Part 33

The immense ascendency over the public opinion of the country acquired by Mr. Jefferson--the complete triumph of the party he formed and led, the acceptance at length by the whole people of him as the highest political authority--shaped the course of government in the United States for half a century. That period will stand in all history as the golden age of the republic.

The reformatory work of Mr. Jefferson in 1800 must now be repeated. Organizations and names are important only as they are available for the result. Every patriotic citizen, sincerely desirous of reform, should discard all prejudices and accept the benefaction from any source which is capable of providing it.

But it is quite clear that the Republican party now swaying the administration, although it embraces large numbers of honorable and patriotic citizens, is, as a whole, incapable of this specific mission. In the sixteen years during which it will have been in possession of the government at the expiration of the present Presidential term, all the evils which call so loudly for redress have had their origin, their persistent and daily growth. Nearly all its thinkers, speakers and writers, its active intellect and its power of leadership, are imbued with strong-government theories of so extravagant a character that even Hamilton would have disowned and doubtless would have condemned them. The classes who desire pecuniary profit from existing governmental abuses have become numerous and powerful beyond any example in our country. The myriads of officeholders, with enhanced salaries, and often with illicit gains; the contractors and jobbers; the beneficiaries of Congressional grants of the public property or of special franchises; the favored interests whose business is rendered lucrative by legislative bounties or legislative monopolies; the corporations whose hopes and fears are appealed to by the measures of the government; the rapacious hordes of carpet-baggers who have plundered the impoverished people of the South at least ten times as much as Tweed's Ring did the rich metropolis, and whose fungus growth is intertwined with the roots of the Republican party; all these classes are not only interested in perpetuating existing evils and existing wrongs, but they are the main agencies and instruments by which that work is done. They furnish organization, they supply numerous partisans who devote themselves to electioneering while the honest citizens are compelled to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow; they contribute and aggregate vast sums of money to be expended in conducting party canvasses, in influencing the elections and in corrupting the voters; sums which no number of disinterested citizens could furnish if equally unscrupulous in the methods of political influence. For the first time in our national history such classes have become powerful enough to aspire to be in America the ruling classes, as they have been and are in the corrupt societies of the Old World. They threaten to reproduce here a state of things often found elsewhere, in which the governmental machine, with its allies and dependents, is capable of setting itself up against and over the whole mass of unorganized citizens who follow the avocations of private life. These classes completely possess the organization of the Republican party. They have absorbed the Republican party. They are, for all practical purposes, the Republican party. They make its nominations; they shape its measures, they preserve its policy. Individual dissenters who preserve the original traditions of American free government there are, but their voices are not heard; they are generally paralyzed; they are always powerless. Hitherto no Democratic minority has been formed capable of exercising any practical power. No internal remedy can come for a disease which has incorporated itself with everything vital in the political body. It is too late to cut out the cancer without killing the patient.

"In the nature of the case, the remedy can come only from an opposition which shall grow strong enough to turn out the present existing administration and take its place. In such an opposition the Democratic masses must contribute a large element. They embrace three and a half or four millions of votes, and are of themselves within five per cent. of a majority. They contain nearly all the thinkers, speakers and writers, all the trained statesmen who adhere to the traditions of Jefferson; and while individual members have been not unstained with the errors of the times, the body, as a whole, is sound; and a majority is sure to declare for the ancient faith of Jefferson and Franklin and George Clinton and Samuel and John Hancock.

"In the part I have borne in the administration of the Democratic party of the State of New York--now closed--I have aimed at three things:

"1. To lead on public opinion in favor of the original ideas of the Jeffersonian democracy and in support of such current measures as secured valuable reforms.

"2. To terminate a degrading strife in which they enlisted themselves, in comparing the leprous spots on their respective sides, and practically declared that the word only was wanting to incite an honorable emulation in which they should seek and apply effectual remedies and the public mind stimulated to reform.

"3. To prepare the Democratic masses to act their part in a general movement for reform in all the governmental institutions of the country. (_Cætera desunt._)

TILDEN TO JOHN KELLY

"GENEVA, IN SWITZERLAND, _Sept. 6th, 1873_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--As I shall not be able to return home in season to take part in the political canvass of this autumn, I desire you to say for me to the State convention that I decline a re-election as member-at-large of the State committee and as its chairman.

"It is a satisfaction to me that I surrender to the Democracy of the State of New York--now comprising nearly half a million of voters--the trust with which they have so long invested me, at a moment when the pronounced movement for reform and better government in which I felt it my duty 'to follow wherever any dared to lead, or to lead wherever any dared to follow,' has been overwhelmingly sustained by the Democratic masses, until there is no longer a whisper of dissent; and at a moment, too, when, with nominations responsive to this growing popular sentiment, the prospects of success at the approaching State election are so auspicious.

"With much esteem, I remain, "Very truly, your friend, "S. J. TILDEN."

MAYOR HAVEMEYER'S MESSAGE ANNOUNCING THE DEATH OF AZARIAH C. FLAGG

"_November, 1873._

"It is with profound sorrow that I communicate to you officially the intelligence that Azariah C. Flagg died at his residence in this city on the evening of the 24th. At the close of the next month it will be fifteen years since the public career of this eminent citizen was terminated. In that interval, totally bereft of eyesight, but with an intellect clear and strong, and a spirit courageous and serene, he has lived in complete retirement, fulfilling some private trusts, and ever thoughtful of all public interests. At last, when a few days would have completed an age of eighty-three years, he has passed from among us.

"There are peculiarities in the public career and public character of Mr. Flagg which make it specially fit that the people of this State, and the people of this city, should pause a moment in their busy life to render a conspicuous homage to him as his mortal remains pass to the tomb.

"He was born in Orwell, in the State of Vermont, on the 28th of November, 1790. In early youth he migrated to Plattsburg, in this State. He had an honorable share in the defence of that place against the British invasion in the war of 1812-15. He sought a frugal livelihood as editor and printer of the Plattsburg _Republican_, a Democratic newspaper. In November, 1822, he was elected by the friends of Clinton to the Assembly. He served in that body with distinction during the sessions of 1823 and 1824. In February, 1826, he was elected Secretary of State by the Legislature, and held that office until Jan., 1833, when he was elected Comptroller. He held the latter office until 1839. He was restored to it in 1842, and continued to hold it until the close of 1847. His official service consisted of two years in the Assembly and 19 years in the Canal Board, as Comptroller, as Secy. of State; and his unofficial service was even more valuable during the three years from 1839 to 1842. His career in State administration may be counted as 25 years.

"In this career of a quarter of a century in the administration of the State, Mr. Flagg's merit and renown will be found not in the catalogue of the great offices he held, but in the wise measures and honest policy he originated or maintained--in the ability, vigor, and courage with which he pursued the right and confronted the wrong, and in the great fact that he invariably wielded official power and party leadership for the cause of good government, for purity in legislation and in administration; that he used these great influences, not for the purposes of individual ambition or personal gain, but exclusively and undeviatingly for the public good; that he contributed very largely to keep up and to elevate the standard and the tone of official and political morals in both parties and in the whole public during this long period in the greatest State of the Union. Mr. Flagg was united with Martin Van Buren, whose organizing genius and masterly abilities created the association; with Silas Wright and William L. Marcy, also statesmen of the first class. They were all men of probity, frugality, and personal virtue, and they drew to their side similar characters in all parts of the State. Mr. Flagg made the State finances his specialty; and surpassed all his associates in enterprise and courage, though he may not have equalled them in general attainments, and was often the most effective leader in this State.

"In the six years from 1853 to 1859, Mr. Flagg served as Comptroller of this city; and although he did not attempt any political leadership, his career was distinguished by the fidelity and firmness with which he resented all invasions of the municipal treasury; and his persistent and unwearied exertions in this service no doubt hastened the malady by which, at nearly the allotted age of man, closed forever his vision upon the light of the heavens.

"It may safely be said that the history of the country affords no equal example of a life devoted for so long a period with so much affirmative activity, and with so much ability and skill, to the abstract cause of good government in the civil administration of the community in which Providence had cast his lot.

"At a period when the people everywhere are feeling how much they need such virtues and such services, we ought to signalize our appreciation of so remarkable an example, if only as an incentive to its imitation."[64]

S. J. TILDEN TO H. A. TILDEN

"N. Y., _Nov. 14, 1873_.

"DEAR HENRY,--I have but a moment. I am pressed on every side with urgent demands.

"There will be no use in your asking me for any further aid, unless you can make up your mind to abandon your pride and imperious will, and come to terms which I have so long advised for your own good and which I ought long ago to have enforced for my own peace and safety.

"I scarcely like to repeat my ideas, because I frequently hear, through indirect channels, of your complaint that I go back 18 years, and so you don't wish to talk with me.

"Now, I never have recurred to painful topics merely to wound, but only to try to impress the lessons which you ought to have derived from your own experience, but which you never would admit to me, and which you have never acted on. If it is hopeless to expect that you will correct errors--if you are too proud to admit them--what resource have I but to keep that which is [left] out of your power? What hope is there that anything I can do will be of any permanent use to you or your family? What can I do but turn away my thoughts from a man--this affair, which has cost me more anxiety, trouble, hazard of my own affairs and of health than everybody and everything in life--who grabs anything of mine he can lay his hands on without asking me, never consults me about restoring it, and thinks it right to do just as he pleases about incurring new expenditures and operations in preference to paying his creditors, whom he does not think it necessary to consult, or, indeed, to have any rights but to submit to what he, in his supreme good pleasure, chooses to do.

"In prudence and in morality you have much to do to regain my good opinion. The first thing is to see and admit your errors. The next is to show signs of amending them.

"1. An ordinary creditor would have a right to know, frankly and truly, the situation of a debtor. Still more so would a man who was aiding as a matter of favor--friendship or affection.

"In twenty years I have been able to get nothing from you which was not wrung out, even when I was making new advances at great sacrifices. Then as scanty as possible. I never had any information about your Michigan transactions. I never have been able to get information in season to advise about the shaping of your plans.

"You have seemed to think that everybody ought to accept your own view of your affairs--allow you to embark in new undertakings money justly due to your creditors without their consent or knowledge--and that it was almost a piece of impertinence for them to wish to know anything about their own money."

S. S. COX TO TILDEN (TELEGRAM)

"WASHINGTON, D. C., _Dec. 1, 1873_.

"To S. J. TILDEN, _15 Gramercy Park_.

"Should we Democrats vote Fernando Wood and back pay?

"S. S. COX."

TILDEN TO S. S. COX (TELEGRAM)

"Telegram received while you are already acting. But State convention, which is higher authority, had before instructed you.

"S. J. TILDEN."

W. E. HAVEMEYER TO S. J. TILDEN

"NEW YORK, _Jan'y 10, 1874_.

"My dear Tilden,--I have been invited by the present Common Council to present on the 14th inst. to the family of Horace Greeley an illuminated album ordered by their predecessors. As you were intimately acquainted with him, and know a good deal more of his history and character which it may be appropriate to refer to in presenting the testimonial, you are able to embody them in an address to accompany the presentation much better than myself, and I hope you will find time to prepare it.

"In doing so you may say for me that I had no personal acquaintance with him, never spoke to him but once at a little sociable at Doct. Bostwick's 25 years ago, had no political relations or affinities with him, but recognize in the general esteem in which he was held by a large portion of the community for so long a time as an honest journalist, that a more intimate acquaintance might have found us in closer relationship than probably either of us felt ourselves called upon to acknowledge. I will send for it on Monday morning at your house, as I know you will take the little trouble it will occasion you to oblige me.

"Yours truly, "W. F. HAVEMEYER."

"_To S. J. Tilden, Esq._"

TILDEN TO MISS MORSE AND MISS DALY

"SATURDAY MORNING, _April 4, 1874_.

"DEAR YOUNG LADIES,--Miss Daly, when I had the pleasure to see her--where her like are not always found--at home, suggested to me to join in some little floral tribute to Nilsson before the close of her present engagement. With my usual docility I acquiesced, and that is all which has come of it. I have no guidance, and am in danger of being a delinquent.

"To-day is the last, if not the best occasion. But the rosebuds would spring as fitly out of the rugged cleft of the storm-beaten oak as from me, while they would form naturally and come gracefully from the representatives of the springtime of womanhood.

"Shall I mention another circumstance in a _postscriptum_?

"I am suddenly called to attend an auction sale of a railroad in Jersey City at 2 to-day, and may not see the Academy.

"I hope, therefore, you will undertake the disposal of what accompanies this note.

"Very truly, "Yours, &c., "S. J. TILDEN."

"_Miss Morse and Miss Daly._ "_Sat. Morn., April 4, 1874._"

WHEELER H. PECKHAM TO TILDEN

"18 WALL ST., _Mar. 9th, 1874_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have yours of 7th, in all of which I acquiesce except the following sentence: 'You are full of your own business, and so are not able to meditate beforehand what you should do.'

"Now, I am full of my own business, but this is part of my business, and so long as I have anything to do with it shall and does receive all the '_meditation_' that I can conceive may be of advantage to it.

"I have seen Scudder, have also arranged to carefully re-examine the figures in respect to the men to whom you allude.

"Scudder is to communicate with his former correspondent and see him, and do what can be done to bring us together.

"I can get an attachment against the men to whom you refer on evidence we now have, and with the testimony of either of the men whom we propose to get can recover; perhaps without such testimony, but I have not sufficiently examined the figures to say so yet.

"I saw Mr. O'Conor yesterday. He is anxious that nothing be done until the last remedy bill be passed.

"Mr. Pelton, when writing me, said that copies of the two bills already passed--attachment and criminal--would be sent to me. They have not come.

"Will you be kind enough to ask him to send them to me?

"Now, as to Connolly:

"He wants to settle _civil claims only_--not criminal. He offers $400th. Will give, I think, $500th. It won't let him come home, for the indictments still stand. I think Mr. O'Conor is not in favor of it. _I am_, _i. e._, of this particular settlement as to this man. I think that it is all we could get by litigation. His property has undoubtedly shrunk, and doubtless he has been blackmailed to a large extent. I can have the whole matter closed and money paid in thirty days. What do you think of it?

"I think if the general voice shd. be in favor of a settlement Mr. O'Conor would acquiesce; but I merely so infer.

"As to the mountain, etc.: Why, Mahomet will go soon.

"Yours Truly, "WHEELER H. PECKHAM."

"_Hon. S. J. Tilden._"

ABOUT PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE IN 1876 (REPORT OF A CONVERSATION WITH GOV. TILDEN IN 1874)

"Your correspondent not having the liberty of an interview, nevertheless had the privilege of a conversation, not at all private, worthy of public consideration.

"His Excellency was reminded that he could not be an unobservant spectator of the circumstance that the leaders of both political parties are discussing Presidential questions and canvassing the claims of opposed candidates in both. He promptly responded that that concerned him the least whilst he had serious duties to perform. The Presidency, he said, is not strictly before the people at all in this canvass. They are to elect legislators who should improve the laws, and executive State officers to administer the same. A constitutional amendment contemplates cutting off extra compensations to contractors, but it does not prohibit the Legislature from charging work in the interest 'of the contractor,' besides authorizing 'the Canal Board' to cancel such (contractor's) contract. This shows the vital importance of electing a sound Legislature and a safe Canal Board. The practice has been too much to pass laws in the interest of the sinister, the evil, and the profligate classes; and the same have been administered accordingly, until the rights and interests of the honest and industrial classes have been greatly ignored and the common prosperity well-nigh paralyzed. The State has just now a far deeper interest in home government than in the national concerns. We need not overlook the frauds and extravagances of the Washington government, but we shall find on hand full enough to do if we arrest and redress the abuses that pervade our cities, towns, and counties, and particularly the State, for this year, leaving the selection of members of Congress and Presidential electors to their proper time another year.

"His Excellency was further reminded that he could not overlook the fact that the prominence, not to say popularity, of his administration had led to the consideration of his name in connection with the next Presidency, and that some rivalry consequent upon the agitation of 'home questions' had led to the favoring of candidates beyond the limits of our own State.

"His Excellency promptly (and rather nervously) responded that public opinion will be very apt to take care of such interests and issues. He had seen enough to satisfy him that he who escapes the cares and responsibilities of public life is far happier than he who enjoys its supposed honors and emoluments. He could most heartily and trustfully support the superior claims (as they are miscalled) of New York's favorite son and foremost statesman.

"Of course, this was understood to refer to Governor Seymour. So his Excellency was reminded that it was objected that he had had his opportunity, and also that our State has had both of the last two chances for the Presidency.

"'Oh, that is a superficial, if not sinister, view of the case,' promptly rejoined my interlocutor. 'The public no longer cares what State or section candidates come from. They may be taken from one or the other, or both from either, and the people will not care, so long as the men and measures are acceptable. Gov. Seymour was nominated eight years ago against his wishes and his friends', with the tacit if not expressed understanding that he and they were making a sacrifice at the time to a political exigency. The same, pretty much, may be said in the case of the lamented Greeley. New York has no local claims (any more than the "mother of Presidents" of old had); neither has she any local disabilities. But there is no use of discussing these matters, as he said before. We have more appropriate and pressing work in hand. When that is done it will be time enough to bother our heads about other political concerns.'

"His Excellency was badgered a little on the reports of his alleged ill health, but he was disposed to treat it as 'an invention of the enemy.' Yet he expressed jocosely the hope that his own constitution might soon experience a respite from his sedentary confinement, as well as the bad habits of public life."

JACOB S. GOULD TO H. A. TILDEN

"ROCHESTER, _Sept. 5, 1874_.

"H. A. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Just after posting my hasty note to you of the 3rd inst. I met Isaac Butts and went to his office with him. Wilkins, who has been a delegate to the State convention from this city a number of times, and Geo. Taylor, the Assemblyman of _last winter_ from this city, was in said office. After a little time, Butts spoke of the convention to be held at Syracuse, and said that S. J. Tilden was the only man that should receive the nomination, 'and would get it.' Wilkins was still stronger in his views for Tilden. Geo. Taylor said but little, for he is a Lord man--the Lords are very still; they do not want W. F. Allen; they wish to keep that _court bench just as it is now_. You know why. Allen and Ganson, of Buffalo, will be the only men in the way of S. J. Tilden. I now think that Erie, Niagara, and Genesee counties will give full delegation for Tilden. Livingston, Monroe, and Orleans. Ontario will give part delegation for Tilden. A few days more will show how the cat will jump with the Canal Ring men. They must show their hand soon. I will keep you posted.