Part 24

"Though comparatively a young man, I acted in 1848 as secretary of a meeting of distinguished men in the Senate who, indignant at Cass' answer in the question of slavery in the territories, proposed to bring out another Democratic candidate, so as to insure his defeat and teach the majority of the party a lesson.

"They selected Littleton Waller Tazewell, of Virginia, and addressed him a letter, asking that he should become a candidate. I, as secretary, preceded this letter to him with a private letter, assuring him that in addition to the names of Yancey and others composing the committee, that the movement would be supported by Jefferson Davis and other leaders who would also write to him to urge his candidacy.

"Mr. Tazewell replied at once, saying substantially that, while entertaining the same opinions, and cherishing the same hopes expressed by the committee, he must decline to allow the use of his name as a candidate, and that no additional numbers, however respectable, would alter his views.

"He advised them to select a candidate from another class; that the Priams of the party said that he could only hope to last _telum imbellisim ictu_, etc., etc.

"In his private letter to me he said that, recognizing me as the son of an old friend, he would say that, while old and infirm (upwards of eighty, I think), he regarded it as the duty of the citizen to serve the State when called on. That Coriolanus had admitted this. That any man could say he would not become a _candidate_, but no one could say he would not _serve_ the State.

"I am one of the few survivors of the patriotic but mistaken associates who addressed that letter to Tazewell thirty-six years ago. On his declination no further steps were taken, and the matter was kept quiet. Some of them have since filled high offices--one was afterwards a justice of Supreme Court, New York, others Senators in Congress--places which they would never have filled had this affair become public. Had it become public it is possible that Yancey's influence would have been so far impaired that he would not have possessed the power, in 1860, to 'precipitate the South into a revolution.'

"I thought that a history of this matter might be interesting to you, and that I might draw some inferences from its discussion with you which might enable me to render a valuable service to the country. I believe that Hon. John A. Campbell is the only man now living who could be compromised in any manner by what I have said as to the correspondence with Mr. Tazewell in 1848; but can rely, of course, on your discretion for the preservation of a curious bit of political history.

"Resp'y and truly yours, "HENRY C. SEMPLE."

D. MAGONE TO DANIEL MANNING

"_Confidential._

"OGDENSBURG, _Apl. 24th, 1884_.

"DANIEL MANNING, ESQ.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Permit me to advise that whatever your individual opinion is, as to the propriety of Mr. Tilden's candidacy for the Presidency, he should not authoritatively decline until after the election of the delegates to our State convention.

"His name will greatly aid in securing honest delegates. Please give me any point you can, as I only wish to know what may better enable me to second you in the hard work that I know you have to do.

"Truly yours, "D. MAGONE."

LYMAN TRUMBULL TO TILDEN

"CHICAGO, _June 7, 1884_.

"HON. SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The Republicans have now made their nominations for President and Vice-President of men who are fair representatives of the Republican organization. Their election means a continuance of the partisanship, abuses, corruptions, and centralizing tendencies of the last twenty years which you and I both believe dangerous, and, if continued, in the end destructive of Republican liberty. It seems to me the patriotic duty of all men so believing to sacrifice all personal considerations for their country's good. The Democracy all over the land are looking to you as the one person above all others to lead them in the coming political contest. The only question seems to be: will you consent to be the candidate? I know nothing of your determination, except what may be gathered from the conflicting statements of the press, and I do not expect or ask a reply to my letter. My only object in writing is to urge upon you the _duty_ of yielding to the united demand of the Democracy. There are times when patriots must not hesitate, if necessary, to take their lives in their hands for liberty's sake. I know not your physical condition, but mentally you are all that your friends require; and even at the hazard of your life, I believe it your duty to listen to the united voice of the friends of constitutional liberty. I _know_ that you were once fairly elected President. I feel confident that you can be again. Whether any other Democrat can be is uncertain. I fear not. It was a great mistake not to have nominated you four years ago. I felt it at the time. The country now sees it. With the highest regard for you personally, I beg of you to let us make you President in fact.

Yours very truly, "LYMAN TRUMBULL."

Memoranda made by Charles O'Conor in conference with Mr. Tilden and myself about Mr. Tilden's will, which his brother Henry's death had made it necessary to remodel. It was the last professional consultation O'Conor ever held. He left New York the following day to return to Nantucket (Thursday), and on Monday lay down upon the bed from which he never rose alive. Before leaving New York, however, he posted the following notes to Mr. Tilden:

"Trusts cannot be created to receive and accumulate rents or income of real or personal estate for any of the purposes you have in view.

"You will be obliged to set off at once their shares or allowances to your kindred out of your _capital_.

"The residue can be appropriated to such public purposes as you may name to be created by the legislative allowance within two specified lives after your death."

PATRICK FORD TO TILDEN

"OFFICE OF 'IRISH WORLD,' "PARK PLACE, NEW YORK, _May 13, 1884_.

"ESTEEMED SIR,--One with whom your name is sacredly linked is passing away--a private telegram informs us that Chas. O'Conor can live but a few hours. As Americans first, as likewise of the race upon whose name his genius and character shed lustre, we desire to fittingly honor his memory. If you will say a few words to our representative as to the public worth and services of Mr. O'Conor, that we may give to the _Irish World_ readers as your personal estimate of the man, it will be a favor that we shall heartily appreciate.

"Very faithfully yours, "PATRICK FORD, "Per A. E. FORD, Man. Ed."

MR. TILDEN'S REMARKS ON THE DEATH OF CHARLES O'CONOR

"In my judgment, Mr. O'Conor was the greatest jurist among all the English-speaking race. He carried the best spirit of philosophical inquiry into every professional investigation.

"In variety of resources, in every form of experience, participating in every important legal controversy during fifty years, with unexampled power of discrimination and memory, he had a vast mass of information on every professional subject.

"He was a man of lofty integrity and honor, and scorned all idea of making his professional abilities the means of acquiring money.

"His character is worthy of a more elaborate tribute than I have the opportunity to pay to him in the brief time of your call."

JOHN A. McCLERNAND TO TILDEN

"SPRINGFIELD, ILL., _June 5th, 1884_.

"To His Excellency, SAMUEL J. TILDEN, President-Elect.

"DEAR SIR,--The crime which defeated the will of the people in 1876, and kept you from exercising the Presidential office needs to be avenged.

"Time and your example have subdued and conciliated all factious opposition to you in the Democratic party. The opponents of former years are now your most noisy partisans. Your nomination in July will follow as a spontaneous and consentaneous act unless you prevent it.

"Preventing it calamitous consequences must ensue. The Democratic party will be left to fall into strife, anarchy, and impotency. The Old Guard and your old friends--what will become of them? The barriers to latitudinous construction will be broken down, and license given to public extravagance, official corruption, and the greed of unscrupulous and powerful monopolies.

"Your declination is inadmissible. Accept the nomination, even if death should overcome you during or after the fight. If I know myself, I would, in the present extremity of country and party, suffer the martyrdom for you vicariously if it was possible to do so.

"Excuse the freedom and energy of these remarks. They proceed from a sense of duty. I have done.

"Very truly your obt. sert., "JOHN A. MCCLERNAND."

JOHN A. McCLERNAND TO TILDEN

"SPRINGFIELD, ILLS., _June 6th, 1884_.

"To His Excellency, SAMUEL J. TILDEN, President-Elect.

"DEAR SIR,--Respectfully reiterating everything I wrote yesterday, I write again to-day to deprecate, if possible, still more emphatically, but with all courtesy, any purpose on your part to decline a renomination.

"I am aware that the question of acceptance has a personal, as well as a political, aspect. I have given consideration to both, though it may be not without prepossession. The wish is often father to the thought. The grave matter of health has already received my attention. Life, even comfort, may well challenge our solicitude and care; still, I am of opinion that both may be dutifully staked upon a transcendent issue involving the welfare of a people. _Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori._

"What is the situation? The ruling party has overridden the voice of the people, usurped their sovereignty, oppressed the laboring classes by discriminating and unjust taxation, and that as a means of perpetuating its domination and enriching political adventurers. It would be worth the life of the greatest and best man in the land to expel it from its ill-gotten and abused places of power.

"In saying this, I am not unmindful of the memories of the past: of the shameful persecution which the same party wreaked on you, and of its unhesitating readiness to return to its habitual vomit; nor of the ungrateful return formerly made by recusant Democrats to your steadfastness and devotion, but such has not unfrequently been the lot of other public men of positive and decided qualities. Jefferson and Jackson, your illustrious predecessors, did not escape it; yet it is known and admitted that it detracted nothing from their energy, usefulness, or merited renown. Persecution and ingratitude are often the price paid for envied eminence and superiority. But may I not say that the march of events and opinion has raised you above the reach of harmful malice: that it has reformed the sin of recusancy?

"I am persuaded that the rank and file of the Democracy are with you, and are eager and resolute, under your leadership, to vindicate their violated electoral rights and the sanction of the ballot-box.

"Lately I was in Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas, where I sought and conferred with a number of leading men, who assured me on my representation that the Northwest was almost, if not quite, unitedly in favor [of] your nomination; they would heartily co-operate to effect it, and, indeed, while I was in Texas, several districts passed instructions in favor of it.

"As to the 'Old Guard,' although its ranks are thinned and time has stricken it with age; although it can scarcely hope to survive much beyond the impending contest, yet its spirit is unbroken. It asks not office or emolument: it covets only the post of duty and danger. It never surrenders: it will stand by you whether for a nomination or an election--for both it will keep the faith to the end. Will you not lead it, as its tried, trusted, and honored chief, to deliverance from the humiliation of unceasing contumely and proscription?

"Upon the whole your refusal to lead the Democratic masses would fall on them as a stunning and bewildering blow. It would balk their welling expectations and overwhelm them with disappointment. Would it not provoke a reaction of feeling and opinion injurious-- seriously injurious--to both you and the country? I candidly think so.

"In conclusion, I assume, as I believe, that your nomination would be followed by your election.

"Your obt. sert., "JOHN A. MCCLERNAND."

* * * * *

In spite of the earnest and almost oppressive urgency of friends to whose counsels he was always anxious and usually ready to defer, Mr. Tilden's consciousness of his lack of strength for the work that would be expected of him if elected President and ought to be required of him, did not permit him to weaken in his purpose. It even hastened his official termination of these importunities before the meeting of the State convention, which had seemed to him the appropriate occasion for any announcement that the four preceding years had worked no change in the views previously expressed of retiring from public life. The circumstances which led him to anticipate by a few weeks what he regarded as the fit time for such an announcement, I hope I may be excused for giving, as I set them down at the time in my diary, premising that delegates from every part of the State to the national convention were already appointed with instructions, or with the understanding that they should support Mr. Tilden for the nomination.

D. MANNING'S APPEAL IN BEHALF OF CLEVELAND TO HAVE TILDEN FORMALLY DECLINE BEING CONSIDERED A CANDIDATE IN 1884

"On or about the 8th day of June, 1884, Mr. Daniel Manning, chairman of the New York Democratic State Committee, called at my house in New York and asked me to accompany him to Greystone to see Mr. Tilden. The motive he assigned for his visit there, and for wishing me to accompany him, was to persuade Mr. Tilden, if persuasion should be necessary, to no longer delay the formal announcement of his intention, well known to Mr. Manning and myself, not to accept a renomination to the Presidency.

"Mr. Manning said while there was a hope, but no certainty of Mr. Tilden's consenting to run, his friends, embracing a large majority of the Democratic party of the State, were getting divided as to their second choice, and there was danger, when he came to withdraw, that the party would be hopelessly distracted, and its influence in the convention dissipated. He had been so impressed by a sense of this danger, he said, that on the Sunday previous he called on Governor Cleveland, laid the whole case before him, and pressed upon his attention the necessity of doing something immediately to prevent the friends of Mr. Tilden from getting pledged to other candidates as their second choice.

"On the following day we repaired to Greystone. Mr. Manning then repeated to Mr. Tilden substantially what he had said to me of his interview with Governor Cleveland and of his mission, except that in regard to the cabinet. I think he said, 'You can name any member of the cabinet you please--an unobjectionable man, of course, like ----, for instance' (naming a gentleman whom he knew Mr. Tilden would regard as such a man).

"Though the general import of the conversation was that the cabinet would be selected in harmony with Mr. Tilden's wishes, I did not hear him state distinctly to Mr. Tilden, as I understood him to state to me in New York, that the cabinet in its entirety should consist of men whose selection Mr. Tilden should approve of. During that part of the conversation with Mr. Tilden which I overheard, he said that Mr. Tilden might name any member of the cabinet he pleased, which might mean many or only one. This statement was reinforced by the remark that Governor Cleveland would do anything that he (Manning) should advise him to do, for he was conscious that his only hope now was from and through Mr. Tilden. The letter to Mr. Manning declining a renomination appeared in the morning prints the second or third day following the interview.

"He at the same time expressed his conviction that the only way of securing the result was for Mr. Tilden to signify at once and before the election of any more delegates to the State convention, which were in the main to be chosen during that week, that he would not be a candidate.

"Mr. Manning went on to say that Governor Cleveland promptly and unhesitatingly authorized and expressed the desire that Mr. Manning would go at once to Greystone, represent the situation to Mr. Tilden, and give him any assurances he required in regard to the naming of the cabinet, and of his disposition and purpose to regard Mr. Tilden's friends as his friends, and, if elected, to have as nearly as possible a thoroughly Tilden administration.

"I said that I approved entirely of an early publication of Mr. Tilden's intention not to allow himself to be made a candidate. I believed a manifesto to that effect was already written, but was withheld partly out of deference to the wishes of some of his friends in Washington, and partly for what seemed to be the more obvious and appropriate occasion--the assembling of the State convention that was to choose the delegates to the national convention; and finally I promised to accompany him to Greystone."

TILDEN TO DANIEL MANNING (DECLINING A RENOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY)

"NEW YORK, _June 10th, 1884_.

"TO DANIEL MANNING, "_Chairman of the Democratic State Committee of New York_.

"In my letter of June 18th, 1880, addressed to the delegates from the State of New York to the Democratic national convention, I said:

"'Having now borne faithfully my full share of labor and care in the public service, and wearing the marks of its burdens, I desire nothing so much as an honorable discharge. I wish to lay down the honors and toils of even _quasi_ party leadership, and to seek the repose of private life.

"'In renouncing renomination for the Presidency, I do so with no doubt in my mind as to the veto of the State of New York, or of the United States, but because I believe that it is a renunciation of re-election to the Presidency.

"'To those who think my renomination and re-election indispensable to an effectual vindication of the right of the people to elect their rulers--violated in my person--I have accorded as long a reserve of my decision as possible, but I cannot overcome my repugnance to enter into a new engagement which involves four years of ceaseless toil.

"'The dignity of the Presidential office is above a merely personal ambition, but it creates in me no illusion. Its value is as a great power for good to the country. I said four years ago in accepting nomination:

"'" Knowing as I do, therefore, from fresh experience, how great the difference is between gliding through an official routine and working out a reform of systems and policies, it is impossible for me to contemplate what needs to be done in the Federal administration without an anxious sense of the difficulties of the undertaking. If summoned by the suffrages of my countrymen to attempt this work, I shall endeavor, with God's help, to be the efficient instrument of their will."

"'Such a work of renovation after many years of misrule, such a reform of systems and policies, to which I would cheerfully have sacrificed all that remained to me of health and life, is now, I fear, beyond my strength.'

"My purpose to withdraw from further public service, and the grounds of it, were at that time well known to you and to others; and when, at Cincinnati, though respecting my wishes yourself, you communicated to me an appeal from many valued friends, to relinquish that purpose, I reiterated my determination unconditionally.

"In the four years which have since elapsed, nothing has occurred to weaken, but everything to strengthen, the considerations which induced my withdrawal from public life. To all who have addressed me on the subject, my intention has been frankly communicated. Several of my most confidential friends, under the sanction of their own names, have publicly stated my determination to be irreversible. That I have occasion now to consider the question is an event for which I have no responsibility. The appeal made to me by the Democratic masses, with apparent unanimity, to serve them once more, is entitled to the most deferential consideration, and would inspire a disposition to do anything desired of me, if it were consistent with my judgment of duty.

"I believe that there is no instrumentality in human society so potential in its influence upon mankind for good or evil, as the governmental machinery for administering justice, and for making and executing laws. Not all the eleemosynary institutions of private benevolence to which philanthropists may devote their lives are so fruitful in benefits as the rescue and preservation of this machinery from the perversions that make it the instrument of conspiracy and crime, against the most sacred rights and interests of the people.

"For fifty years, as a private citizen, never contemplating an official career, I have devoted at least as much thought and effort to the duty of influencing aright the action of the governmental institutions of my country, as to all other objects. I have never accepted official service except for a brief period, for a special purpose, and only when the occasion seemed to require from me that sacrifice of private preferences to the public welfare.

"I undertook the State administration of New York because it was supposed that in that way only could the executive power be arrayed on the side of the reforms to which, as a private citizen, I had given three years of my life.

"I accepted the nomination for the Presidency in 1876 because of the general conviction that my candidacy would best present the issue of reform which the Democratic majority of the people desired to have worked out in the Federal government as it had been in that of the State of New York. I believed that I had strength enough then to renovate the administration of the government of the United States, and at the close of my term to hand over the great trust to a successor faithful to the same policy.

"Though anxious to seek the repose of private life, I nevertheless acted upon the idea that every power is a trust, and involves a duty. In reply to the address of the committee communicating my nomination, I depicted the difficulties of the undertaking, and likened my feelings in engaging in it to those of a soldier entering battle; but I did not withhold the entire consecration of my powers to the public service.

"Twenty years of continuous maladministration, under the demoralizing influences of intestine war, and of bad finance, have infected the whole governmental system of the United States with the cancerous growths of false constructions and corrupt practices. Powerful classes have acquired pecuniary interests in official abuses, and the moral standards of the people have been impaired. To redress these evils is a work of great difficulty and labor, and cannot be accomplished without the most energetic and efficient personal action on the part of the Chief Executive of the Republic.

"The canvass and administration which it is desired that I should undertake would embrace a period of nearly five years. Nor can I admit any illusion as to their burdens. Three years of experience in the endeavor to reform the municipal government of the city of New York, and two years of experience in renovating the administration of the State of New York, have made me familiar with the requirements of such a work.