Part 20

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--The Seymour movement is assuming a shape which must draw from him, in a few days, a more positive declination than he has yet made--unless he is really looking for a nomination, and I am positive that he is not. I think he talks with me more, and more plainly, than he does with anybody else. The misunderstanding of his position (which perhaps you share) grows partly out of the talk of his family and friends, and partly out of the impression that he leaves on the minds of those with whom he talks, that he is not particularly friendly to you. He is fully and firmly resolved to go out of public life and remain out. But he would like to take his contemporaries out with him. That is all there is to his opposition. I have made a careful study of this matter, and I am very confident that I am not mistaken in my conclusions. A few days, however, will show. Our district convention will probably adopt a resolution urging Governor Seymour for President. A letter from him, defining his position, will then be in order. The _Observer_ is floating in the local current, hopeful of directing it when the time comes. Mr. Spriggs will probably go to the State convention. He is with us, as you know. Mr. Grannis, of the State committee, and Mr. Birt, of Bridgewater, are talked of for the other two places. Of these three, Spriggs will be the controlling spirit.

"Faithfully yours, "THEO. P. COOK."

BENJAMIN H. HILL TO TILDEN

"_Private._

"UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER, "WASHINGTON, _April 12th, 1880_.

"HON. S. J. TILDEN, NEW YORK.

"SIR,--I have not the pleasure of knowing you personally. I have never sought to make myself consequential in your estimation, nor have I annoyed you with visits or opinions. I am no politician, nor given to tricks nor to pretentiousness. Without asking your pardon for doing so, I take the responsibility of writing this letter.

"The crime in the Presidential count of 1877 was not against you, nor was it against the Democratic party. It was a crime against the American people and against popular government. If the American people are worthy of popular government they will visit their wrath upon the authors and abettors of that crime. The most effective way to do so is by your re-election. You have no right to deny them the opportunity of doing so. You have no right to deny to the Democratic party the privilege of presenting your name to the people, nor have you the right to relieve the party from the shame of refusing to present your name to the people.

"For three years the Republicans have been laboring to destroy your good name in order to avoid the issue the presentation of your name will make. Certain Democrats aided them in committing the great fraud, and they have been aiding them to destroy you for the same reason. They say they have succeeded. They seek to impress the public that you are not available. I do not believe the American people are idiots or knaves, nor are they ready to consummate their own degradation at the bidding of this coalition of Republican and Democratic politicians.

"I was a new man here in 1877 and was myself entrapped. If I had known certain men then as I know them now, I am almost vain enough to believe the electoral bill would not disgrace our history. Be that as it may, I feel anxious to atone for the wrong I helped to consummate by that bill.

"Some very recent events have added to my information, and strengthened my convictions in regard to motives, persons, and things potential in the wrongs of 1876-7.

"I have spoken frankly because I feel deeply, and expect your favor only because I have spoken briefly.

"With highest regards, I am, yours very truly,

"BENJ. H. HILL, of Georgia."

R. T. MERRICK TO TILDEN

"_Private and personal._

"WASHINGTON CITY, _June 11th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--It may be desirable that you should know something of what transpired at the Maryland convention, in order to determine correctly the character and sentiments of those by whom its proceedings were directed.

"Maryland is, as you are aware, the theatre for the operations of a ring not unlike that which you hate in New York.

"This ring is under the control of Gorman, Colton, and two or three others, with Governor Carroll as a subordinate but confidential copartner.

"Carroll is violent in his hostility to you, and equally violent and unreasoning in his devotion to Bayard.

"These gentlemen, though at one time committed to you, came over to this city last winter and 'pledged' the State to Bayard.

"Bayard himself, I have occasion to know, designated some of the delegates and advised the defeat of others. Five days before the convention assembled he visited the residence of Governor Carroll, where about a hundred and fifty men of that particular Congressional district were invited to meet him.

"Carroll resides in the same county in which I reside--viz., Howard.

"I was a candidate in that district for the position of delegate against a ring ticket. I carried the district and secured, of my friends in the convention and others not known to me, but _instructed_ to vote for me by the conventions that appointed them, more than enough to elect me.

"But Carroll and his associates induced a sufficient number of those who had been instructed openly to violate their obligation of good faith and personal honor to defeat me. I confidently believe that of the _people_ of the district I had two to one in my favor as against the _Bayard ring ticket_.

"Bayard and his friends seem to cherish a personal bitterness to you and those interested in having justice done to you, which is as blind as it is stupid.

"There are some few good men in the delegation, but it is completely under Gorman's control, who will do everything he can to secure Bayard's nomination, but directs his efforts _principally_ to _appear_ on the successful side. I beg leave to suggest that you intimate to such of your friends at Cincinnati as may have your confidence, and be in possession of your views and wishes, to be on their guard in any consultation or interview they may have with this gentleman or the members of this delegation.

"I presume Mr. Blair has written--he carried his county, though not his district, and for reasons similar to those indicated above is not a member of the delegation.

"With most profound respect,

"Sincerely your friend, "R. T. MERRICK."

* * * * *

As introductory to the following letter, I quote the following from my diary under date of May 12, 1880:

"Mr. Tilden has finally determined, I believe, to be a candidate for the Presidency before the Cincinnati convention.

"I have no responsibility for advising him to expose himself to such an ordeal in his present state of health, though I rather congratulate myself that he has taken that responsibility for himself. He has been so abominably calumniated that nothing but a renomination and re-election can fully vindicate him and his friends. Should the exposure cost him his life, could it be spent in a better cause for him? As long as he can make himself heard, he is capable of making a better President than any man besides him that either party is likely to nominate.

"While the Terre Haute and Alton suit was pending against him, I think he was fully determined to withhold his name from the convention. He complained to me, as we were riding one day, of his want of the requisite strength to prepare his defence, though sure of winning if the case were promptly presented. He then added, 'If I have not strength enough to prepare a case for trial I am not fit to be President.' In saying this he turned to me as if it were in answer or as a remonstrance against pressure to run. I said to him: 'Governor, I am the last one to ask you or to urge you to run. No one has a right to ask you to accept a burden like that at the risk of your life, and there is no disguising the fact that there is nothing from which you have so much to apprehend as from excitement of any kind, and especially of the kind and degree to which a canvass for the Presidency, and the first six months' service in that position, would inevitably expose you.' It was on that ground that I advised him to settle the Terre Haute and Alton suit without reference to the cost in money. It was fretting the life out of him.

"Then just before the State convention for the election of delegates to Cincinnati the income tax suit was noticed for trial. This completely unsettled him for several weeks, so completely that I was again confirmed in the conviction that any increase, or even continuance, of excitement like that under which he was laboring would soon destroy him."

Mr. Tilden's brother Henry took with him to Cincinnati Mr. Tilden's letter to the Democratic national convention in 1880 declining a renomination to the Presidency, and this letter pictures the confusion into which the convention was thrown by it.

SMITH M. WEED TO S. J. TILDEN

"FRIDAY, _June 25, '80_.

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--I have not had a moment's time to write until now, and I have very little to write except what you have already read in the papers.

"It was very apparent to any one that it was not possible to have nominated you even if you would have taken it, as I know you would not. The element that sold you out in Washington in 1877, with those who were _honestly_ fearful you could not win, were enough to defeat you under any circumstances, and yet the fear that we meant to try to do it prevented our being able to.

"This feeling was kept alive by earnest but injudicious friends of yours from New York and elsewhere, and this and the action of our own delegation absolutely destroyed our influence in the convention. The Brooklyn people did not want you, and Jacobs, Pratt, and others told people they would not go for you or be transferred by you. Had they been absolutely with us, and had Manning spoken your wishes, we could have nominated Mr. Payne. M. seemed to fear the Brooklyn people, and I don't wonder, for I never saw any set of men act so very ugly as they and the Fox-Shay New York gang.

"Randall also acted bad, and talked bad, and yet, under your advice, or what I took to be your advice, I acted with the Brooklyn and Fox gang and named him as our second choice. I did not like to do so, for I feared Hancock's nomination, but did not fear it so early.

"Had your letter been there Saturday morning, and had _we_ all acted together--_i. e._, your friends--we could have nominated Payne. I don't think we could have nominated Randall.

"The South and Southwest and New Jersey were represented by a bad lot, and the convention was nothing to compare with the convention of 1876. So far as I was concerned, I was good for nothing, for it took about all my time to keep our delegation from kicking over the traces in some way.

"I cannot write in detail, but will talk it all over with you if you want to know anything more of the disgusting subject. I do not think it an easy victory for any one, and am confident that the ticket is a fairer representation of _that_ convention _than you would have been_. The fact is that in the talk and action the old dictation of the South was prevalent without the old intellect.

"I cannot express my contempt for New York's and Brooklyn's acts.

"Barnum will tell you of the talks with Hancock people. I hope he (H.) will make it apparent that he is to be your friend, and if so that you will help him through. I am about dead, as I have not slept over two hours a night since I came.

Yours very truly, "SMITH M. WEED."

CASSIUS M. CLAY TO TILDEN

"_June 26, 1880._

"MY DEAR SIR,--Though personally unknown to you, my devotion to your interests, I think, warrants me in giving you my sincere sympathy in your unjust defeat.

"I sent you, soon after your count out, the original resolutions carried by me in county convention of Madison, which was made the basis of the Louisville convention, and which caused me to be made its president, without my solicitation, being myself for a constitutional count without compromise. I was a candidate for delegate for the State at large, and was only beaten by your opponents and the Greenback element, after I vindicated you in a speech which united all the opposition against me. But as alternate of our mutual friend, General William Preston, as directed by the convention, I stood for you--till your letter of declension, which left me free to defeat those who defeated you and me. The position of Payne overshadowed by Thurman, with him, Jewett, and Foster candidates, I foresaw that Payne could not lead; and Randall had the opposition of all your opponents, handicapped with the high tariff record, which is more and more hateful to all Democrats. Under these circumstances, I deemed Hancock the man of destiny. I brought over seven of our delegation, and through my friend, General W. C. C. Breckinridge, who was not a Hancock man, pressed a vote on Wednesday, against all attempts of the opponents of Hancock, and placed him in the lead, thus insuring his selection on the second ballot Thursday, as we anticipated. I had a great respect for Bayard, but told General Wade Hampton and his other friends that his war records and his action in the eight to seven commn. were fatal objections; and now we have a man who is bound to win, as it seems to me, as you could have done but for your want of health, as set forth in your letter. I spoke several times in your behalf before our commn. at Lexington, and I honestly believe you were the choice of seven-eighths of the people of Kentucky. But the Congressmen defeated you--almost all of whom were against you--first, because of your Southern-claims letter, and that other principle of our weak human nature, never to forgive those whom we have injured.

"General Preston grows old, has lost an eye, and is very deaf: which sets him back in oratory--but he made with me the only two speeches in your behalf in our Jefferson convention. He was the first to leave Bayard for H--and is a true gentleman and patriot. His speech in your behalf was very able.

"I close by assuring you that your letter is one of the ablest State papers of our annals; and brough[t] with all intelligent and patriotic men conviction of your wrongs, your ability, and your patriotism.

"Please accept assurances of my sincere respect.

"C. M. CLAY. "_Hon. S. J. Tilden, New York, &c._"

LETTER FROM H. A. TILDEN (NED) TO S. J. TILDEN

"GRAND HOTEL, CINCINNATI, MONDAY, 9 O'C. A. M., _1880_.

"I reached here at twelve; found Weed and Green at station. Every one expected a letter, and a rush was made to know all about it. I gave it to Mr. Manning as soon as I could, and he read it over and had a copy--the original he has and will keep--and deliver up to you on his return. He wanted to do this. I yielded.

"On my way I had a room at one end of the car, and was not disturbed, and saw no one till the last hour but Judge Parkerson, and we only talked about last fall. He wanted some explanation, which I gave, and relieved some wrong impressions. I found that Tim Campbell admits that Robinson was cheated out of over 20,000 votes. Pasters were rubbed off, and the ballot counted for Cornell. The cheat is estimated at enough to have elected Robinson. The delegation had adjourned till Monday 10 A.M. I advised holding the letter till then, and not make it public till read in convention. This was intended, but the pressure was so great that Weed, Manning, Barnum, and all hands wanted it as early as possible, that it would be of benefit on the Payne effort, &c., and they called a meeting of the delegation, read it, and gave it to the press. I stayed up till three this morning to see that the proof was all right. The sentiment it has created is good, the antagonism all gone out, and regret takes its place. Now they have no one to grumble about and fight. There are three classes: those who are against us accept it as final; the moderate men, who have doubted if we could carry the State, want it reserved and not acted upon as final; then there are our friends, who say it shall not be regarded, and must come before the convention for final action.

"As the day wears on the sentiment in favor of the old ticket will increase, and we cannot tell where it will end. I don't believe any man can be picked up and get through the convention. I think perhaps Whitney, Weed, and Faulkner rushed Payne too sharp--did not do it in a suggestive form--and they have got up a feeling with the Brooklyn delegation. The Brooklyn people have started Pratt lively, and, clashing with Payne men, got up considerable feeling, and I hear Hughes has been deputed to charge you with not having explained to him, as fully as you should, the Payne relations. I have had no chance to talk with Hughes, but shall quiet this sentiment. I can remove it.

* * * * *

"MONDAY, _5.30 P.M._

"I have just left Manning. We construe your despatch about P. to Randall as positive instructions to force a fight on Payne, and M. is unwilling to modulate it, because he greatly fears disaster.

"I have had a talk with Henderson and Babcock, and they say the Standard Oil monopoly is so very unpopular that they can't see their way clear to go P., and are anxious to do all they can, and go with Manning, and fear the effect in these elections. The Oil Company has ruined so many men in this locality that it is impossible to get up a sentiment for any one directly or indirectly in it; the same feeling exists in Pittsburg, and those delegates will not go for Payne. There is no Payne sentiment from any States but New York and Ohio that I can hear of. I have sent you the enclosed despatch, somewhat reduced, which Manning dictated.

"I send you a list of delegates as they stand at this hour. The discussions are lively. Tilden men are cheered and have all the sentiment.

"Faulkner is sour; thinks he is not fully consulted. Manning is managing him best he can. There is little to consult about. There is so much jealousy, and so many statesmen, I am glad you are out. _Hewitt is in._ Green thinks lightning may strike him. So we go. Have not heard from Randall. Barnum was to see him, but has been so engaged did not yet. One of the Illinois delegation says he cried when he read the letter.

NED.

* * * * *

"The Pratt movement dates back a long way. Fowler intent on securing delegates to represent certain interests, and explains now how McL. declined to go as delegate at large, and Jacobs came in and got from Manning a word that any one satisfactory to McL. would be satisfactory, and then put forward Pratt. Weed says that the Pratt movement is made up of the mining speculating class, who have made money, and brag they have more to put up for him than Tilden would put in.

"Will close for mail. Will send full memorandum by mail and telegraph important points.

NED.

* * * * *

"Strong objection to P., because of Oil Company in our delegation; also because Brooklyn is aggressive for Pratt. Thurman holds Ohio firmly; how long, uncertain. Steadman has gone over to Jewett. Manning thinks it will never do to push P. upon Ohio; she must act first. Several States voluntarily agree to follow our lead.

"Shall we make fight now for anybody, or wait for developments? Answer, yes or no."

* * * * *

General Winfield S. Hancock was nominated for the Presidency by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati on the 23d day of June, 1880. A short time after, Mr. Tilden received the following note from General Hancock at the hands of General W. G. Mitchee, to which Mr. Tilden suggested the addition which follows it.

GENERAL W. S. HANCOCK TO TILDEN

"GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, N. Y., _July 27th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I introduce my friend, General W. G. Mitchee, who will hand you a copy of the lines of acceptance which I have resolved to issue.

"Will you have the kindness to read it and give me any suggestions in regard to it which may occur to you? I intend to issue the letter before the 1st of August.

"I also send for your perusal a copy of a letter which I addressed to General Sherman under date of December 25th, 1876, which will no doubt be published a week or so after my letter of acceptance.

"With best wishes for yourself, and pleasant remembrances of your hospitality which I so much enjoyed last week,

"I am, very truly yours, "WINF'D S. HANCOCK."

[Enclosed card.]

"General W. G. Mitchee, who would like to see Mr. Tilden for a few minutes to deliver a package to him.

"W. S. H., Governor's Island.

"If Mr. Tilden is in the country General M. will go there."

DRAFT OF ADDITION FOR LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE OF GENERAL HANCOCK

"_July, 1880._

"It is time we should enjoy the benefits of that reconciliation and restoration of fraternal feelings which has cost so much blood and treasure. As one people, having a common interest, the welfare and prosperity of all would be advanced, a generous rivalry would be stimulated for the growth of our merchant marine which has been destroyed by the policy of the party in power. The extension of our foreign and domestic commerce with nations naturally tributary to us, and the further development of our immense natural resources would result. A wise and economical management of our governmental expenditures should be maintained in order that labor may be lightly burdened, and that every individual may be protected in his natural right to the immediate fruits of his own industry."

TILDEN TO MRS. W. C. BRYANT

"NEW YORK, _Sept. 17th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR MRS. BRYANT,--After I left the city two weeks ago, thinking not so much where I would go as where I would not remain, I found in my pocket a note which I supposed had been left to be sent to you. It was designed to aid an article which has doubtless appeared in your household in explaining its own advent--a friendly office, which, although too long delayed, must still be fulfilled.

"I could not resist the impulse to supply what you had, one day when I last had the pleasure of visiting you, casually mentioned as your _only want_. It may never again happen to me--if I lose that opportunity--to be able to fill the measure of a housekeeper's contentment; and I am anxious, if you will permit me, to procure for myself the gratification of witnessing such a novelty, as well as the sense of having contributed to produce it. Perhaps I ought to acknowledge a still more selfish motive. If the example of so much moderation shall have the influence to which it is entitled, I shall, doubtless, at some period not yet distinctly foreseen, share its benefits; and, notwithstanding all I can now do to signalize my appreciation of it, be reminded that I am forever your debtor. In the mean time, I remain, very truly,

"Your friend, "S. J. TILDEN."

MRS. WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT TO TILDEN

"_Monday Evening._

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--If I said, 'A bamboo settee is my only want,' I had forgotten it long before your present arrived, which certainly fills most commodiously a vacant space in my hall or on my piazza, as the weather may be; and for which I make you my very best acknowledgments. I do not think I was a 'discontented housekeeper' before I had it, but I admit I have much more reason to be contented now.

"I wish I could as easily send you in return the thing you most want for your future household, or even tell you where to obtain it. But permit me to say that I have observed that people become more fastidious and less enterprising the longer they postpone the acquisition of what, we are told by high authorities, was the only thing wanted to make the first man happy in paradise.