousand ways. For we are no whit better here than with you, where you declare that matters are as bad as possible. Yet, in these otherwise desperate circumstances, we have always this consolation, that we do not serve God in vain, even when to all appearance we seem to toil to no purpose. If you think proper, you will communicate the letter addressed to the brethren; if otherwise, you can return or keep it in your own possession.

[117] Hermann of Liege, the celebrated Flemish Anabaptist. He had maintained a discussion at Geneva, publicly, against Farel and Calvin; and overcome on that occasion, he had been banished from the town the 19th March 1538.

Salute every one of them in person in our name in the most friendly manner, although I desire, on my part, to do so on my own account, apart from the rest.

Adieu, my very excellent and right-hearted brother. All here do most lovingly salute you, especially Capito, Sturm, and Claude; for Bucer is absent. But all of them, at the same time, had requested me to undertake the province of replying to your letter, when I laid before them your friendly warnings; on account of which, so far are they from having taken any offence, that their respect, which could scarcely be higher than it is, has rather been confirmed towards you.

My dear friend, again adieu. Although I feel much exhausted, yet I would not suffer myself to be drawn away from writing to you.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XXXI.--TO BULLINGER.[118]

[118] Written to Bullinger after a long silence, this letter was to be the means of drawing closer the ties of friendship which had already united the French Reformer to the minister of Zurich, and to remove the unjust prejudice of the latter against Bucer and the Strasbourg ministers. See the preceding letter.

Excuses his long silence--evidences of brotherly affection--justifies Bucer--his desire for the union of the Church of Zurich with that of Strasbourg.

STRASBOURG, _12th March_ [1539.]

Grace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.

RESPECTED BROTHER,--I scarce know how it has occurred, that for nearly a whole year and a half since I withdrew hither I should never have written to you, when it was so often my mind to do so; when there was no want of somewhat to write about; and more than once an occasion presented itself for doing so. But as for the first few months I had scarcely thought of it, and thus already some time had been allowed to slip away, as if the opportunity had passed, I became from day to day more remiss. Lately, however, while your Erasmus was here with us, he had offered, if I wished to write, to take charge of any letters; whereupon I eagerly embraced an opportunity, of which above all things I was desirous. I promised, therefore, that I would write to you. As, however, I had returned late from the inn where he was stopping, and he had resolved on his departure for the morrow, I was unwilling to change the arrangement for his journey, although out of kindness he was ready to wait if only I had expressed the wish. The readier, however, that he was to comply, so much more ashamed was I to request him, more especially since I had an opportunity three days later of sending letters to Basle, from whence they could easily be forwarded to you. Notwithstanding that, however, when this last convenient occasion had also escaped me, then at length I came to the conclusion that I must do now what I had too long delayed. What ought we rather, dear Bullinger, to correspond about at this time than the preserving and confirming, by every possible means in our power, brotherly kindness among ourselves? We see indeed of how much importance that is, not only on our own account, but for the sake of the whole body of professing Christians everywhere, that all those on whom the Lord has laid any personal charge in the ordering of his Church, should agree together in a sincere and cordial understanding. Indeed, Satan himself perceives that very clearly, who while he plots, by every method he can devise, the ruin of Christ's kingdom, plies none more earnestly with all his might, than to sow division and discord among us, or somehow at least to estrange the one from the other. For that very reason, therefore, it is our duty to oppose these sort of devices; and the more our adversary strives to rend asunder our connection, so much the more ought we to strive against him with more determined resolution and intense anxiety to cherish and uphold it. Since, therefore, it is our duty carefully to cultivate friendly fellowship with all the ministers of Christ, so we must needs also endeavour by all the means we can, that the churches to which we faithfully minister the word of the Lord may agree among themselves. Our friendship, I trust, in virtue of the happy auspices which presided at its commencement, and resting as it does on so solid a foundation, will continue firm and entire to the last. For myself, assuredly, so far as depends upon me, I undertake to persevere in maintaining it firm and unimpaired, because, indeed, I have always very much deferred to you. I have also, as was meet and reasonable, embraced you with singular delight, nor will I ever cease to entertain that affection. Between this church and yours, although I do not see that there really exists any disagreement or secret grudge, yet I might wish there was a closer connection or rather relationship. How it comes to pass that we do not draw more closely together, as I earnestly desire, it is not for me to determine, only it is too evident not to be observed that the dregs of that unhappy dispute still taint our memories. Hence arise many askant suspicions, which when they have once fairly taken hold of us, it is not possible that any solid friendship can either exist or have any long continuance among us. On our friends' part, this certainly I dare freely promise and undertake for them, that there is nought they more desire than to cast aside all discordance, that they may sincerely cultivate a brotherly friendship towards you; in one word, to seek no other bond of concord than the pure will of God. As for Capito's sincerity, because I suppose it is quite well known to you, I shall say nothing. For Bucer I will answer, that there is no cause why he ought in anything to be suspected by you. Endowed, as indeed he is, with a singularly acute and remarkably clear judgment, there is, at the same time, no one who is more religiously desirous to keep within the simplicity of the word of God, and is less given to hunt after niceties of interpretation that are quite foreign to it, but who actually holds them in more abhorrence, than himself. If, however, there is anything you still find wanting in him, he is a man of such modesty and good nature, he will not only suffer the word of admonition from you, but even to be reproved, if there is a need-be for it. Only let him see plainly, that you seek to have that sort of communication with us which ought to exist among the servants of Christ. There is no occasion for my dealing with you on the matter of the controversy itself. Indeed, it is a subject which can scarcely be settled by letter. And perhaps, I might be thought to act rashly, if not with arrogance, were I to venture anything of the kind, yet often I can scarce refrain myself from the desire that an opportunity were given me of handling familiarly and discussing this question in your presence; for you are aware that I have never conversed with you in such a way about it as to understand what it is that hinders a full agreement between us; but whatever that may be, I feel certain that it is unworthy to be the cause of our disagreement. I require of you, dear Bullinger, or rather, again and again I entreat you, that we may not only be as far removed as possible from all hatred and contention, but even from all appearance of offence. Forgive my anxiety; and, in truth, I do not say this because I have any doubt of your prudence, of your will, or of your deliberate and resolute courage. But charity hath this peculiar quality, that while there is nothing which it may not hope, it is, nevertheless, in the meanwhile anxious. Furthermore, if, to sum up all, you consider how many perils, in this unhappy age especially in which we live, beleaguer and surround us on all hands, you will make allowance, I trust, for this my plainness, if you do not pardon it. Adieu, most learned and upright man. Salute, I beseech you, reverently, all the brethren, Pelican, Leo, Theodore, Megander, and the others, whom I do esteem sincerely in the Lord. Would that you may not scruple freely also to admonish me.--Yours,

CALVIN.

* * * * *

These worthy men are French, sprung of good families, whom a laudable curiosity has induced to undertake to visit you and to see your country. Receive them, I pray you, with your wonted kindness.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XXXII.--TO FAREL.

Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort--the question of Ecclesiastical property--news of Geneva--opening of the religious conferences at Frankfort--disposition of the Roman Catholic princes and Protestants in Germany--Policy of Charles V.--Reformation in England--remarkable judgment on Henry VIII.

STRASBOURG, _15th March 1539_.

The day after your last letter save one reached me, I set out on the road for Frankfort.[119] So hurried was my departure that there was no time to write to you; what so frequently happens in the event of sudden resolves. It never entered into my mind to undertake that journey until the day before I undertook it. When, however, I had received Bucer's letter, in which he informed me that he could effect nothing in the affair of our brethren, the desire instantly seized me to go thither, partly that the cause of the brethren might not be treated negligently, as often happens in such a crowd of business, partly that I might interchange thoughts with Melanchthon about religion and the concerns of the Church. Unless I am mistaken, both of these reasons will appear satisfactory to you. I was encouraged also by the advice of Capito, and all of them together, with besides, the opportunity of companions; for Sturm, and other worthy men, accompanied me as fellow-travellers. As to the Lord of N., less is to be believed concerning him than is reported. You know how true is that common saying, that broad rumour acquires strength as it rolls on. He was looking out only for one preacher who, during this time of Lent, might imbue his common people with a purer doctrine. The Lady R. at first invited me thither; but because the way did not appear sufficiently open I excused myself, on the ground of being detained here by another engagement, which was indeed a small matter, but quite sufficient to lay me under the obligation of attending to it. Dr. Ulrich has now been away at a distance for about two months, so that I cannot expostulate with him about the letters. He alleges, by way of excuse, that he deposited them with N., who, if I mistake not, is one of the brethren who some time ago raised disturbances against the people of Soleure. It grieves me very much that they are lost, for assuredly they contained many things which it was of very great consequence not to have published abroad. As for the union which I advised, there is no reason why you should be so averse to it; for I avowed that there was nothing I wished for more than, as far as was possible, that all the pious might withdraw themselves from that side. This one thing I strove for, that they might not schismatically divide any Church whatsoever, which, however it might be very corrupt in morals, and infected with outlandish doctrine, had not cut itself off entirely from that doctrine, upon which Paul teaches the Church of Christ to be founded. Because, however, the question is of such a nature that it is better let alone, unless discussed fully and in a regular manner, I shall urge it no further, except that I wish to testify, that no other union of the brethren was recommended by me than what is pointed out to us by the example of Christ, who, notwithstanding their deplorable impiety, did not scruple to unite with Jews in participating in the mysteries of God. And that you may understand with how much prudence they considered my advice, it especially exasperated them that I made some difference between the minister and the common people, and insisted that it was from him, as the dispenser, that both prudence and faithfulness were required. From private persons I said, that somewhat less strictness and a more easy trial might be exacted, but that every one should examine himself. Even that, if we shall have an opportunity of conferring face to face together, can be settled with little trouble. When I see the clear judgments of God appearing in those noisome pestilences which have been afflicting the wretched Church, I am partly comforted and refreshed, but also somewhat disturbed in mind, because I perceive that they are sent, not altogether without just cause of anger. It is, however, greatly to be desired, that in whatever way it pleases himself, the Lord would purify his Church from all filth of the kind. About Gast, my brother has written very plainly. I must at once disapprove of that facility of Grynée in giving recommendations; nor had I delayed so long to speak to himself about it, if it had not been that at the time when your letter reached me, I thought it was right to spare him, for his wife was at the time in extreme danger of her life, for while pregnant she was seized with the plague. Let me understand, I entreat you, where that good and unbroken soldier of Christ--has betaken himself unto. I see you will have no little trouble from N., so long as he persists in strutting about after this manner; but because he cannot be got rid of, we must just tolerate him. It is an occasion presented to you of the Lord, whereby he will put your patience in exercise. I owe you no little thanks for having greeted the mayor in my name; for it is important that he should understand that both of us are so united with Bucer and Capito that we communicate freely all impending matters with one another. As to the question of the ecclesiastical property, I wish that it were in my power to give you a more favourable account, although the business is not in the very worst state; for Bucer insisted with so much constancy, that he seems to have in no small degree promoted it. Philip alarmed him at first by the difficulty of carrying the business through, but he persevered, and was not to be diverted from his purpose. There was difficulty, however, in obtaining what he wanted, as the princes thought that they had nothing to do with that matter,--they who take upon themselves to administer ecclesiastical property according to their own will. There are others who take it amiss, that the lucre which they have been accustomed to extract from that source, has been wrested out of their hands; others, although they will not incur any loss, are not easily brought to concur, from the fear of bringing upon themselves the enmity of that class, which you are aware is numerous in Germany. Bucer proposed a measure, based on the ancient custom and practice of the Church, by which he provided both for Christian peace and agreement, and for the public tranquillity of the empire. Seeing that the property which is at this day in the hands of the canons of the principal church in this city, has been bequeathed on this condition, that it should be administered by counts, he consents that a college of the nobility be instituted, by whom these revenues are to be held; those, however, who are admitted to that office, he wishes may neither be from among the clergy nor from the canons, but married persons, who are only attached by their faith to the Church, and who give themselves and all they possess to maintain its peace. As the bishop is a prince of the empire, and as that position cannot be suppressed without producing great disturbance in the empire, he conceives that it would be expedient to do as of old, that in the place of the bishop some one of these counts should succeed, who should have the entire possession of those revenues which are at present assigned to the bishop, and that he shall be called the vice-dominus, as being rather the steward than the proprietor. That it shall be the duty of this administrator to protect the Church when from any quarter it shall be attacked, and for securing that object he must bind himself by a solemn oath. The other ecclesiastical properties are to be applied to more legitimate purposes, such as are the prebends, the chapels, priories, and the rest. I call that a more legitimate use, that they be applied to the support of the ministry, to schools, to the poor, and other ecclesiastical burdens. If that shall be obtained, it will form a tolerable provision in such an unsettled state of affairs. There is some, and now indeed good, expectation, that the princes have begun to take up the matter in earnest; the free cities enter cordially into the arrangement, seeing that their ecclesiastical property is everywhere so wretchedly dilapidated.

[119] Calvin was about to set out for Frankfort, charged with an important mission by the Church of Strasbourg. Reconciled by a recent treaty with his rival Francis I., Charles V. had turned his whole attention in the direction of Germany, and solemnly announced his intention to accommodate religious differences in that country. The French king appeared to enter into his views, and the German princes shewed themselves disposed to favour the accomplishment of his wishes in meeting together at a solemn public conference between the Protestants and the Roman Catholic doctors. The day of meeting was fixed by the emperor himself for the 12th February 1539, and Frankfort was pointed out for the theatre of these conferences.--Sleidan, _Commentarii_, lib. xii., pp. 338, 339. Anxious to be represented at that assembly at Frankfort by the most eminent ministers, the town of Strasbourg chose for its deputies Bucer, Sturm, and Calvin.

Du Tailly wrote to me concerning Basil,[120] that he had lately proposed a public disputation to be held at Geneva, but had suffered a repulse, which, indeed, I hear all the more willingly, that false notions may not be spread abroad among a people who are otherwise more than enough eagerly desirous of novelty, and seeing that nobody takes the trouble to oppose these errors by refuting them.

[120] This was no doubt, M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at Geneva. He was a correspondent of Calvin.

Now I come to the second letter, in which you start with so many riddles. For who these watchmen of the night, drunkards, thieves, are, I can by no means ascertain, unless you explain yourself more clearly. As for that deputation of LeComte[121] and Genan,[122] no other result was to be expected, but that they should return as they went. Whether there is enough of the spirit of counsel among the brethren I know not; as to their courage I have no doubt. If they have despatched Le Comte without any certain proposed _formula_, I must entirely disapprove of the proceeding, for you know by experience what that mere empty affectation of authority is apt to produce. Let us show we are content that all right methods may be tried, so that it cannot be said that we have thrown obstacles in the way of improving the state of the Church. They cannot lawfully require of you that you shall approve their ministry, who, everybody sees, have subjected themselves to the censure of the Church. What you say, however, is very true, that those who are conscious of what is bad, desire nothing more than that everything may lie hid, buried in obscurity, lest their own filthiness may be discovered. In such dark involvements, we must consider what we can do; the rest we must commit to the Lord. Without doubt, I could have wished that the remembrance of all our ills should be buried, which, without offence, cannot be brought up again. But of what advantage are enmities, contentions, whether they are doctrinal or spiritual, detractions, and other such evils, when bottled up within the bowels of the Church, in order that they may break forth at last into a pestilent ulcer? It is rather to be desired that they may be removed, even at the risk of suffering, if it cannot be done otherwise. There is nothing to hinder our following some middle course, that the honour of the ministry may be restored; that a remedy may be applied to the wretched, ruined state of the Church; that the stumbling-blocks among brethren may be taken out of the way, those evils being concealed and suppressed which there is no necessity for reviving and discussing anew. There are some wounds which, being handled, break out afresh: they are better healed when left to quiet and oblivion. What, I ask themselves, would those worthy men be at, who entertain the thought that I can return without you, who was cast out along with you; that I should lend a hand to those, and co-operate with men from whom I wish to be entirely estranged until they have satisfied the Church? For they so manage the affair, that out of four two may remain of our side; that having been restored as it were by way of favour, I may enjoy a livelihood without any authority, the Church having given no deliverance on the subject. What, therefore, shall we do? where shall we begin, if we attempt to rebuild the ruined edifice? If I shall speak a word which is unpleasant for them to hear, forthwith they will enjoin silence. But I am unwilling to discourse these things and the like further in writing, which you yourself have more ripely considered than any one can set them before you. Besides, if that proposal were to be entertained, I could scarcely be able to hold up my head amid the clashings of the brethren; they will also think that the main point has been attained by my having alone returned. I could therefore have wished, that those who have set this proposal afloat, had rather set some other stone a-rolling; for they call me to a charge of great annoyance and difficulty, and that in vain.

[121] Is this John Le Comte, minister of Grauson, or Beat Comte, a minister of Lausanne, who at a later period devoted himself to medicine, and distinguished himself by his devotedness to the care of those who were affected with the plague in that town? (See Ruchat, tom. v. p. 277.) We incline rather to this last conjecture.

[122] Genan, an unknown personage.

As I promised to you, my letter shall be brief. The state of affairs at Frankfort we found to be as follows: There were present of the family of Saxony, the Elector,[123] his brother, and nephew by his brother Henry, whom they call Maurice.[124] These three had along with them four hundred horsemen; the Landgrave[125] had brought with him as many lanzknechts; the Duke of Lunebourg[126] came with less pomp. There were present, also, the younger brother of the Duke of Brandenbourg, the younger Prince of Brunswick, and three others, whose names I don't remember. All these were Leaguers:[127] the remainder who are included in the League had sent deputies; as, for instance, the King of Denmark,[128] the Duke of Prussia,[129] and some others. As for these, it was not strange that they stayed at home, because in such an uncertain and perilous state of affairs, it would not have been safe for them to have remained so far from home. There were few, however, who did not feel indignant that the Duke of Wurtemberg[130] preferred rather to enjoy his field sports in hunting, and I know not what other sportive recreations, than to be present at the Conference, in which both his native country and perhaps his life are concerned, when he was only two days' journey distant. Those who wished to excuse him, said they had no doubt that he had laid the care of attending to these matters on others, who he knew had the matter at heart. Men of the first rank were sent by the free cities. At the first deliberations, war was declared by the unanimous vote of them all, until two of the Electors arrived--the Count Palatine and Joachim of Brandenbourg[131]--with the Emperor's letter, and a Spanish Bishop, his ambassador, whom they call the Bishop of Lunden.[132] At first they set forth the commission of the Emperor, authorizing them to treat with our friends either for peace or for a truce, upon whatsoever grounds and conditions might seem best to them. Then, in a lengthy oration, and by strong arguments, they endeavoured to induce them to come to a treaty of peace: they urged especially this point, that the Turk would not remain quiet if he saw Germany involved in civil strife. And already he has the way open to him, since he holds possession of Wallachia, Upper and Lower, and is entitled, by treaty with the Pole, to the free right of passage through his territory: thus, therefore, he already hovers over Germany. They desired that our friends would propound the conditions of peace. If peace could not be agreed on, they asked that a truce might be granted. The good faith and sincerity of both parties have been well sifted by our friends: for Joachim is entirely favourable, and well disposed to the cause of the Gospel; the Count Palatine is not hostile. But because the Spanish Commissions are not to be relied on, they choose rather that the business should be settled and agreed on by the whole of the Electors, to whom the principal authority in the Empire of right belongs. That was hindered, because the Bishop of Mentz[133] has on many accounts been rejected by the Elector of Saxony. Joachim did not venture to give his consent in the Diet from which his uncle was excluded. Therefore our friends presented articles of peace, in which they set forth, that they unwillingly resorted to the thought of war, inasmuch as they laid bare the injuries on account of which they were of necessity driven to that determination. They proposed, as conditions of the peace, that they might be free to administer their own churches, and under this administration they wished the dispensation of ecclesiastical property to be regulated. Then they reserved entirely to themselves the right of admission into the League of those who might wish to become members of it. When the articles had been presented, we then took our departure. Bucer afterwards intimated that the two Electors granted somewhat more than the ambassador of the Emperor. The reason is, that the Emperor, since he stands in need of the assistance of our opponents against the Turk, as well as of our own, desires to gratify both parties without offending either. The sum of his demand is this, that without any change of the present state, learned, tried, and well approved peaceable men may assemble together, who shall discuss with one another the controverted heads of religion; the matter to be afterwards referred to the Diet of the Empire, that by the declared judgment of all classes of the German Church, the Reformation may be accomplished. A truce for a year to be agreed to for the transaction of these affairs. Our friends are not satisfied with so short a truce, and demand that something more certain may be granted. Thus all as yet is in suspense, nor are we out of danger of war, unless the Emperor makes further concessions. The Duke of Juliers, lately bereaved of his father, sent an embassy empowered to make a statement to the effect, that he had recovered, by the blessing of God, the Dukedom of Gueldres, of which he was lawful lord:[134] at present a controversy had been stirred with him about it, at one time on the part of the Emperor, at another by the Duke of Lorraine, without any sufficiently specious pretext. For Lorraine could put forward no other claim, except that he is the heir of the last Duke, but that he had possessed himself of the Duchy contrary to all law and justice, which had been adjudged, by the sentence of the Empire, to belong to the family of Juliers. That the Emperor pretended some title by purchase, but which appeared to be either collusive or altogether fraudulent: assuredly, since the alleged price was only fifty thousand crowns, at which the town alone may be valued, that amount is certainly below the annual rent of a single year. He sought, therefore, that those of our side would intercede with the Emperor, that he would not tear in pieces and oppress a prince of the Empire without cause; but that if the Emperor would not hearken to their entreaties, he implored their assistance in the defence of the common liberty. He has got no answer as yet, since they reckon it necessary to take counsel according to the bent of their own affairs. There was nothing said, however, about the League, although he is not hostile to our religious views. He of England[135] petitioned that a new embassy might be sent to him, to which Philip might be added, that he might have the benefit of his advice in further reforming the Church.[136] The princes were all agreed as to the sending of an embassy. They were not disposed to send Melanchthon, because they suspect the softness of his disposition. Nor indeed is it very clear what is or what is not his opinion, or whether he conceals or dissembles it, although he has sworn to me in the most solemn manner that this fear regarding him is without foundation; and certainly, in so far as I seem to be able to read his mind, I would as soon trust him as Bucer, when we have to do with those who wish to be treated with special indulgence; for so intense is the desire of Bucer to propagate the Gospel, that, content to have obtained those things which are chiefly important, he is sometimes more easy than is right in yielding those things which he considers trifling, but which, nevertheless, have their weight. The King himself is only half wise. He prohibits under severe penalties, besides depriving them of the ministry, the priests and bishops who enter upon matrimony; he retains the daily masses; he wishes the seven sacraments to remain as they are: in this way he has a mutilated and torn Gospel, and a Church stuffed full as yet with many toys and trifles. Then, because all do not appear to be of sound mind, he does not suffer the Scripture to circulate in the language of the common people throughout the kingdom; and he has lately put forth a new interdict, by which he warns the people against the reading of the Bible. Moreover, that you may understand that he is quite in earnest, and not by any means jestingly insane, he lately burnt a worthy and learned man[137] for denying the presence of Christ after a carnal manner in the bread, whose death has been greatly lamented by all pious and educated persons. Our friends, however, though sorely hurt by atrocities of this kind, will not cease to have an eye to the condition of his kingdom. I perceive that nothing has reached you concerning the conspiracy except obscure and doubtful rumour. Cardinal Pole[138] had a brother, a man of chief rank among the nobility, and of the greatest authority among the gentry.[139] The family was indeed related to the King by blood; he himself was considered a person of uncommon prudence and gravity. He had conducted himself with such moderation in his brother's matters, that his credit with the King had suffered no diminution. Having publicly declared himself at variance with his brother, in order to avoid the King's suspicion, he deceived them all by his shrewdness. They agreed in secret among themselves, that the Cardinal should lead an army through France, and that as soon as they approached the bounds of the kingdom his brother should raise a tumult, at a time when the King, being occupied in quelling intestine disturbances, would not be able to defend himself against a foreign enemy. It was easy for the Cardinal to arm his soldiery at the Pope's expense. But before the expedition could arrive, the whole conspiracy was discovered by an informer; for in order that the plot might be properly planned and executed, it was necessary for them to have many informed and made parties to it. His nephew, a bold man, when he heard that their schemes had been discovered, would have put himself to death. But having been prevented, he was unable to endure the torture of the rack; and the other conspirators, like him, having made a full confession, the law was executed upon all. Since the King makes such a poor return for so many and so great benefits from God, I greatly fear that at length he may suffer severe punishment for his ingratitude. In the meantime, while the conference was held at Frankfort, the son of the Elector George,[140] who was kept bound in confinement on account of insanity, died in a hopeless condition. If he had survived his father, his guardianship would have given rise to new disturbances. Now his undoubted successor is that Maurice, the son of Henry, whom I have mentioned above as a member of the League. There is therefore good hope that the territory which George now possesses will immediately form an accession to the heritage of Christ; for George is beyond the age when he may be expected to have offspring.[141] In this way you see, that so far as regards the main business, all hangs in suspense, and has no settled bent either way: wherefore we ought all the more to supplicate the Almighty that he would vouchsafe some happy issue out of such a perplexity of affairs. What success I have had in the cause of the brethren, also of what kind, and what were the matters I conversed about with Philip, you shall be informed again by Michael, who has resolved to depart hence before nine days: therefore I am compelled, on account of the urgency of the postman, to send my letter by halves; you will then receive the other portion. Adieu, my dear friendly brother. Greet Thomas and all the brethren for me. Capito and Sturm send a thousand salutations. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 6.]

[123] The Elector John Frederick, the friend of Luther, and truest protector of the Reformation in Germany.

[124] Maurice of Saxony, who had so great a part in the religious wars of Germany with Charles V.

[125] Philip of Hesse, who, from the year 1521, had been favourable to the tenets of Luther.

[126] Ernest, Duke of Lunebourg, promoter of the Reformation in his states.

[127] The Treaty of Alliance formed by the Protestant Princes at Smalkald, (1538,) had been agreed to by a great number of the Towns.

[128] Christian III., King of Denmark, (1534-1559,) who introduced the Reformation into his States.

[129] Eastern Prussia was reformed and secularized, in 1525, by the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Albert of Brandenbourg. It formed since that epoch the Duchy of Prussia.

[130] Ulrich, Count of Montbeliard, and Duke of Wurtemberg.

[131] Louis, the Elector Palatine, and Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg, although favourable to the Reformation, remained attached to the cause of the Emperor, and tried to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties.

[132] John Vesal, Archbishop of Lunden, was the Emperor's ambassador at the Diet. (Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 339.) He became afterwards Bishop of Constance, and was present at the Council of Trent.

[133] Albert of Brandenbourg, the brother of Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg. This prelate sternly opposed all compromise in religious matters. He made continual complaints of the indulgence shewn by the Emperor towards Protestants.

[134] On the death of Charles Van Egmont, Duke of Gueldres, his relation, William, Duke of Cleves and Juliers, took possession of that town, of which he was dispossessed by the Emperor in 1543.

[135] The King of England, Henry VIII.

[136] The details of these negotiations will be found in Burnet, and in Seckendorf, _Commentarii_, lib. iii. sect. 19, par. 73. The Protestant princes of Germany, desirous to bind so powerful a monarch as the King of England as closely as possible to the cause of the Reformation, had sent deputies to request his assent to the Augsburg Confession, and the revocation of the cruel statutes still in force against those of his subjects who professed the pure Gospel. Two of the King's counsellors, Cromwell and Archbishop Cranmer, seconded timidly the entreaties of the Protestant princes; but this imperious and violent monarch, satisfied with having transferred to himself the papal authority in matters of religion, shewed indisposedness to promote the interests of an actual reformation. He protracted the negotiations, and added daily by new laws to the rigour of the most hateful despotism--that which is exercised by a prince over the consciences of his subjects.

[137] John Lambert, schoolmaster.--See Burnet, _Hist. Ref._ vol. i. pp. 252-254.

[138] He was living in exile on the Continent from the time of the rupture of England with the See of Rome. He returned under the reign of Mary, became Archbishop of Canterbury, President of the Royal Council, and died in 1558, after having been the instrument of a short but bloody restoration of Popery in his native country.

[139] See Hume, _History of England_, chap. xxxi.

[140] See note 1, p. 105. George of Saxony himself died the same year.--Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 342.

[141] It was not Maurice who succeeded Duke George, but his father, Henry the Pious, who recalled all the exiles on account of religion, and introduced the Reformation into the Duchy of Saxony.--Ibid. p. 344.

XXXIII.--TO FAREL.

Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort--attitude of the Protestant princes--conversations between Calvin and Melanchthon on ecclesiastical discipline--opinion of the latter--of Capito--various details.

_Written in the month of March 1539._

Fearing lest the further delay of my writing to you might be inconvenient, I chose rather to forward a part or portion of my letter than to keep you waiting until Michael should arrive. Now, therefore, I will take up the thread of my narrative; but before I come to the conference with Philip, I shall briefly explain what has been the progress of affairs since that time. The Emperor's ambassador, notwithstanding all that has occurred, has ventured to propose such unjust conditions of agreement that the contest was very near being brought again to the decision of the sword. He required that our friends should have nothing to do with the Sacramentaries. Observe the artifice and wiles of Satan. He catches at this, forsooth, that not only the older and former hatred which he sowed might be kept up, but that new causes of offence may be applied, like lighted torches, to set on fire and kindle greater dissensions. Indeed, our friends do not acknowledge that there are any Sacramentaries, and wish to unite with the Swiss churches; therefore the Emperor has omitted that article, and efforts have been made for the purpose of inclining us more readily to agree to the truce, which I wish may be of advantage to the Church of Christ. To my mind it bodes no good. The Elector of Saxony also perceives this, who, although he is reckoned not over hasty in his resolutions, has come to the conclusion that war is unavoidable. The Landgrave, contrary to the general expectation, dissuades from war. And although he did not refuse to follow the determination of the allies if they thought otherwise, he, nevertheless, moderated the eagerness of those who had very much relied on his alacrity. Now, therefore, there is an inclination towards a truce, which will give opportunity for deliberation on both sides in promoting a permanent reconciliation. But the adversaries were thinking of nothing else than gaining time to prosecute the war. The Elector of Saxony, after this conference, will visit the Duke of Cleves, whose sister he has married.[142] If the Elector can induce him to declare for the reformed religion, it will greatly enlarge the kingdom of Christ, as, indeed, there is nowhere in Lower Germany a more powerful prince, or who rules over a greater extent of territory, nor is there any one even in Upper Germany, excepting Ferdinand, who alone surpasses him in extent of dominion. When Bucer last wrote, nothing had been decided concerning the embassy to the King of France, for procuring his favour and protection to the brethren, as well as commending the cause of religion to his consideration.[143] As to the embassies, they are to be treated of in the last place, because, from the course of their proceedings, they would then deliberate to more advantage, on what ground, or after what method, they ought to state their requests. Let us, therefore, postpone this question until then. I had much conversation with Philip about many things, having written to him beforehand on the subject of agreement, that I might with certainty declare their opinion to several worthy men. Therefore, I had submitted a few articles, in which the whole matter was summed up. To these, without any controversy, he himself at once assented, but confessed that there were in that party some persons who required something more gross and palpable, and that with so great obstinacy, not to say despotism, that for long he seemed to be in actual jeopardy, because they saw that he differed from them in opinion. But although he does not think that a solid agreement can be come to, he, nevertheless, wishes that the present concord, such as it is, may be cherished, until at length the Lord shall lead both sides into the unity of his own truth. As for himself, you need not doubt about him, but consider that he is entirely of the same opinion as ourselves. It would be tiresome to relate what conversation we had about other matters; but this will form the subject of pleasant discourse some time or other between ourselves. As for discipline, like other people, he heartily deplores the want of it. Indeed, one is more at liberty to lament the wretched state of the Church in this respect than to correct the evil; do not, therefore, suppose that you suffer alone in this matter. Instances occur daily everywhere which ought to make every one bestir himself in the endeavour to find out the desired remedy. Not very long since, a learned and worthy man was driven away from Ulm with great disgrace, because he would not consent to wink at the vices of the inhabitants any more. He was sent away by all his colleagues with honourable recommendation, especially that of Frecht.[144] The news we have from Augsburg is no degree more cheering. Thus, for the future we may expect that it will form a kind of sport to hunt away pastors from the ministry and drive them into banishment; nor can this evil be remedied, because neither the common people nor the civil magistrate can rightly distinguish between the yoke of Christ and Papal tyranny. Philip, therefore, is of opinion that the better and wiser method in so great a tempest, with contrary winds, is that we ought in some degree to lie off, and he entertains the hope, that when we shall have more quiet, and be free from external hostility, we shall be more at leisure, and have better opportunity to turn our attention to the application of internal remedies. Capito, at one time, protests, before God and men, that the Church is ruined unless speedy aid is supplied in such a distressing condition of affairs; at another time, because he sees no progress making, he prays for death. If our calling is indeed of the Lord, as we firmly believe that it is, the Lord himself will bestow his blessing, although the whole universe may be opposed to us. Let us, therefore, try every remedy, while, if such is not to be found, let us, notwithstanding, persevere even to the last gasp. When I perceive you to be so much cast down, at times I desire to be with you, that I might suggest some comfort. On the other hand, when I see that I can bring you nothing but subjects for greater annoyance, I submit, however reluctantly, to remain at a distance, that I may not add to your already too heavy burdens. Our brethren of the Pays de Vaud owed me one crown, part of which they had received from me by way of loan,