Part 29

"The Democracy have never been called on to act when _wisdom_ and _courage_, and _devotion_ to _principle_ and to _right_ were more needed than at the State convention about to be held.

"I appeal to you, therefore, to attend the primary meeting which will choose delegates to your Assembly district or county convention, and to send to that convention your most discreet and best citizens, in order that they in turn may choose as delegates to the State convention men _eminent_ for _judgment_, _integrity_, and _honor_, and who have, in the largest degree, the trust and confidence of their fellow-citizens.

"_Centralism_ in _government_ and _corruption_ in _administration_ are the twin evils of our times. They threaten with swift destruction not only civil liberty, but the whole fabric of our free institutions.

"The Democratic party was organized by Jefferson to oppose these identical evils. It conducted the national government for fifty of the seventy years of the present century, and gave the people safety, prosperity, and happiness.

"The present demoralization has happened under the ascendency of the Republican party; and though the mass of them, like the mass of all parties, are honest in their intentions, and some allowance ought to be made for the demoralizing influence of a great civil war, more of these results are to be ascribed to the utterly false and corrupting system of finance unnecessarily adopted by these Republican administrations; and there is no doubt the tendency of the principles and measures of the Republican party is unfavorable to purity in government.

"In the State, the Democracy ruled for twenty-five years--from 1821 to 1846--under Van Buren, Wright, Marcy, and Flagg; and corruption, always condemned and punished by them, was almost unknown.

"In the 24 years from 1847 to 1870 the Democracy never had a majority in the Senate. Twice only did it have a slender majority in the Assembly.

"The Republicans had the legislative power of the State, and that is now the government both at Washington and at Albany.

"The Republicans made the morals of the legislative bodies what they have recently been. When Seward and Weed took the place of Wright, Marcy, and Flagg, public and official morality fell in the twinkling of an eye.

"Even as to the city government of New York, until 1870, it was exactly what the Republican legislatures made it. The Republican party was born in 1855. In 1856 it swept the State by 80,000. In the Senate of 1857 the Democrats had but 4 out of 32 members; in the Assembly, but 37 out of 128.

"Then the Republicans made the city charter under which we have lived until 1870. At the same session the same hand which created the Republican party created also the supervisor's board, which has been the source of all the corruptions in our city government.

"The league between corrupt Republicans and corrupt Democrats which was formed during Republican ascendency was too strong for honest men in 1870. The charter of that year had the votes of nearly all the Republicans. I denounced it in a public speech.

"Wherever the gangrene of corruption has reached the Democratic party we must take a knife and cut it out by the roots.

"S. J. TILDEN."

W. F. HAVEMEYER TO R. B. CONNOLLY

"NEW YORK, _September 16, 1871_.

"RICHARD B. CONNOLLY, ESQ.

"SIR,--I have considered the question which you have submitted to me; and, to prevent the possibility of misapprehension, reduce my advice to writing.

"1. On the assumption of your innocence of the charges made against you, I do not consider resignation of your office as your proper course. Your duty is to give every facility to the fullest investigation, and to abide the result.

"2. In your answer to the request of Mayor Hall for your resignation, you have stated that your official acts which have been impeached were 'supervised and approved by the superior vigilance' of Mayor Hall; that equal responsibility for them attaches to him, and that, in his affidavits in the pending litigation, those acts were adopted and vindicated by him.

"Even if you are conscious of having done wrong in your trust, you owe it to the community not to commit another wrong, but to make every reparation within your power.

"To surrender your office into the hands of a confederate would be a fresh betrayal of your trust; and, while it might damage yourself, would fail of doing justice to the community. You practically make your own successor. As the law now stands, he can assume your office only by an arrangement to which you are a party to create a vacancy for him. The man you give place to ought not to be the tool of those implicated in the transactions which excite the public distrust and alarm. He should be the nominee of the citizens now seeking to protect the people. In that way alone can he have the confidence of the public, or sustain the credit of the city.

"No man selected by Mayor Hall can, without some other moral support from the community, have the public confidence. He will be compromised by a previous understanding with the Rodin of the 'ring' or by the acceptance of the favor.

"Fortunately, the law affords a perfect solution of the case. By sec. 3, chap. 574 of the laws of 1871, you are authorized to appoint a deputy comptroller who, in addition to his other powers, possesses every power and shall perform every duty belonging to the office of comptroller whenever the said comptroller shall by due written authority, and during a period to be specified in such authority, 'designate and authorize the said deputy comptroller to possess the power and perform the duty aforesaid.'

"My advice to you is to forthwith appoint Andrew H. Green as such deputy comptroller; to leave him to exercise the full powers of your office without conditions and without interference; with complete custody of all books and papers belonging to your office; with the appointment of all persons whom he may think necessary to protect the public property and interests, and to enable him to carry out the most searching investigations, and to aid the committees appointed for that purpose.

"I have carefully considered the selection I recommend. Mr. Green has knowledge and experience in the affairs of the city; has the most reliable character for integrity; has no relations which could mislead him by bad influences, and is strong in the public confidence. If you adopt my advice I shall insist on his accepting the disagreeable duty for the sake of the public interest."

W. F. HAVEMEYER TO A. H. GREEN

"_Sept. 16, 1871._

"MY DEAR SIR,--In advising the comptroller as to certain questions which he has submitted to me, I have deemed it best to adopt the shortest and most direct way to get at the condition of affairs in the comptroller's office and of the city government, in order that the public may have the earliest information relating [thereto]. To this end, I have advised the comptroller to appoint you his deputy, and to commit to you all the powers of his office without conditions or restrictions. This he has consented to do, and I enclose his appointment without conditions. I have no doubt that this position in the present condition of affairs will be most distasteful to you, but I deem it your duty promptly to accept its duties, and to do what you can to aid in restoring order and system in the financial affairs of the city. I have advised him not to resign, but as the best thing that can be done, under the circumstances, to appoint a deputy in whom the public has confidence. Of course you cannot accept the position with any restrictions as to the future or the past.

"Yours truly, "W. F. HAVEMEYER."

R. B. CONNOLLY TO A. H. GREEN

"COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, "_Sept. 16, 1871_.

"MR. ANDREW H. GREEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The office of deputy comptroller of this city having become vacant by the removal of Mr. Richard A. Storrs, I hereby designate and appoint you, Andrew H. Green, for that office, deputy comptroller of the city of New York, and earnestly press upon you the acceptance of this position. The critical juncture in the affairs of the city and the condition of public sentiment seem to demand that the important transactions of my department should be conducted by one possessing the unlimited confidence of the public. In determining upon the action required by the present exigency, I have been guided by the advice of gentlemen whose respectability and prominence elevate them above all suspicion of unfair or interested motive. I am endeavoring to act with sincere regard to the public interest and to insure it against possible sacrifice, and pursuing the authority and phraseology of the statute I hereby designate and authorize you to possess the power and perform all and every duty belonging to the office of comptroller of the city of New York from the time of this appointment to the first day of January, 1872.

"Very Respectfully."

CHARLES O'CONOR TO S. J. TILDEN

"N. Y., _Sept. 29, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have given the best attention in my power to the matters mentioned yesterday.

"1. My mind is fully and conclusively made up as to the convention. I will not attend it for this single reason. The post of duty on these occasions is _that_ in which one can be most useful. In my opinion this little use of my nativity is the proper _venue_ for my action. Appoint me, if you like, give me a respectable alternate, and I will write _him_ a letter.

"2. I think it would be very inexpedient to take Mr. Green out of the city for 24 hours. He ought _not_ to go to Rochester.

"3. I have little knowledge of Connolly, and no access to him, nor would I be willing to have any. Consider:

"1. Must you not in resolutions, etc., body forth the determination to compel robbers to disgorge and even to inflict punishment, etc.?

"2. Will 'Slippery Dick' stick to his integrity steadily for weeks, in the face of a hazard like this?

"Therefore,

"3. Is it not desirable to strike whilst the iron is hot, get a resignation and the appointment of 'Handy Andy,' as I perceive the slow wits of the opposition begin to call him? It is not a bad name, and might do a man good who sought preferment, if he could get it to stick. Handy Andy blundered, to be sure, but he was faithful and honest in the last degree, and his blunders were true Irish bulls; they excited merriment, thus doing good to the souls and bodies of the observers; a certain _naïve_ wit hung around each erroneous conception that evinced a good motive; besides, there was in each a singular approximation to cleverness and a kind Providence always effectively gainsaid any actual evil in the results.

"Yrs. truly, "CH. O'CONOR."

"_Mr. Tilden._"

S. J. TILDEN TO FRANCIS KERNAN (TELEGRAM)

"(_Sept. 30, 1871._)

"TO HON. FRANCIS KERNAN, Utica:

"Anti-Tammany organizations letter received. All have united on delegation headed by Charles O'Conor and Oswald Ottendorfer, and filled by our strongest representative citizens. Nearly all will personally attend. O'Conor gives his soul to the movement, and considers compromise as equivalent to ruin in State and nation. That is also my opinion. Action and not words can save us, but it must be complete and decisive action, and must fully satisfy the public opinion and the immense masses who now accept our lead and are strong enough to carry us through to success. We have no danger except in half-measured and half-hearted counsels."

CH. O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"_Oct. 2, 1871._

"DEAR SIR,--I have not time to call upon you this morning, although I wish to see you very much.

"If you should be in Wall St. early, perhaps you will step in.

"I wish to show you my letter. It may not be altogether satisfactory to you, and, if not, perhaps it should not be sent.

"I stated to you that I had some invincible scruples concerning the men, or rather the organizations who, acting as reformers, should be admitted as anti-ring representatives.

"Suddenly and without my consent my name appeared in the papers in a certain association not satisfactory. I have had great difficulty in reaching a satisfactory conclusion as to my course, increased by the circumstance that I have not had a single human being to consult with, and, in such things, one does not like to be alone. But my mind is now fully made up, and my action will be decisive, accordingly. I shall regret if in your eagerness to fix and announce my enlistment any laudable design on your part shall be injuriously affected. But for such a result, if it ensues, I shall feel blameless.

"I am, Dear Sir, "Yrs. truly, "CH. O'CONOR."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"UTICA, _October 8, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have not been well since I got back from Rochester, but I have turned over the state of things in my mind, and I now sit down to give you the ends I have reached. When I left home I thought our friends had made up their minds to take high ground. When I met Lord and others at your room I saw at once 'the switch had been changed.' When Lord asked about the ticket I knew that a party had been made up to which you and Kernan and myself were not to be invited. Of that I am proud. All of the officeholders, the canal contractors, etc., are in it. Warren, DeWolf, and Cassidy lead the move. It is not in my heart to say an unkind word of Cassidy. In many ways he has had a hard time. His fine mind has been used by others while he was left poor. It was the strange policy of the Central Railroad men to give wealth to Weed and others, who fought them if they did not, while Cassidy was helped to live by loans and in other ways which kept him poor. When Tweed went to Albany he turned a stream of patronage into the _Argus_ office which made it strong and rich. I think Cassidy means, in the main, to stand up for the right, but it is hard for him to strike men who have lifted him into wealth and when all about him shrink back. Now what are we to do? A new party is made up, and we are outside of it. For this I am glad. But this is not all. We may forgive others, but the men who have left us will not forgive us. The old ties are broken. They have yielded to temptation, and now they are like church members who have fallen from grace; they not only hate to meet their minister, but they learn to hate him. This feeling cropped out at Rochester. They were glad to hit us, and the young men would have done more if the wiser ones had not held them back. You would have been put off the State committee and McQuade would have had the seat of Kernan if they had thought it wise. All things were made ready to do both of these acts. While Kernan was thrown off of his guard by Van Buren's assurances that his seat would not be contested, the committee on credentials was made up; their names were known to McQuade's friends, and an active canvass was made in his behalf. The plan was either to reject Kernan or to keep him out until the Tammany men were made sure that their seats would not be filled. I made up my mind to go home. I told Mr. Warren I would not act as president of the convention. In the evening I was very ill, and when the committee called upon me I said I was not well enough to go into convention. This was true, but I am sorry I put that reason out. I was in so much pain that I had not my wits about me. I should have said to them, as I did to Warren, simply that I would not preside.

"Now what are we to do? You know that I hold that all that a man does about politics after he is sixty years old is only meddling with other people's business. But duty may force us to act, and then how do we stand? The Democratic leaders and organization are dead against us. The members of the convention went home pleased with the diplomacy of their leaders, but with lower tone of morality than they had when they left home. The young men we looked to with hope in the future are debauched. They were willing to have Tammany coaxed out of the convention and then to slam the door in the face of the honest men who had unearthed crime in New York. When the leaders had done their work on Thursday noon the Tammany men stood in the light of having acted in a high-toned, generous way. The convention was grateful to them for allowing it to say stealing was wrong in a way that should hurt no one's feelings. The anti-Tammany men were in disgrace and disfavor. The majority of convention wanted to leave matters in that shape, and they were angry when you and Kernan and West and others forced them to do a few decent acts. I think you saved the ticket by this. I know you saved your honor. You must now count upon the hostility of old supporters and of all State officials. You are in the way. If you mean to fight you can do so by means of the new parties in New York. You must hold them up to the highest tone and to untiring activity. You must put yourself at the head of the reformers and use your list of correspondents for any papers you wish to send out to enlist the country against frauds. I have stated all the odds against you, but you can whip the party back to right grounds if you wish to do so. It is on the defensive now.

"Truly yours, &c., "HORATIO SEYMOUR."

WM. PURCELL TO TILDEN

"ROCHESTER, N. Y., _Oct. 25, 1871_.

"_Private._

"DEAR SIR,--No single incident of the war against the machine has given the people everywhere so much joy as the announcement yesterday by telegraph that Charles O'Conor had been tendered an Assembly nomination and had not declined, but justified the hope of his acceptance. The acceptance and election to the Assembly of O'Conor would, in my judgment, aside from what he might be able to accomplish by official action, be productive of a good moral effect that is incalculable. He occupies a position to-day prouder than that of any President or crowned head. Universally recognized as the foremost man of the bar, and unreservedly trusted as a guardian of the people's rights and interests in a time of great peril, all eyes are turned towards him as a sort of savior in this era of corruption in governmental administration. His declination now, after giving ground for hope, would be disheartening. I earnestly trust that the pressure will be brought to bear upon him so strongly that he will not disappoint the people.

"You yourself ought by all means to go to the Assembly also. While your position differs in some respects from that of Mr. O'Conor, your presence at Albany this winter would be no less important. You have led, are the leaders of, the fight against the machine, and, of course, have incurred the hostility and hatred of the machine men and their henchmen in different parts of the State. The fight will be continued in various forms at Albany during the session of the Legislature, and you ought to be there to direct it, as well as to do service on the floor of the Assembly. Our Democratic press, that is heartily in the good work, must speak out fully and boldly of all proceedings this winter, and not leave iniquity to be cloaked and public sentiment to be formed by subsidized newspapers and newspaper correspondents at Albany. I have never given Albany matters during the session much attention heretofore, but next winter it will not be my fault if the public of western New York do not learn through the _Union_ what is going on, and all that is going on.

"Everything here looks well. I think we will elect Lord Senator.

"Yours, &c., "WM. PURCELL."

"P. S.--It would amuse you to see some of the written suggestions I have received since the fight was won at the State convention from those who condemned my article of the 3rd on the 'Paramount Duty,' and who wanted to 'fix things up in some way with Tammany.' One of these, in particular, is cool--suggesting to _me_ that 'the true policy _now_ is to cut loose from Tammany Hall'!"

CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"_Oct. 28, 1871._

"DEAR SIR,--I answered, declining, and they have determined to run Horatio Seymour without asking his consent.

"My letter, very full and condemnatory, is ready for the press. I don't much like to print it without consultation, especially as to one point. But later than Monday morning would be too late. What shall I do?

"Y'rs, &c., "CH. O'CONOR."

CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"N. Y., _Oct. 29, 1871_.

"DEAR SIR,--There are [no] Sundays in revolutionary times. So I am at work. The declinature is corrected and all ready. I am to have copies this afternoon for my intended constituents; it will be out in all the morning papers.

"But the greatest of the great productions of the day has just passed under my eager eyes. The speech of Frederick A. Conkling, a conspicuous Republican, is the true touchstone. Surely every honest heart in the land will be thrilled with patriotic emotion by its stirring tones.

"What do you say to this?

"Beginning to-night, let us print at once in the large octave called royal, on good paper, in large type, easily read and every way in good typography, my poor effort in the declinature and this glorious Conkling speech. Thus the views of Democrat and Republican may go side by side. It should be added that a member of the Legislature need not reside in the district that elects him. Every one don't know this. By making it known we might yet have, in the Legislature, not only yourself, but Seymour and Kernan and Minturn and others that I cannot now think of. Conkling, too, of course.

"Kernan would be a grand candidate for the Senate against Tweed or _Norton_.

"Yours truly, O'CONOR."

"P. S.--Conkling's speech was in _Herald_ of 27th. I send it to you. Don't lose it. Speed and vigor for God's sake and the Republic's.

"Yours, O'CONOR."

ROYAL PHELPS TO S. J. TILDEN

"_Private._

"22 EAST 16TH ST., SATURDAY EVENING, _Nov. 4, 1871_.

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--_You_ must not be allowed to spend any money for your election. Your noble conduct has made all honest Democrats your debtors. I have just sent my subscription to Mr. Cooper, but there must be many expenses which the committee cannot provide for, and on Monday I will send _you_ a check for $250 to aid in your personal expenses.

"It has only just occurred to me that we should all strengthen your hands, or I should have done this before.

"Very truly Your friend, & proud of your political course,

"ROYAL PHELPS."

HAMILTON FISH TO TILDEN (ENDORSING MR. TILDEN'S COURSE)

"NEW YORK, _Novr. 8, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--An old personal friend, whose views on political questions have generally differed from yours, thanks you from the bottom of his heart for your noble work, your manly, honest exposure of wrongs.

"On your election I do not congratulate you, but the public.

"There is light ahead!

"In haste, very truly y'r friend, "HAMILTON FISH."

HENRY ADAMS TO TILDEN

"HARV. COLL., CAMBRIDGE, MASS., _9 November, 1871_.

"DEAR SIR,--Now that the struggle in New York is over and the political labor, I presume, at an end, I venture to approach you with a request to which I earnestly hope you will find yourself able to accede.

"You are probably aware that the _North American Review_ has taken occasion, from time to time, to follow up the history of the great scandals which have made New York so unpleasantly famous, especially the Erie troubles. I am desirous of placing on record, by the side of the 'Chapter of Erie,' an account of the Tammany frauds and their history, given by a person whose authority is decisive. In view of the further questions relating to New York government, likely to come up before your legislature and in the press, it seems probable that a clear and a non-partisan (that is, not Republican) statement of the case may be of political value as well as of historical interest.