Part 32

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--There is a rumor here that O'Conor is willing to accept the nomination of Blanton Duncan's Louisville convention. If you have any influence with him I pray you to exert it to prevent his doing so. It is as hard for me to support Greeley as it is for any man I know. But, being compelled to choose between him and Grant, I am satisfied that we ought to support him--not for his own sake, but because it is the only mode left to us to break the radical organization. I have a very high opinion of O'Conor, and would be much distressed should he give the use of his great name to the Louisville movement, which is wholly in the interest of Grant.

"Please write to me at _Columbus, Ohio_, where I will be in a few days.

"Yours truly, "A. G. THURMAN."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"UTICA, _Oct. 3, 1872_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I enclose a draft for $5233.34 to pay my note and interest. Please to send it to me by mail. I am very much obliged to you for the accommodation. How does the canvass go? I am not able to work myself into any heat about it. I grow old very fast. Then, too, it is hard to go out to speak for Greeley. His abuse has been so gross. As facts stand, I think it was wise to put him up, and I can see my way clear to vote for him, as he can be made of use in driving negroes out of office; but it is hard to speak for him. But for you and Kernan I would not move this fall. As it is, I will do what I can.

"Truly yours, &c., "HORATIO SEYMOUR."

WHY KERNAN WAS NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR

(INTERVIEW WITH "HERALD" REPORTER, NOV. 3, 1872)

"REPORTER.--Understanding that you had some agency in the nomination of Francis Kernan as the Democratic and Liberal Republican candidate for Governor, I have called to make some inquiries about it. Will Mr. Kernan be elected?

"MR. TILDEN (smiling).--You remember the old adage which says, 'You can't tell who is Governor till after the election'? But at the risk of violating that, I will give you an opinion. I feel very certain that Francis Kernan will be the next Governor of the State of New York.

"REPORTER.--Are you willing to state the motives for nominating Mr. Kernan?

"MR. TILDEN.--I am perfectly willing to state _my_ motives, so far as I had any agency in the nomination. Mr. Kernan will be 'the right man in the right place.' It is scarcely possible to find a man to whom the public interests can be so safely trusted. He is in the meridian of life and the maturity of his powers. He has acknowledged abilities. He has led a distinguished career as a lawyer. He possesses large knowledge and experience of public affairs, while he scarcely ever held office. He has inspired universal confidence in his most absolute integrity, and enjoys the esteem and affection of the people of the central portions of the State, and of all who know him everywhere else. Every circumstance about him conspires to assure his single-minded fidelity to the duties of his great trust.

"In the _first_ place, he has a high standard of public conduct. He is imbued with the traditions of the best days of the Democracy. Like Jefferson, he would not attempt to increase his fortune, even by legitimate methods, while in public life. Like Silas Wright and Flagg and Marcy, he would not only be pure himself, but would disdain to use impure influence--impure methods or impure men for party objects. His ideals are all lofty.

"In the _second_ place, he is not over-ambitious. He does not aim at a permanent public life, but to serve out his term and return to the congenial pursuit of his profession.

"In the _third_ place, he is totally free from all ambiguous associations. He stands on no 'ring.' He owes nobody anything for political favors.

"Here are reasons enough, and good ones, but not all.

"REPORTER.--What were the others? The Republican newspapers say that one was that Mr. Kernan is a Catholic, and that you advised his nomination on that account.

"MR. TILDEN.--There is not the slightest truth, or resemblance to truth, in that story. But I will speak of that subject presently. The other reason is the connection Mr. Kernan had with the reform movement last year.

"_City Frauds._

"The discovery of frauds by certain city officials happened just as I was about leaving the city to spend a week in the country. On the eve of my departure I had an opportunity of cross-examining a gentleman who had the confidence of the financial men and taxpayers of this city, and who called on me with a letter from a distinguished philanthropist. I became satisfied that the revelations were substantially true. My week's reflections in the country resulted in a determination to attempt to carry out that system of measures in which I have been ever since engaged; but some co-operation was indispensable.

"_Kernan and O'Conor._

"The first man I sought was Francis Kernan. After much telegraphing I found him attending court in Albany. I went there to meet him. It was on the fourth day of August, 1871. He was about to leave for the seashore to attend a sick relative. I gave him the documents. I submitted to him my views as to what ought to be done, and arranged for a further conference on his return. On that occasion he gave me assurances of his full and cordial co-operation, which I ever afterwards received. He was to me the one necessary man for a contest in the State convention. His courage, his independence, his tact and eloquence in debate, his popularity and weight of character were all needed.

"I next sought Charles O'Conor. I desired his co-operation in a different department. His great renown as a lawyer, his unmatched resources in a professional controversy, his lofty independence, and his high sense of public duty made him invaluable in many things which were necessary in order to achieve an overthrow of the corrupt dynasty which then ruled our great metropolis and to purify the administration of justice.

"Now it so happened that both of these gentlemen are Americans, born within this State; that they are both sons of exiles, for the sake of liberty, from Ireland; that they are both of the Catholic religion. Mr. Kernan's creed had nothing more to do with my desire for his nomination for Governor than it had with my seeking his co-operation, or Mr. O'Conor's co-operation in the reform measures. The only mode in which the question of creed came to be discussed with reference to Mr. Kernan's nomination was afterwards, when, notwithstanding his eminent fitness was conceded, it was said that the Republicans would attack him on account of his religious opinions. Every rogue in the State became greatly troubled on the subject. Every member of a corrupt ring, by interest, was opposed to him and thought that his nomination would eliminate the Protestant vote. I think they could have forgiven his religion if they could only have ceased to fear his honesty. For one, I was not disposed to concede much to such an objection. I never said anything about Mr. Kernan's religion except to defend him. I should have been as much in favor of his nomination if he had been of a different creed. Mr. Kernan is totally free from bigotry. His liberal views on every subject of sectarian controversy are on record in his speeches and in his conduct. In exercising the powers of an official trust his just and equitable character would be an impassible barrier against partiality towards any class to which he should himself belong. Are you ready to adopt the principle that no man, however superior in merits and qualifications, who is a Catholic, shall be eligible to high public office in this great commonwealth of freemen and equals? Such a

"_Proscription_

is not only unjust, but it is _unwise_ and _self-destructive_, with reference to the interests you wish to protect. If your apprehensions were anything but imaginary, you direct them in the wrong quarter. Ambitious politicians seek to win those classes with whom they have no natural relations. It was not Southern men, like Washington and Jefferson and Jackson, who conceded most to slavery; it was Northern men, like Pierce and Buchanan. A Protestant American demagogue--and particularly if he had once been a Know-nothing--would do things to catch votes or win popularity among a class which a Kernan, an O'Conor, or a John Kelly would reject with disdain.

"_City Reformers._

"New York is a cosmopolitan city. According to the census of 1865, rather more than three-fifths of the voters were naturalized. In the other two-fifths are included the sons of naturalized citizens. How reform in municipal administration or good government in the city is to be worked out by a moral proscription of the foreign voters or of the religious belief of the most numerous class of them, it is not easy to see. Every such effort is calculated to band them together in a compact mass. Large numbers of them joined in the reform movement of 1871. If among their classes, or among Americans descended from them, spring up citizens foremost in all the community for talents and virtues and devotion to our American ideas of government and society, I would not challenge the honorable pride they awaken in those of common origin. I share that pride in such men as Kernan and O'Conor. I would not weaken any power of leadership which the natural sentiments of humanity may give them in these numerous classes. I would rather see it stronger than it is in men like these, who would never seek to create any class influence, and would never abuse any influence, but rather exercise every power as a trust for the public good. I had occasion, after the election last year, in frequent addresses on municipal reform, to lament the apathy of many of our citizens whose reproach it is that while by pecuniary independence and leisure and all the legitimate elements of a just and honorable public influence they selfishly abdicate their power of leadership in the affairs of our great metropolis. Wherever a man appears in the commonwealth who is without venality or the inferior forms of ambition, but from an elevated sense of his duty as a citizen of the commonwealth, he ought to be encouraged and his natural elements of influence respected and cherished.

"It is too late in the day to revive the spirit of the native American or Know-nothing parties. The only purely American stock which remains on this continent is the whole population of the Southern States, who are now under the carpet-bag governments, upheld by the banded masses of rogues and the influence of the Federal governments and affiliated with the Republican party. In the North we are one-third emigrants of the last twenty-five years or their children. The great migration of the last quarter of a century is the most remarkable in the world's history. It has exercised a controlling power over every important event of our national progress. In that period about seven millions of people have come to our Northern States. I had occasion some years ago to analyze the character of that immigration. I found that it contained just about twice as many male persons between the ages of 15 and 40 as our resident population in 1860. In other words, it contained the population of the virile age equal to that of fourteen millions of our average people. It is that influx which has created our great cities, which has built our railroads and furnished them business, and which has produced the immense growth of our Northern States in population, wealth, and prosperity. It is that influx which overturned the equality of influence between the North and South in the Federal government, and stimulated both sides to the measure that led to the Civil War. It is that influx which would have given the North predominance if the war had not happened, and which gave it the victory in the conflict of arms, abolished slavery, and will at last fill the South with communities like our own.

"This is the state of things. Who could alter it if he would? Who dare say that, on the whole, he would alter it if he could?

"We must, then, avoid all those civil and social revolutions, work out as best we may the problem of self-government formed on equal and universal suffrage. We can only do so on the large, liberal statesmanship on which we began, and never by going back toward the dark night of proscription and bigotry."

TILDEN TO MRS. CASSIDY

"NEW YORK, _Feb'y 22, 1873_.

"DEAR MRS. CASSIDY,--I regret that any delay should take place in sending you a statement of the results of the investment made by me for your benefit. But the computations were somewhat long, and needed either help or instructions from me to enable Mr. Smith to complete them, which, until now, I was not able to give.

"I had hoped before this time to see you and be able to say that, if there is anything in your affairs in which I can offer you suggestion or counsel for the benefit of yourself and your little ones, I shall be glad to be of service to you.

"About the time--indeed, a little before I recd. the $10,000 remittance--when Mr. Cassidy had told me it would be sent I invested some $15,000 for you. I sold enough the other day to pay the balance due me for allowances.

"The investment has gained some $1700, besides interest compounded and quarterly. The stock would have sold for 5 per cent. more last year, which would have been $750 additional.

"But investments generally show about that difference; and if you continue to want such an investment for income, it can now be made advantageously.

"The Cleveland and Pittsburg stock is about 3-1/2 per cent. lower, and yields the same income.

"Well-selected gold-interest 7-p.-c. bonds, if bought at 85 or a little under, will give a larger income. They should be selected with caution. Now, three courses are open:

"1. If you need the _money_ the stock can at once be sold.

"2. The stock can be transferred to your name if you do not wish to change the investment. In that event, it had better be put in your name; for the motive to keep the account open has ceased.

"The stock is perfectly safe as can be--gives quarterly dividends, and is free from all income tax, and I think from all personal taxes in this State. The dividends have the security of the great earnings--$1,750,000 now above the cent, and the guaranty of the Penn. R. R. Co., with its $65,000,000 of capital, paying ten per cent., and worth 120.

"But, no doubt, some bond could be found that might pay a little more. If Mr. Cassidy had lived I intended to change to something which would give more income, though I think I was rather more cautious in doing it than he inclined to be. For, after all--especially with a lady--certain security is the first consideration. We are doubtless now, as we have been for several years past, on a gradually receding scale of values, in which the attempt at large profits involves more risk than it did at an earlier period.

"I write hastily, but thus fully that you may know the whole situation. Consult with your advisers, and let me know your wishes.

"I remain, Dear Mrs. Cassidy,

"Very truly your friend, "S. J. TILDEN."

TILDEN TO N. W. PARKER

"NEW YORK, _March 14, 1873_.

"My dear Sir,--I have been waiting until something should turn up cheap enough and, at the same time, safe enough to warrant the reinvestment of your money. There are gold-interest-bearing bonds at about 90--7 p. c.; but I wanted something cheaper. I sometimes hesitate about taking for you what involves so much reliance on one's own judgment as is necessary, where you buy securities new and not well established in the market.

"Some time ago I bought 50 bonds on two railroads--now consolidated in Texas. One is the Houston and Great Northern R. R., the other the International R. R.

"The bonds are $16,000 per mile, and many of our best business men have invested in the stock, which is issued at $16,000 per mile. I think the lines likely to be productive, and the investment is managed with a cautious and conservative spirit. I gave 82-1/2 and the accrued interest for these bonds. I will let you have enough of them to come to your money and interest while it has been in my hands at 7 p. c., tho' I generally have a considerable sum lying in bank at 5--say, 40 or 50,000$.

"We sold 6 of your bonds, which gave 6 per cent., or $360 in gold.

"By taking off one coupon--if you can wait--the money and interest would buy about 7 of these bonds. That would give 490 in gold, or a gain of 130 a year in gold.

"Your money, according to the a/c sent you, was $5,334.46 Int. to Mar. 14 190.86 ________ "As my young man has computed 5,525.32 Int. to July 1 115.91 ________ 7000 at 82-1/2 5,775 Deficiency 133.77 ________ "Take off 2 of the coupons--making the other begin to run July 1 140 _________ Surplus $6.23

"I would like to have you inquire into the matter if you incline to do this, so as to act as much as possible on your own judgment. If you wish to come down here I will be happy to consult with you and put you in the way of making up an independent judgment.

"If you incline to something more current you can buy Cleveland and Pittsburg stock--which can be converted at any time into money; but it will only give you 7 p. c. currency on 90.

Very truly yours, "S. J. TILDEN."

WM. M. EVARTS TO TILDEN

"NEW YORK, _June 17, '73_.

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--I send you letters:

"1. Mr. Forster, a member of Parliament and of the present Cabinet. A strong friend of ours through the war and in keeping up the treaty of Washn. during the last year's storm.

"2. Lord Houghton, formerly member of H. of Commons as Rich. Monckton Milnes, an author and society man, friend of Am. politics, etc.

"3. Sir Robt. Lusk, an excellent man and lawyer, now on the Queen's bench. He was our counsel in the _Alexandra_ case when I was out in 1863-4.

"4. Sir Jno. Rose, of Morton, Rose & Co., whom you know about and probably know.

"5. Mr. Wilkins, a barrister, who has been in this country and is a very capital fellow.

"So much for an hour's work to-night.

"Yours very truly, "WM. M. EVARTS."[62]

"_The Hon'ble Saml. J. Tilden._"

In the summer of 1873, Mr. Tilden, for the first time, visited the Old World. While there he sent the following note, addressed, I presume, to John Kelly, then supreme in Tammany Hall. In this assigning reasons for his mistrust of the Republican party, the organization of which was contemporaneous with the commencement of the Civil War of 1860-61.

KEY-NOTE OF FEDERAL POLITICS IN 1873

"In the sixteen years during which it will have been in possession of the government at the expiration of the present Presidential term, all the evils which call so loudly for redress have had their origin, their persistent and daily growth. Nearly all its thinkers, speakers, and writers, its active intellect and its power of leadership are imbued with strong government theories of so extravagant a character that even Hamilton would have disowned and doubtless would have condemned them. The classes who desire pecuniary profit from existing governmental abuses have become numerous and powerful beyond any example in our country. The myriads of officeholders, with enhanced salaries, and often with illicit gains; the contractors and jobbers; the beneficiaries of congressional grants of the public property or of special franchises; the favored interests whose business is rendered lucrative by legislative bounties or legislative monopolies; the corporations whose hopes and fears are appealed to be the measures of the government; the rapacious hordes of carpet-baggers who have plundered the impoverished people of the South at least ten times as much as Tweed's Ring did the rich metropolis, and whose fungus growth is intertwined with the roots of the Republican party; all these classes are not only interested in perpetuating existing evils and existing wrongs, but they are the main agencies and instruments by which that work is done."

This is the key-note of Mr. Tilden's view of our Federal politics in 1873. Unhappily, there is nothing in this statement upon which we can boast to-day of any considerable improvement.

MR. TILDEN RESIGNS THE CHAIRMANSHIP OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEE[63]

"GENEVA, IN SWITZERLAND, _Aug. 1873_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--As I shall not be able to return home in season to take part in the political canvass of this fall, I desire through you to request the delegate to the State convention who will be chosen from my district to say for me that I decline a re-election as member-at-large of the State committee and as its chairman.

"What the country now needs in order to save it is a revival of the Jeffersonian democracy, with the principles of government and rules of administration, and with the high standard of official morality which were established by the political revolution of 1800. At that time the infant institutions of the republic were imperilled by the same evil tendencies which have to-day attained a larger development. The demoralizations of war--a spirit of gambling adventure, engendered by false systems of public finance; a grasping centralism, absorbing all functions from the local authorities, and assuming to control the industries of individuals by largesses to favored classes from the public treasury of moneys wrung from the body of the people by taxation--were then, as now, characteristics of the period. The party which swayed the government, though embracing many elevated characters, was dominated, as an organization, by the ideas of its master-spirit, Alexander Hamilton. Himself personally pure, he nevertheless believed that our American people must be governed, if not by force, at least by appeals to the selfish interests of classes, in all the forms of corrupt influence. I recently met here--in the birthplace of Albert Gallatin--a son of that great man, and himself a distinguished American. Speaking in the light of the unsullied traditions of that day, as well as of its public history, he said that the jobbery and corruption and laxity of official morals were as great, proportionally, then as now. If this be a true judgment, the reaction which was effected and which gave us half a century of comparatively pure administration is an encouragement that official morals and public life may be again lifted from degradation. As the means of the reaction of 1800, Thomas Jefferson founded and organized the Democratic party. He set up anew the broken foundations of governmental power. He stayed the advancing centralism. He restored the rights of the States and the localities. He repressed the meddling of government in the concerns of private business, remitting the management of the industries of the country to the domain of the individual judgment and conscience. He not only brought the administration into conformity with principles which lessen the occasions and the motives for corruption, but he enforced, by precept and by example, purity and disinterestedness in official life. He refused to appoint relatives to office. He declined all presents. He refrained, while in the public service, from all enterprises to increase his private fortune.