Part 21

"Your lilies, I am happy to say, are all alive and doing nicely. The first leisure you have come and look after them.

"Yours most truly, "F. F. BRYANT.

"ROSLYN, _Monday Evening_."

TILDEN TO YOUNG MEN'S DEMOCRATIC CLUB

"GREYSTONE, _October 26, 1880_.

"GENTLEMEN,--I have received your invitation to be present and address a meeting of the Young Men's Democratic Club of the city of New York at Chickering Hall this evening.

"My voice is not yet sufficiently restored to make it prudent for me to address a large meeting. My cordial sympathy with your efforts to elect General Hancock has already been conspicuously expressed.

"As the canvass advances every day renders more manifest the duty to promote that result incumbent upon all who believe in the traditions of free, constitutional, representative self-government as illustrated in the better days of the Republic.

"One Presidential election, as made by the people, has been subverted by a false count of the votes cast by the Presidential electors founded on a substitution of votes known to be fraudulent or forged.

"If the next Presidential election should be controlled by corrupt influence exercised by the government upon the voters in particular States, opening a vista of third terms, and an indefinite series of terms, and the undisputed mastery of the office-holding class in the successive elections, our government will be degenerated into a bad copy of the worst governments of the worst ages."

ALEXANDER T. McGILL TO TILDEN

"THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, "PRINCETON, N. J., _Nov. 27, '80_.

"HON. SAML. J. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I cannot refrain from writing to you, as I often desired to do in times past, to testify my respect and admiration alike, when you were covered with merited honors and persecuted with unmerited obloquy. I am an old man, senior professor in this institution since the death of Dr. Charles Hodge. Mr. J. F. D. Lanier first made me acquainted with your character, and my wife met you once at his residence near Lenox, where she was on a visit to her particular friend, Mrs. Lanier. I am a native of western Pennsylvania, and was professor in the Theological Seminary of Allegheny until 1854, when the Presbyterian General Assembly transferred me to this seminary as successor to Dr. Archibald Alexander.

"I am indebted to you for the surpassing ability and probity with which, in connection with Lanier, you saved my savings, which I had invested in the Pennsylvania and Ohio, now 'The Wayne' Railroad. It was therefore my duty, when you were abused by various lying papers on every occasion, to tell my own personal knowledge of the rare integrity with which you secured to a multitude of poor men what we thought was lost in the bankruptcy of that great road. My son, a lawyer in Jersey City, 'Prosecutor of the Pleas' for Hudson County, was vastly more efficient, of course, in using the information I gave him. I have now three sons in Jersey City, professional men, who would rejoice exceedingly to have the opportunity of yet voting for you if you ever consent again to a nomination for the Presidency.

"We all rejoice in the downfall of that wicked and treacherous conspirator, John Kelly. His vindicative antipathy to you now meets a recompense in the just indignation of Providence. It is the signal overthrow of this bad man which prompts me to write these lines at this time, to congratulate you that your faithful and distinguished life is illustrated by that detestable enemy in the foil of his nature coming to the notice of all men sooner than we expected.

"Pardon me for tasking you to read so long a letter. I think it is due to you from me to inform you a little more how deeply you are esteemed and loved for your integrity, pureness, patriotism, and moral courage. Not one in a thousand of our best public men would have relinquished the Presidency when it was fairly in his grasp, and that, too, for the sake of peace. History will do you justice. A memorial unique and grand, better far than the actual Presidency, showing to all generations the moral sublimity of an American citizen, will be yours. May your precious life and health be long preserved.

"With great respect and true friendship,

"Yours, "ALEXR. T. MCGILL."

TILDEN TO MONTGOMERY BLAIR

"GREYSTONE, _Nov. 29, 1880_.

"DEAR MR. BLAIR,--If I seem slow in replying to your letter of the 10th inst., you must ascribe it to the difficulties presented by its chirography which have not been surmounted until this morning. As your productions always repay a real perusal, a third and successful attempt to read that letter was persisted in.

"In this connection I must tell you a story. Mr. Cambreling wrote Mr. Van Buren a long and argumentative letter in favor of the annexation of Texas while the latter was preparing his letter upon that subject. It was written in an ink which stuck the pages together, and Van Buren was foiled or gave up in the attempt to decipher it. I have a vague impression that he afterwards thought that letter might have modified his own view. Possibly it might have changed the course of events.

"Mr. Smith has brought up some photographs of three sorts. I send herewith three of each kind.

"If a man can afford the slightest pleasure to friends who have been so partial, so kind, and so faithful by a photograph, it is a real delight to comply with their wishes.

"I have not yet gone down to the city for the winter, and probably shall not until next week.

"My health is gradually improving, and I intend to persevere in living a purely physical life, alternating between out-of-door exercise and rest until the experiment shall have been fairly and fully tried.

"With best regards to Mrs. Blair, and to the other members of your family,

"I remain, very truly yours, "(S'g'd) S. J. TILDEN.

"I return Mr. Fox's letter."

JOHN C. THOMPSON TO TILDEN

"BOSTON, MASS., _Dec. 25, '80_.

"DEAR SIR,--The night before Mr. James F. Starbuck, of Watertown, New York, deceased, he completed an article intended for the Albany _Argus_ entitled 'Political Cowardice,' a copy of which (the original being retained by his family) I am requested by his daughter, Miss May Starbuck, to place in your hands, with the request that if upon perusal you recognize the power and logic of the intellect that penned the article, you will please forward the same to the Albany _Argus_ for publication.

"I am the son-in-law of Mr. Starbuck. Will you do me the honor to acknowledge receipt of this and oblige, with great respect,

"Your obt. servant, "JOHN C. THOMPSON."

JAMES F. STARBUCK TO TILDEN

("POLITICAL COWARDICE")

"The following facts are instructive:

In 1876 Tilden majority was 32,818 In 1879 Robinson's vote was 375,790 and Kelly's vote was 77,566 ------- Total Dem. Vote in 1879 453,356 Cornell's Vote was 418,567 ------- Democratic Majority 34,789 But the votes for Cornell being 418,567 and Robinson's Vote 375,790 ------- gives Cornell his plurality of 42,777

"The following table shows the number of votes cast for Kelly in 1879 and the Democratic loss in 1880, as compared with 1876 in each of the counties named:

Kelly Loss in 1880 Cayuga 712 557 Duchess 673 2,171 Kings 5,788 9,179 Monroe 2,088 1,749 New York 43,047 12,640 Niagara 574 861 Onondaga 1,468 658 Orange 980 762 Oswego 1,327 678 Queens 1,586 783 Rens' 1,144 1,313 Saratoga 452 1,317 Ulster 1,666 1,882 Westchester 1,755 1,985 ------ ------ 63,260 36,535

"The following table shows the same facts as to the counties therein named:

Kelly Franklin 16 Jefferson 86 Otsego 74 St. Lawrence 35 Schoharie 16 Tompkins 35 Warren 83 Wyoming 65 ____ 410 In these 8 Counties the Democratic loss was only 684.

"These eight counties, having a population of about 350,000 and nearly 100,000 voters, gave to the Kelly bolt in 1879 only 410 votes, and in 1880, as compared with 1876, they lost only 684. If only this ratio of loss had obtained throughout the State, our candidates would have succeeded by more than 25,000 majority.

"But political cowards lacked the courage so to bear themselves as to command success. At the behest of the malcontents, who only one year before had fatally conspired against the Democratic party and its principles, they committed the cowardly act of calling the Saratoga convention for the avowed purpose of reinstating the traitors of 1879, and restoring them to influence and power. Being thus restored to position and power, the figures above presented are useful as tending to show how that power was used.

"This, however, is by no means the only act of political cowardice connected with the late canvass. In 1876 the people elected Mr. Tilden to the Presidency. There is not at this day an intelligent, fair-minded man in America who doubts it. He was cheated of his rights, and the people were defrauded of their choice of President by the most atrocious crimes known to civilization. The time arrived to select a candidate for 1880. Mr. Tilden still lived, and, though his physical powers were somewhat impaired, he was conceded to be one of the ablest statesmen living. He was reluctant to enter upon the canvass, and asked the people to relieve [him] of so great a burden. Those by whom the crimes referred to were committed, impelled by the desire for self-protection, had devoted themselves for years to unprecedented efforts to destroy him. The logic of the situation, and the exercise of a manly courage, pointed to one single line of duty. That duty was to refuse to accede to Mr. Tilden's request, and to move forward with united voice and action to right the great wrong that had been done by placing him in nomination and electing him to the office from which he had been excluded only by the high crimes of his adversaries. Instead of doing this, men forgot their courage, and took counsel only of their fears. They listened to the clamor of the criminals by whom this great man was maligned, and allowed themselves to be intimidated even by the malcontents who defeated the party only one year before. Mr. Tilden was abandoned, and another candidate was selected. That abandonment was a most conspicuous act of cowardice! And who shall say it has not borne just such fruit as might have been expected?

"The selection made was undoubtedly an excellent one. General Hancock is a true, pure, and able man, and eminently worthy of the high place for which he was named. His nomination was, however, the outcome of a great act of cowardice, and there is not a State in the Union in which multitudes of men did not experience a feeling of disgust at the manifest lack of courage to stand manfully and do what clearly ought to have been done.

"JAMES F. STARBUCK.

"This was completed Dec. 9th, 1880. Mr. Starbuck _died_ Dec. 11, 1880."

TILDEN TO CHAUNCEY F. BLACK

"NEW YORK, _January 27, 1881_.

"HON. CHAUNCEY F. BLACK.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have received your letter notifying me of my unanimous election as the first honorary member of the Jefferson Democratic Association of New York.

"I accept the distinction thus conferred, in order to testify my approval and commendation of the objects of your association.

"Thomas Jefferson has a title to the esteem and gratitude of the American people, even greater than that which he derived from being the Author of the Declaration of Independence, and from being the Author of the Statute of Religious Freedom by the State of Virginia.

"During all the bloody conflicts of the American Revolution, and the civil struggles out of which our system of government emerged, and the controversies through which was impressed upon it the character of a government 'by the people, for the people,' he was the apostle of human freedom, and the greatest leader of that beneficent philosophy which was embodied in our institutions.

"At a time when powerful tendencies are at work to subvert the original character of our government--to break down the limitations of power established by the Constitution--to centralize the action and influence of official authorities--to create a governing class, using the machinery of government as a corrupt balance of power in the elections, and then shaping legislation and administration in the interests of the few against the many--the precepts and example of such a man as Mr. Jefferson cannot be too often invoked.

"The formation of societies which can act as centres of discussion, and as agencies for the propagation of the pure principles of the fathers of the Republic, is a measure capable of great service to the people and to mankind.

"With assurances of sympathy and esteem--to the members of your association and to yourself, I have the honor to be

"Your fellow citizen, "(Signed) SAMUEL J. TILDEN."

TILDEN TO BIGELOW

(HIS HEALTH FIVE YEARS BEFORE HIS DEATH)

"15 GRAMERCY PARK, NEW YORK, "_Monday evening, January 31, 1881_.

"DEAR MR. BIGELOW,--I have just received and read your letter of the 18th, and resolve to answer it on the spot. I seem to be free from all engagements and obstructions, and am desirous to atone as far as possible for delinquencies in respect to your two former letters. At the end of two lines, however, I was compelled to refuse to admit a caller. With John's help, to whom I am dictating, both of us sitting before the wood-fire in the dining-room, I will ramble through a few of the many things I would like to say.

"I was not without hope that you had heard of me through Poultney. Mrs. Bigelow gave me a charge to take some care of the desolate members of the family remaining in America, and I have been doing a little to entertain Poultney.

"In respect to my personal health, I cannot make a very decided report, although, on the whole, I think I am improving. I am taking no tea and rarely any coffee. I substantially take no medicine internally. For a month past I have been trying electricity--the continuous current from a galvanic battery--with some apparent advantage. When you consider that the latter period of my work was passed under the aid of the borrowing power of the will, and with some help from medicine to hold my own--when these are withdrawn, is in itself a gain. The later impression is that I have taken rather too much exercise; that the malady is an exhaustion of the central nervous force by overwork and overwear, and that rest rather than physical activity is indicated. It is a problem to avoid fatigue, and yet take exercise enough to keep in order the general functions and particularly the digestion. You will see the situation does not favor very active travel or overmuch sight-seeing or sociable festivities--but I am going too much into detail and yet imperfectly. It is better to reserve opinions for a month or two longer.

"Whether I can go over early enough to do much in Italy is not easy now to say. My disposition is to cross the ocean at some time in the spring. I am snugging up my affairs, and getting out of the way all business matters. Indeed, that is substantially done.

"I should like to know what your own plans are for the spring and summer, or, if they have not taken definite shape, what your contemplations are.

"I am not troubling myself much about business, but perceive a tendency in little things of my own and everybody else to come in and occupy the vacancy. I do not propose to indulge this tendency.

* * * * *

"I thank you for your suggestions in regard to the acquisition of works of art. They seem to me judicious. As to the bust of Cicero of which you sent a photograph, the important question is the authenticity of the bust.

"If you can find satisfactory evidence on that point and think the purchase judicious, you may make it for me.

"The fact is I have really had very little to do with the political movements which you mention--perhaps nothing at all. I do not think I have done more than to express an opinion.

"There are many more things about which I would like to say, but I must reserve them until some future occasion.

"Present my regards to Mrs. Bigelow and the girls, and accept them for yourself.

"Very truly yours, "S. J. TILDEN."

G. W. SMITH TO W. A. WILKINS

"NEW YORK, _Feb. 21, 1881_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Mr. Tilden requests me to acknowledge the receipt of your two notes, and to say that he gives them the earliest attention in his power.

"It is a settled policy of Mr. Tilden to abstain from all transactions which may impose upon him any future care. What he can afford to do he gives outright. In addition to claims upon him from kinship or other special relations, every day brings to him more applications by letter and by personal appeal than is possible for him to grant.

"Mr. Tilden has every disposition to be kind to you, and, as a token of his good-will, sends his check for two hundred and fifty dollars, which he will not expect you to repay, and which he hopes will be more serviceable to you than the loan suggested.

"Very truly yours, "G. W. SMITH."

FROM THE NEW YORK "HERALD," MARCH 5, 1881

(MR. HAYES GOES OUT)

"A rough Republican wit remarked, the other day, that 'Mr. Hayes came in by a majority of one and goes out by unanimous consent.'

"We are not certain that this is quite accurate. A good many people will remember that Mr. Hayes gave the country peace and rest for four years, and that, while he did not make the unimpeachably 'clean' administration of which some of his favorites boast, and did continually, and as may be justly said, brazenly violate his repeated pledges for civil service reform, he managed to avoid great scandals. Most of his Southern appointments were disgraceful; they were worse even, for they did great harm, and there is no denying the truth of the accusation that he put, or kept, corrupt and base men in office--not a few, but dozens upon dozens--to reward them for political and personal services of a kind which no decent public man would recognize. But he passed two or three years in the White House in constant terror of threatened disclosures which would compel him to leave the Presidency a disgraced man, and he probably regarded the improper appointments he made as necessary in self-defence.

"The very general contempt and dislike of Mr. Hayes, felt and openly expressed by public men of both parties, rests, we believe, on a sound basis. That he took the Presidency, knowing he was not elected to it, forms but the smaller part of the ground for this feeling; for, after all, he took it on the decision of a high court of arbitration which was final. His real offence is that he took office at the hands of his party, having carefully deceived it up to the last moment as to his purposes when he got what they only could give him. That great and, in a free government, criminal act of deceit has rightly called down on him the lasting dislike and contempt of his party's leaders and of honest men in both parties."

W. R. MARTIN TO TILDEN

"_March 9, 1881._

"HON. S. J. TILDEN.

"DEAR SIR,--In reading this article in the _Herald_, I feel with greater force the duty you owe to yourself, and to all, to gather your materials to fix your place in the history of the country. I once spoke to you of this, and you said you would recur to it.

"If you had filled an administration, the records of it would have marked your influence on the progress of the country, but you did not.

"You must gather them, under your own supervision, collect, select, and arrange them, and give the general outline of your positions and purposes yourself.

"It is what the French call, '_Memoirs pour Servir_.' There are many passages where autobiographical sketches will be very valuable.

"You run this great risk of the future: that, while in one light your action after the election may be regarded as in the highest sense patriotic, in the other it may be said that your failure to be President was because of something you lacked.

"It depends upon who your biographer may be. He must be well supplied with all materials, on your arrangement, and informed with your ideas.

"The time that you may devote to this, will it not be the best use you can make of it?

"Yours very truly, "WM. R. MARTIN."

STILSON HUTCHINS TO TILDEN

"WASHINGTON, _March 18, 1881_.

"MR. TILDEN,--The article which I wrote and published in the _Post_ on the morning of the 4th of March, the day on which Mr. Hayes took his leave of his usurped office, you may not have seen, and hence I take the pains to cut it out and enclose it to you. I think few persons--not even your most intimate and immediate friends--have pursued the great fraud or denounced it with more consistency and pertinacity than myself. I have never forgotten for a moment, nor have I allowed an opportunity to pass, to remind the beneficiary or his supporters of the great wrong they have inflicted on the people and the country and the institutions which have endeared it to us. And yet, had you taken your seat, I do not suppose there was one of the four millions who worked for you who would have less to ask than myself.

"With great respect and great regret,

"Yours, "STILSON HUTCHINS."

TILDEN TO HON. STILSON HUTCHINS

"15 GRAMERCY PARK, NEW YORK, _March 26, 1881_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I had seen the article, a slip of which you have kindly sent me, and also another similar article of yours largely copied.

"You are entitled to great credit for your faithful vindication of the rights of the Democratic party, and the interests of the people in respect to the election of 1876.

"I never considered the question as at all personal to myself. It seemed to be a duty cast upon me by events to represent the public grievance until the Democratic party and the people had an opportunity to take the matter into their own hands. That duty was very onerous, and certain to be prolific of nothing but sacrifices; and though I would not retire from it, I was glad when it was completed, and I was discharged of responsibility for all consequences of the violation of the elective principle, whatever they made hereafter prove to be.

Very truly yours, "S. J. TILDEN."

J. S. BLACK TO TILDEN

"BROCKIE, near YORK, PA., _April 5th, 1881_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--At Washington last week I took a tentative look at the business you wot of. The Attorney-General was made to understand the whole affair. He is anxious to be amiable, and, I think, would stop this dirty persecution at once but for Blatchford's decision, which I cannot help but admit is an embarrassing fact, though seen to be perfectly lawless. He proposes that a memorial or formal application be made which he will refer to the local authorities for their report, and he promises to do whatever he can to accomplish the object. He is, of course, not fool enough to believe that the proceeding against you is justified by law. He thinks you had better give a final judgment for any amount that the District Attorney wants, coupled with a protest, and trust to a writ of error.