Part 25

"At the present time, the considerations which induced my action in 1880 having become imperative, I ought not to assume a task which I have not the physical strength to carry through. To reform the administration of the Federal government; to realize my own ideal, and to fulfil the just expectations of the people, would indeed warrant, as they could alone compensate, the sacrifices which the undertaking would involve. But, in my condition of advancing years and declining strength, I feel no assurance of my ability to accomplish those objects. I am, therefore, constrained to say, definitely, that I cannot now assume the labors of an administration or of a canvass.

"Undervaluing in nowise that best gift of Heaven--the occasion and the power sometimes bestowed upon a mere individual to communicate an impulse for good; grateful beyond all words to my fellow-countryman who would assign such a beneficent function to me, I am consoled by the reflection that neither the Democratic party, nor the Republic for whose future that party is the best guarantee, is now, or ever can be, dependent upon any one man for their successful progress in the path of a noble destiny.

"Having given to their welfare whatever of health and strength I possessed, or could borrow from the future, and having reached the term of my capacity for such labors as their welfare now demands, I but submit to the will of God in deeming my public career forever closed.

"SAMUEL J. TILDEN."

This letter of Mr. Tilden insured the nomination of Grover Cleveland for the Presidency, and the adoption of the following resolutions by the convention:

_Resolved_, That this convention has read with profound regret and intense admiration the statesmanlike and patriotic letter of Samuel J. Tilden expressing the overpowering and providential necessity which constrains him to decline a nomination for the highest office in the gift of the American people.

_Resolved_, That, though fraud, force, and violence deprived Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks of the offices conferred upon them by the Democratic party of the nation in 1876, they yet live, and ever will, first in the hearts of the Democracy of the country.

_Resolved_, That this convention expresses a nation's regret that this same lofty patriotism and splendid executive and administrative ability which cleansed and purified the city and State governments of the great Empire State, cannot now be turned upon the Augean stable of national fraud and corruption so long and successfully maintained by the Republican party at the national capital.

_Resolved_, That copies of these resolutions be suitably engrossed, and that the chairman of the convention appoint a committee whose duty it shall be in the name of the convention to forward or present the same to the Hon. Samuel J. Tilden and the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks.

When these resolutions were presented to Mr. Tilden by the committee named for that purpose by the convention, Mr. Tilden sent them the following reply:

"GREYSTONE, _Oct. 6, 1884_.

"_Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee_:

"I thank you for the kind terms in which you have communicated the resolutions concerning me adopted by the late Democratic national convention.

"I share your conviction that the reform in the administration of the Federal government, which is our great national want, and is indeed essential to the restoration and preservation of the government itself, can only be achieved through the agency of the Democratic party, and by installing its representative in the Chief Magistracy of the United States.

"The noble historical traditions of the Democratic party, the principles in which it was educated, and to which it has ever been in the main faithful; its freedom from the corrupt influences which grow up in the prolonged possession of power, and the nature of the elements which constitute it, all contribute to qualify it for that mission.

"The opposite characteristics and conditions which attach to the Republican party make it hopeless to expect that that party will be able to give better government than the debasing system of abuses which, during its ascendancy, has infected official and political life in this country.

"The Democratic party had its origin in the efforts of the more advanced patriots of the Revolution to resist the perversion of our government from the ideal contemplated by the people. Among its conspicuous founders are Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson; Samuel Adams and John Hancock, of Massachusetts; George Clinton and Robert R. Livingston, of New York; and George Wythe and James Madison, of Virginia. From the election of Mr. Jefferson as President, in 1800, for sixty years the Democratic party mainly directed our national policy. It extended the boundaries of the Republic, and laid the foundations of all our national greatness, while it preserved the limitations imposed by the Constitution and maintained a simple and pure system of domestic administration.

"On the other hand, the Republican party has always been dominated by principles which favor legislation for the benefit of particular classes at the expense of the body of the people. It has become deeply tainted with the abuses which naturally grow up during a long possession of unchecked power, especially in a period of civil war and false finance. The patriotic and virtuous elements in it are now unable to emancipate it from the sway of selfish interests which subordinate public duty to personal greed. The most hopeful of the best citizens it contains despair of its amendment except through its temporary expulsion from power.

"It has been boastingly asserted by a modern Massachusetts statesman, struggling to reconcile himself and his followers to their Presidential candidate, that the Republican party contains a disproportionate share of the wealth, the culture, and the intelligence of the country. The unprincipled Grafton, when taunted by James the Second with his personal want of conscience, answered: '_That is true, but I belong to a party that has a great deal of conscience_.'

"Such reasoners forget that the same claim has been made in all ages and countries by the defenders of old wrongs against new reforms. It was alleged by the Tories of the American Revolution against the patriots of that day. It was repeated against Jefferson and afterwards against Jackson. It is alleged by the conservatives against those who, in England, are now endeavoring to enlarge the popular suffrage.

"All history shows that reforms in government must not be expected from those who sit serenely on the social mountain-tops enjoying the benefits of the existing order of things. Even the divine Author of our religion found His followers not among the self-complacent Pharisees, but among lowly minded fishermen.

"The Republican party is largely made up of those who live by their wits, and who aspire in politics to advantages over the rest of mankind, similar to those which their daily lives are devoted to securing in private business.

"The Democratic party consists largely of those who live by the work of their hands, and whose political action is governed by their sentiments or imagination.

"It results that the Democratic party, more readily than the Republican party, can be molded to the support of reform measures which involve a sacrifice of selfish interests.

"The indispensable necessity of our times is a change of administration in the great executive offices of the country. This, in my judgment, can only be accomplished by the election of the Democratic candidates for President and Vice-President.

"SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

"_To R. H. Henry, Chairman; B. B. Smalley, and others, of the Special Committee of the Democratic National Convention._"

W. H. BARNUM TO TILDEN

"_Telegram._

"CHICAGO, ILL., _July 4, 1884_.

"HON. SAMUEL J. TILDEN, YONKERS, N. Y.

"There is much thought here about nominating you by acclamation. Will you accept an unanimous nomination from the convention?

"W. H. BARNUM.

"(Rec'd 6.30 A.M., July 5th.)"

DANIEL MANNING TO S. J. TILDEN

"_Telegram._

"CHICAGO, ILL., _July 4th, 1884_.

"HON. SAMUEL J. TILDEN, YONKERS, N. Y.

"It seems absolutely necessary that you should answer Barnum's telegram of this evening as soon as possible.

"DANIEL MANNING.

"(Rec'd 6.30 A.M., July 5th.)"

TILDEN TO WILLIAM H. BARNUM

"_Telegram._

"GREYSTONE, _July 5th, 1884_.

"TO HON. WILLIAM H. BARNUM, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.

"I have received your telegram informing me of the disposition to nominate me for the Presidency and asking, 'Will you accept an unanimous nomination from the convention?'--and also a telegram from Mr. Manning saying, 'It seems absolutely necessary that you (I) should answer Barnum's telegram as soon as possible.'

"Your inquiry was explicitly answered in the negative by my letter of June 10th to Mr. Manning.

"S. J. TILDEN."

Attached to these telegrams was the following pencil memorandum in a strange handwriting, and presumably a suggested modification of the despatch actually sent:

"If the convention should nominate me, I should consider it as intended merely to acquit the Democratic party of any shortcomings in respect to the fraudulent possession of the government in 1876, and with the knowledge that I would not accept the nomination."

CHARLES A. DANA TO TILDEN

(WISHES TO STUDY MR. TILDEN'S PERSONAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY)

"'THE SUN,' NEW YORK, _July 18, 1884_.

"DEAR MR. TILDEN,--In the desperate situation in which presumption and incompetence have involved the Democratic party, I feel a natural desire to study more closely and to know more thoroughly the model of genuine Democratic statesmanship.

"Could you put me in possession of the facts and records of your own personal and political history, so that I may examine them at such leisure times as I may be able to rescue from my absorbing daily occupations?

"I wish for this not alone for my own instruction and gratification, but that I may be enabled, as occasion requires, to present the truth accurately to the public, and to discuss the principles involved with knowledge and effect.

"I remain, dear Mr. Tilden,

"Faithfully yours, "CHARLES A. DANA."

TILDEN TO CHARLES A. DANA

"_July 22d, 1884._

"DEAR MR. DANA,--I could not but feel much gratified at the interest in my career manifested in your note of the 18th inst.

"It will afford me pleasure to collect such materials for your purpose as I can procure. It may be necessary to have a personal interview to define more exactly what you desire. That will be an occasion for an additional pleasure.

"In the mean time, with assurances of my regards and esteem, I remain,

"Very truly yours."

CHARLES A. DANA TO TILDEN

(PROJECTS A POLITICAL HISTORY)

"'THE SUN,' NEW YORK, _July 24, 1884_.

"DEAR MR. TILDEN,--What I wish is to enlarge my studies of the politics of the last fifty years by going over it all in your relations to it, and in its relations to you.

"Perhaps the best beginning would be made if you could lend me your printed letters, speeches, reports, messages--in short, your published documents of whatever nature and character. I would keep them in my safe and only take out one at a time, so that they would be very little exposed to accident.

"When I have thoroughly studied these papers a great deal will have been accomplished, and I shall then be ready for the next step. My ultimate purpose is to put myself in a situation to write the political history of this half-century between 1835 and 1885.

"It seems to me that in our day there have been three statesmen who have had the genius to rule men through their intellects. I mean Bismarck, Disraeli, and Tilden.

"I remain, dear Mr. Tilden,

"Faithfully yours, "C. A. DANA."

SMITH M. WEED TO S. J. TILDEN

"PLATTSBURG, N. Y., _July 28, 1884_.

"HON. S. J. TILDEN, GREYSTONE, YONKERS, N. Y.

"MY DEAR GOVR.,--I found, in talking with Manning yesterday, that Govr. C. [Cleveland] had offered to go down and see you about his letter, and had, through M., asked you to name a day, and was anxiously waiting for you to do so.

"I thought I would write you by the very first mail, as I thought that you did not understand it as they do. The Govr. is expecting to come into this country on the 7th or 8th and wants his letter issued before. I write in haste. I did not see Govr. Cleveland, but learned the above from Mr. Manning.

"In haste, yours truly, "SMITH M. WEED."

DANIEL S. LAMONT TO TILDEN

"STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, "ALBANY, _Aug. 1, 1884_.

"DEAR SIR,--I am directed by Governor Cleveland to say that, if agreeable to you, he would be glad to call on you at Greystone in company with Mr. Manning on Tuesday next, the 5th instant.

"He takes the liberty of naming the day, because he has engagements which compel his presence here every other day previous to his departure for the woods.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "DANIEL S. LAMONT, Private Secretary."

SAMUEL J. RANDALL TO TILDEN

"BERWYN, PA., _Aug. 28, 1884_.

"HON. SAM. J. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Allow me to make a suggestion. On the 3rd of September a committee appointed by the unanimous vote of the recent Democratic convention will call upon you with an honorable message from the representatives of the American Democracy. I urge you take this occasion to address yourself to the American people, covering the issues of the coming struggle. No man in the United States knows better than you do just how to do this. The country will listen, the influence of your utterances will be great, and I cannot overstate the importance of such action. It is of the highest moment, and may make success certain. You can take your own time to do this, and can tell the committee you will answer in full in a few days if you are not yet ready for such course.

"An appeal from you for administrative reform will be accepted by the Democrats as conclusive as to their duty at this time, and will determine the doubting and the estranged to fall into line.

"Yours truly, "SAM. J. RANDALL."

TILDEN TO J. P. TOWNSEND AND OTHERS

"GREYSTONE, _October 13, 1884_.

"GENTLEMEN,--I have just received your letter on behalf of the New York Produce and Maritime, Independent Merchants' Cleveland and Hendricks Club, and representing, also, several other classes of business men, inviting me to be present at the Business Men's Mass-meeting, to be held at the Academy of Music on Wednesday the 15th inst., in aid of the election of Cleveland and Hendricks to the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States.

"I regret that the delicate condition of my health compels me to forego the pleasure of joining with you on that interesting occasion.

"I remember gratefully that when it was my duty as Governor to engage in a grapple with the Canal Ring, which then swayed all the administrative, legislative, and judicial powers of the State, a majority of the local organizations of the Democratic party and all the organizations of the Republican party, the New York Produce Exchange rallied to my support, and stood by my side throughout a prolonged appeal to public opinion until that gigantic power was completely overthrown.

"I cordially concur in your opinion that the election of Cleveland and Hendricks is demanded by the best interests of the country. I believe that their election will be a substantial victory for the cause of good government; that it will assure a safe and prudent administration of the Chief Magistracy of the Republic in all our relations with other countries; that it will restore simplicity, economy, and purity to the Federal government so far as that result depends upon the Executive; that it will give to business men immunity from sudden changes of policy, and enable them to repose under the shelter of a stable, moderate, and equitable administrative system free from favoritism to particular interests or classes and from the injurious fluctuations to which such favoritism always leads.

"SAMUEL J. TILDEN."

GEORGE HOADLEY TO TILDEN

"STATE OF OHIO, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, "COLUMBUS, _November 22, 1884_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--On the occasions of my last two visits to New York, I was unable to command the time to go to Greystone, so that I did not, during the canvass, have the pleasure of expressing my hopes and anticipations to you with reference to its progress in Ohio, or of exchanging congratulations with you upon its apparently favorable prospects. Now, however, we may rejoice over results, and you are especially to be congratulated. At last a Democratic administration takes possession of power: most fortunately, one whose chief has been trained in New York and has sat at your feet and studied his Democracy in the school of Van Buren and Silas Wright. Your judgment that Ohio was not to be trusted is vindicated. I confess I thought differently. I underrated the forces of corruption, and especially of the money that could be brought to bear. You judged more wisely, and the event proves it. Indeed, I saw this before the Chicago convention, and with my full approval my friends there labored for Governor Cleveland's nomination, and by dividing Ohio made it possible.

"I was asked by telegram during that convention if I would accept the Vice-Presidency. I answered in the negative, my ambition being in the line of our profession and to be a busy man, not an idle man. As I said to you when we last met, I should like to be Attorney-General. If that cannot be, I am content to remain as I am or return to private life.

"There are some other facts connected with this matter which I should be glad to lay before you in person had I the opportunity, but which cannot well be committed to writing.

"I take it for granted that your wishes will have great weight with the President-elect. I should esteem it the success of my life, more valuable than the office itself, to know that you approve, or do not disapprove my ambition, and wish my appointment. I would rather be _your_ Attorney-General than hold any office in the Republic short of the highest, and as the value of that lies in being _your_ choice and having your confidence in a place wherein something may be done to give effect to your principles an equal importance attaches to your recommendation to your successor. But while I am ambitious, I am not greedy or insubordinate. Your disapproval of my ambition would be law to me. You are the honored head of our party, and I am ready as a loyal soldier to submit to my commander in this, not grudgingly, but cheerfully.

"Please take this matter into consideration, and at your convenience let me know your thoughts.

"With great respect, yours, &c., "GEO. HOADLEY."

TILDEN TO GOVERNOR HOADLY

"_Confidential._

"GREYSTONE, _December 5, 1884_.

"DEAR GOVERNOR HOADLEY,--The present is the earliest opportunity I have had to acknowledge your letter.

"I notice that you mention that there are some things fitter to be discussed in personal interview than by letter.

"You will not doubt my high estimate of your abilities and your character, or of the strong personal regard I feel for you.

"I do not know to what extent or in what cases, if any, I shall be consulted by Mr. Cleveland in respect to the constitution of his cabinet. I do not intend to intrude upon him any advice unasked, or to volunteer any recommendations or requests.

"If consulted I shall not act as a partisan of any of my numerous friends who would like to enter his cabinet, but shall endeavor, with judicial impartiality, to canvass the personal merits and other considerations which ought to influence the choice.

"I am anxious that he should do the best thing possible for the country and for his administration, and shall desire rather to help him in his official task than to add to his embarrassments.

"The formation of a cabinet is a piece of mosaic in which each element may be affected by the size, texture, and color of the others entering into the combination; and it is impossible to foresee how much an individual element may be affected by the cast of the whole.

"In the event that you should be wanted for some other post than the one you prefer, do you mean to say that you have an invincible repugnance to every other post, even though not inferior in dignity or importance?

"Very truly yours, "S. J. TILDEN."

GEORGE HOADLY TO TILDEN

"EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, COLUMBUS, O., _December 13, 1884_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 5th inst. was received in due course of mail, and I embrace the first opportunity to reply.

"While my ambition, and I think my qualifications, for public service are in the line of my profession, I should not feel at liberty to refuse any duty consistent with my personal dignity and self-respect which the President might assign me. I am well aware that he must have a wider survey of the situation than I can have, and that he must bear the chief responsibility of failure. As I said in my former letter, I am too good a soldier not to take orders cheerfully and obey them ungrudgingly.

"My dear Mr. Tilden, if I had had the least doubt of your esteem and regard I should not have written you as I did or as I do.

"You intimate a doubt whether you will be consulted by President Cleveland with reference to his cabinet. This disturbs and distresses me. To begin by ignoring you, especially if the men whose timidity and self-seeking sacrificed you and the cause in 1877 are taken into confidence, would be a sad prophecy of disaster to come. A statesman can get along, sometimes, by selfishly disregarding considerations of gratitude to the elements that made him--in other words, by kicking down the ladder by which he has climbed; but if he add to this the closing of his ears to the wisest and most far-seeing of his counsellors he is lost. The new administration may perhaps safely throw Ohio overboard, although our fight here in October made success in November possible, as the national committee has fully acknowledged to our State committee; the new President may perhaps safely turn his back upon the men who risked their own political lives to save his at Chicago, but it will be a sad day for him and for his government if he ignore you and do not seek your counsels.

"The circumstances to which I alluded as not to be written are well known to Mr. Smith M. Weed and to Mr. William L. Scott (I think) and possibly to Mr. Daniel Manning.

"I have the honor to be,

"Very truly your friend, "GEO. HOADLY."

SAMUEL J. RANDALL TO TILDEN

(SENATOR BAYARD'S PLANS)

The following Associated Press despatch appeared at about this time:

"When Senator Thomas F. Bayard came to Albany and paid his respects to President-elect Cleveland, it is understood that he left for home with the assurance that he could make his choice of any position in the cabinet, and he would receive the appointment. It is said on good authority that, after having duly deliberated over the matter, the Delaware Senator sent a note to the Governor, which was received yesterday, indicating his preference for the portfolio of Secretary of the Treasury. It is rumored that he will be accordingly appointed."

"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S., "WASHINGTON, D. C., _Dec. 17, 1884_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Unless you interfere at once and with determination, I apprehend Mr. B. will be selected as Secretary of Treasury. That means an end of your friends.

"Yours truly, SAM. RANDALL."[30]

[30] That would have meant rather an end of Samuel Randall's career as the agent of the protectionists in Congress.--_Editor._

ROBERT M. MCLANE TO TILDEN

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, ANNAPOLIS, MD., _Dec. 29th, '84_.