Part 9

"This scheme of plunder develops a weak spot in the government of the United States, which I would not mention were it not for the importance of the issue. We all know that a single State frequently determines the result of a Presidential election. _The State of Louisiana has determined the result of a Presidential election. The vote of that State was offered to me for money_, and I declined to buy it. _But the vote of that State was sold for money!_"

A day or two after this anti-lottery meeting the New York _Sun_ recites this passage of Mr. Hewitt's speech, and accompanies it with the following pertinent and instructive comment:

"We do not remember that this highly important testimony has ever before been elicited from Mr. Hewitt in any public declaration. He says that he has personal knowledge that the vote of Louisiana was sold to Mr. Hayes' managers for money; that the same vote was offered for money to him as Mr. Tilden's representative, and that he declined to buy it--very properly, as all patriotic citizens and all honest men will agree.

"Some time in the summer of 1878, when the great crime was less than two years old and the beneficiaries of that crime were still in the full enjoyment of its fruits, there occurred a spirited, we may even say a bitterly personal, controversy between the Hon. Henry Watterson and Mr. Hewitt as to the extent of the latter's responsibility for the failure of the Democratic party to obtain its rights by the seating of Mr. Tilden in the office to which he had been elected. Col. Watterson acrimoniously, and, as we are glad to believe, unjustly, charged Mr. Hewitt not only with a mismanagement of Democratic interests at the time of the electoral count, but also with suppressing the fact of Mr. Tilden's personal disapproval of the electoral commission bill at a critical time in the deliberations of Mr. Tilden's friends at Washington.

"The merits of the Watterson-Hewitt controversy are not now of living interest. Time doubtless has softened the sentiments of each of the two statesmen with reference to the other's part in the events of 1876 and 1877. We refer to the incident merely to say that even under the strongest provocation to disclose all that he knew about the theft of the Presidency, Mr. Hewitt withheld the statement which he made so distinctly and emphatically at an anti-lottery meeting in Chickering Hall fifteen years after the crime.

"There was also, as it may be remembered, a searching investigation into all of the circumstances surrounding the theft of the vote of Louisiana, conducted by the special committee of the Forty-fifth Congress, known as the Potter committee. The object was not to remedy the irremediable, but to bring out the whole truth, to fix the responsibility where it belonged, and to make a repetition of the crime forever impossible. Those Democrats who possessed special knowledge bearing upon the crime came forward and testified. The report and testimony of the Potter investigation fill about twenty-five hundred printed pages, but on no page is there any piece of evidence more important than that which Mr. Hewitt volunteered on Thursday night before a mass-meeting called for an enterprise of moral and social, rather than political, reform.

"We speak of the Potter investigation merely to say that the Hon. Abram S. Hewitt was not among the witnesses before that committee. He did not appear to testify to the sensational facts which he gave so freely to the anti-lottery meeting in Chickering Hall. In all the twenty-five hundred pages he appears only once, and then indirectly. Major Burke testified that when he went to Mr. Hewitt as the ostensible manager of Mr. Tilden's case in the House, and asked him whether Louisiana was to be abandoned by the Democratic managers, Mr. Hewitt replied, among other things, that 'the Democratic party could not afford to take the responsibility of plunging this country into anarchy and strife, upsetting values and disturbing trade.'

"But Mr. Hewitt's silence on previous occasions, when his testimony would have been so valuable, does not render it less interesting, now that its importance is mainly historical."

In _Harper's Magazine_ for the month of March, 1907, will be found an article from the accomplished pen of Frederick Trevor Hill, entitled "The Hayes-Tilden Contest--A Political Arbitration," in which occurs the following statement of an incident of the nefarious transaction under consideration, which no one has ventured to contest, and which leaves no longer a doubt that Mr. Tilden must have been declared President instead of Mr. Hayes, despite all the other devices by which he is believed to have been counted out, but for the forgery of signatures to the returns from Louisiana which escaped the attention of the perhaps too-eminent counsel in charge of Mr. Tilden's case, a forgery for the concealment of which Senator Ferry seems to be indirectly responsible:

"The proceedings opened as usual with the reception of the conflicting certificates from the Senate chamber--five documents in all--and while these important papers were being perfunctorily examined and initialed by the presiding justice, the journalists in the gallery watched the scene, the lawyers whispered together and prepared for the coming contests; the general public waited, bored and inattentive, and some of the Republican managers sat quaking with fear.

"Judge Clifford finally laid aside his pen, and it was ordered that the various exhibits which he had been marking be printed and copies furnished for the convenience of the counsel and commissioners. Had a single objection to this routine been interposed; had prudence, habit, or even curiosity impelled any of the Democratic counsel to scrutinize the original documents, or had enterprise prompted any journalist to examine and compare them, a sensational exposure would have been inevitable, for one of the Republican certificates was clumsily, even obviously, forged.[12]

[12] "Under the Constitution three copies of the certificate of the Louisiana vote were necessary, one of which had to be forwarded to the president of the Senate by mail, another delivered to him by hand, and the third deposited with the United States district judge--all of which had to be accomplished within a certain number of days. When the Republican messenger--one T. C. Anderson--arrived in Washington and delivered the package containing one of those three certificates to Mr. Ferry, the president of the Senate, that gentleman called his attention to an irregularity in the form of the endorsement on the envelope and suggested that he consider its legal effect. Anderson therefore retained the package, and secretly opened it to ascertain if the error had been repeated in the certificate itself. To his consternation he discovered far more vital defects in the document, and flying back to New Orleans consulted with the party leaders, who agreed that the instrument must be redrawn, and the electors were hastily resumed. Then, to the managers' horror, it was discovered that two of the necessary officials were absent, and could not possibly be reached within the time limited by law for the delivery of the paper in Washington. 'Heroic' measures were therefore deemed essential, and after all the available signatures had been obtained the others were forged, and the doctored certificates, which, of course, were obviously different from the one previously forwarded by mail, were rushed back to Washington just in the nick of time. All these facts were subsequently unearthed, but those who actually committed the forgeries were never detected."--H. R. R., No. 140, 45th Cong., 3d Session, pp. 50-63 and 89-91.

"Had this been discovered, it is not improbable that one or more of the Republican commissioners, who were suspected of wavering in their party allegiance, would have voted for a thorough investigation, and an entirely different result might have been effected. Neither suspicion nor inspiration, however, put the Democratic champions on their guard, and the opportunity passed unheeded, never to return."

FRANCIS C. BARLOW[13] TO JOHN BIGELOW

"NEW YORK, _Nov. 6, 1876_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I believe I have never thanked you for the legislative documents, which I beg now to do.

[13] Mr. Barlow did not overestimate the good sense of the American people, but he underestimated the depravity of the Republican leaders in Washington, as he afterwards discovered to his sorrow.

"I did not overlook the last clause of your letter, in which you express a hope that you may see me on the stump for Tilden. I have been on the stump for Hayes, doing what I can, and I have the strongest confidence that we are going to elect him, and that because I believe there is too much good sense in the American people to turn over this govt. and its credit to those who 10 or 12 years ago were trying to destroy it. I think this will carry us through.

"Neither Mr. Tilden nor any one else can stem the rebel influence if he is elected.

"I have always said that I thought that Tilden, if elected by the Republican party, would make an admirable President, but with the rebels and copperheads and the Democratic party, with all its villainies behind him, he will ruin us.

"On Wednesday you will be as sorry that you did not advocate Hayes, as I shall be (win or lose) glad that I opposed Tilden.

Yours truly, "FRANCIS C. BARLOW."

* * * * *

In the last paragraph of this letter the general got both his boots on the wrong legs. When John Sherman, as the Warwick of the Hayes dynasty, was sending all of the staff officers of the Republican party into the South to see not if, but that, Hayes was elected, General Barlow was one of the number, and the only one, I regret to say, of that formidable crowd who had the manliness to admit on their return that the ballot had been tampered with, and that Hayes was not honestly entitled to the electoral vote. The general, however, unfortunately both for himself and the country, was too strong a party man to publicly assail the corrupt scheme devised by the conspirators to place in the Presidential chair one who was not the choice of the nation.

I do not think that he was as glad that he had opposed Tilden as I was and am that I did not advocate the election of Mr. Hayes.

FRANCIS KERNAN TO TILDEN

"UTICA, _Nov. 8, '76_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Assuming, as I do, that you are elected, I greatly rejoice. I congratulate you, and I congratulate the country. I have never felt so much solicitude as to any political matter as in reference to the result of this election. The welfare of the people and their govt. demanded a change. The entire people will be blessed by the restoration of economy and honesty in the administration of the Federal govt. Under you I am confident we will have the greatly needed reforms.

"We did not do as well in this county as I expected and believed we would. But our young men, especially, worked hard and deserved success. But the Republicans made a very great effort to and did hold their people pretty well; and a good deal of money, wherever it came from, was used in the county, and they, with this, got most of the purchasable vote. I hope you are well. Take care of your health.

"Yours Truly, "FRANCIS KERNAN."

GEO. W. QUACKENBOS TO TILDEN

"TEN O'CLOCK, A.M., 58 WALL STREET, "NEW YORK, _Nov. 10, 1876_.

"DEAR SIR,--A meeting of Republican chiefs was held at Washington night before last, at which it was decided to send some one by express train or special train to Florida.

"Report is that the person sent to go was Zac. Chandler himself.[14] Whoever he was, he was expected to reach Palatka about daybreak this morning. The steamboat, with returns from the outlying counties, was expected at Palatka at 3 o'clock this morning, and the messenger was to receive these returns at once.

Yours truly, "GEORGE W. QUACKENBOS."

[14] It was probably William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, who is here referred to.

AUGUST BELMONT TO TILDEN

"SUNDAY MORNING, _Nov. 11, '76_.

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--The _Herald_ and _Post_ have the following despatch from Conover on their bulletin:

"'The agony is over. Florida has gone Democratic.' Gold has at once declined from 109-3/4, 7/8 to 109-1/4, and is now 109-3/8.

"God grant that Conover's telegram may be confirmed.

"No other solution but your election can end the agony of the country and prevent the most disastrous consequences.

"Yours most truly, "AUGUST BELMONT."

EDWARDS PIERREPONT TO TILDEN

"103 FIFTH AVENUE, _Nov. 11, 1876_.

"THE HONORABLE SAML. J. TILDEN.

"DR. SIR,--I did the best I could to elect our candidate. You beat us overwhelmingly, and you have showed a level head since. We cannot elect the U. S. Senator; you ought to take that place. It gives you just enough of time before the spring of 1879[15] to make useful acquaintance, but not enough to create personal irritations and jealousies.

[15] When Mr. Pierrepont evidently expected him to be inaugurated as President.

"_No man_ can be two years Governor of New York without destroying many ambitious hopes and making many bitter enemies.

"Tho' these suggestions come from a political opponent, they are not the less genuine.

"Yours truly, "EDWARDS PIERREPONT."

WM. A. WALLACE TO TILDEN

"CLEWFIELD, PA., _Nov. 14, 1876_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Your firmness and courage now is the only hope for the perpetuity of our institutions. The country is with you, and will sustain you in any event and at all hazards.

Very truly yours, "WILLIAM A. WALLACE."

BENJAMIN RUSH TO TILDEN (SUGGESTS GOVERNOR GIVE A PUBLIC DECLARATION OF HIS VIEWS ON THE SITUATION)

"1728 CHESTNUT STREET, PHILA., _18th Nov., 1876_.

"DEAR SIR,--May I venture, with great respect, to offer a suggestion which, in this extraordinary crisis, might, it seems to me, if you approve, have a good effect with the other side.

"Would not a public expression of your well-considered views _now_, in the present state of things, tend to exercise a good influence? Your friends all remember how much good was done, on a different occasion, by that admirable letter to Mr. Hewitt, shortly before the election, about rebel claims, etc.

"Might not the calm, patriotic, and therefore assuaging utterances of your pen _now_ tend to an early settlement upon the basis of right and justice by bringing to bear, with accumulated force, upon the bad men so conspicuous in the disputed States, the just indignation and censure of honest and influential men of their own party, who could not fail to be influenced by such an expression from you, causing those men, at least, to _pause_ in their mad career?

"Might it not, at least, have the effect of _gaining time_, and smoothing the way for the dispassionate and final and possibly controlling judgment of the better elements of the Republican party?

"Pray pardon the freedom of the suggestion. It is doubtless not new to you or the friends about you, but this may at least serve to show how the suggestion strikes another mind at a distance.

"Suffer me to avail myself of the occasion to congratulate the American people and yourself upon the unmistakable majority of the Electoral College and immense popular majority in your favor.

"I have the honor to be, with the highest respect.

"Your friend & obt. serv't, "BENJAMIN RUSH."

GID. J. PILLOW TO TILDEN

"_Confidential._

"MEMPHIS, TENN., _Nov. 18th, 1876_.

"His Excellency SAMUEL J. TILDEN, etc.

"Enough has developed itself since my former letter to confirm the correctness of the views there expressed. I see indications of a weakness in the _backbone_ of the Republican leaders, and if they stood without a controlling power over them they would yield. But the President has his _own purposes to accomplish_, and he will not let them yield.

"On and after the 5th of March next, if there be no President or Vice-President elected and inaugurated, there is no provision _in the Constitution_ for the _further existence_ of any _government_. The Constitution, which is the chart of the government, will have _expired_, leaving nothing but the _physical skeleton_ of the constitutional government. Grant knows this and sees it, and will shape _everything_ to _bring about that end_. He will, by his measures, _defeat you and Hayes_ both by shaping the means to the end.

"The constitutional government, thus ended, with no power or provision anywhere for its _reorganization_, Grant finds himself in possession of a physical government, without the restraints of a Constitution--with the army, navy, and treasury at his command; he will be the _absolute ruler_ of a government of _force_, in which his _will_ will be the law. If Congress should prove _refractory_ he will know how to deal with that body. There are three notable historical parallel cases for his guidance.

"His professions of a purpose to have a _fair count_, using his _army_ and _navy_ to bring it about, is one of the means by which he will delude the people and _conceal_ his _real purpose_. His purpose will not be lost sight of, and he will hold to the _Republican party_ and its _confidence_ until his _usurpation_ is _assured_.

"You are the only man who can save the government--_preserve_ the Constitution and the liberties of the people. To accomplish these ends, you _must act_. In the end, _three-fourths_ of the American people will _sustain you_. The time will soon pass when _action_ will _accomplish anything_ or will be _possible_. _Time by action_ may _possibly avert_ the great _national calamity_, but without _action_ the case is hopeless.

"I do not expect you to answer my letters. I cannot write more fully. I can only make _suggestions_. Let your private secretary say my letters are received. If deemed necessary I would visit you.

"Your friend, "GID. J. PILLOW."

GEO. W. MORGAN TO TILDEN

"MOUNT VERNON, OHIO, _Nov. 18th, 1876_.

"MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,--For so I still believe you to be. Your course during the late canvass inspired me with great confidence in your judgment, and nothing but the momentous issue now upon us could induce me to make suggestions for your consideration.

"A party that drifts in a crisis like the present is certain to wreck upon the breakers. And whatever policy is to be adopted should be carefully considered, promptly be determined, and be decisive. The inauguration of two Presidents means a war which in its destructiveness would dwarf the rebellion. Not to count the electoral vote and declare an election would be to create a dictatorship which would soon result in armed conflict. This is one side of the picture.

"If you are counted out by fraud, as is probable, would acquiescence cause a repetition of the wrong four years hence; or would it electrify the country and cause an outburst of indignation against the wrong-doers?

"Again, is it certain that an armed conflict would not disintegrate the Union? If they found the battle going against them would not the pretended Republicans of the North offer to recognize the independence of a Southern confederacy?

"If two Presidents are inaugurated then comes the problem of money and munitions. New York and other ports would be put in blockade, and revenue be thus cut off.

"Men who do not dream of going into the conflict themselves may glibly advise a recourse to arms.

"If your policy be one in the interest of peace, then a patriotic address to your countrymen would give you a noble immortality, preserve constitutional government, and restore the Democracy to power at the next election. Should such be your determination, meetings should be simultaneously held throughout the Republic, declare your election, but waive the administration of the government, and denounce the usurpers who seek to overthrow the Constitution.

"In conclusion, I have but to say, if the facts show that you are elected, for one I will stand by you, let the result be what it may.

"With great respect for your ability and entire confidence in your patriotism, I have the honor to subscribe myself,

"Your very obedient servant, "GEORGE W. MORGAN."

J. THOMAS SPRIGGS TO TILDEN (SUBSTANCE OF A CONVERSATION WITH SENATOR CONKLING)

"UTICA, SUNDAY, _Nov. 19, 1876_.

"PRESIDENT TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have had an hour's talk to-day with Senator Conkling, and I am happy to inform you he is sound as a bullet all through. He says of course he is desirous his party should succeed, but if it is expected he will consent to succeed by fraud they are mistaken. He is sound in all the questions that will arise, and means to act with his friends.

"He is devoting himself to the law, and means to act with our friends in the Senate.

"He asked me what position our people meant to assume, and whether they meant to act upon the _good-boy principle_ of submission, or whether we mean to have it understood that Tilden has been elected and by the Eternal he shall be inaugurated? Thinks the latter course advisable; the submission policy he don't much believe in.

"You may rely entirely upon his _hearty co-operation_. I hope to see you soon, but I fear shall not be able to come down before the 1st of December.

"I don't know whether the Senator will unbosom himself to Kearner, but I know he is all right, and I am correspondingly hopeful and happy as ever.

"Yours truly, "J. T. SPRIGGS."

AUGUST BELMONT TO TILDEN

"_Private._

"_Thursday_ (_Nov. 23, 1876_).

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--I had a long talk with Curtis, and have made it all right. He _volunteered_ the information that he wrote the _Sun's_ article yesterday, but without entering into the discussion of the merits of his argument I told him that all our friends viewed the question differently.

"_He will keep quiet_, I know, and I hope Barlow has been equally successful with Dana. No pains ought to be spared to get him all right so as to end, as far as he can, the mischief of yesterday's article.

"Curtis is anxious for your success, but he is a _vain_ man, who likes to be made something of. I think some little notice of him by you or your friends in the way of asking his legal advice or other co-operation would secure him completely to your interests and silence his constitutional croaking.

Yours sincerely, "AUGUST BELMONT."

* * * * *

The editorial of the _Sun_ here referred to, after giving in detail the provisions of the Constitution for the counting of the electoral votes for President and Vice-President, proceeds to give the advice which so disturbed Messrs. Belmont and Barlow:

"We[16] now proceed to state what, in our opinion, the Constitution means by counting the votes. It is to be noted that the Constitution commits the choice of a President and Vice-President, in the first instance, to a body of electors who are to be chosen in each State as its legislators may direct. These electors are to meet, to vote, and to make and sign and seal up a certificate of their votes. These instruments, denominated in the Constitution 'the certificates,' are to be transmitted to the President of the Senate 'sealed.' They are, in our opinion, not merely _prima facie_, but they are conclusive, evidence that the Electoral Colleges of the States from which they come gave the votes which they purport to certify.

[16] New York _Sun_, Wednesday, November 22, 1876.