Part 19

"Special directions have been given not to interfere with the condition of any person held to domestic service; and, in order that there may be no ground for mistake or pretext for misrepresentation, commanders of regiments and corps have been instructed not to permit any such persons to come within their lines."

MEMORANDUM LEFT BY MR. TILDEN

Mr. John Van Buren, who had become an earnest supporter of the war, just before he made a speech at a great Democratic meeting in the city of New York, in October, 1862, called upon Mr. Tilden.

"We must be for the war," said Mr. Van Buren.

"Certainly," replied Mr. Tilden.

Mr. Van Buren showed a letter from General Scott, in which he proposed to "let our erring sisters depart in peace." Mr. Van Buren could not resist the temptation of making an oratorical point upon the letter of the great military chieftain, and read it to the meeting. An audience applauds point more than reason. Mr. Van Buren was an orator who sported with the tumultuous sympathies of a popular assembly, as a daring horseman rides a fiery steed. In the action and reaction between the speaker and the auditors, Mr. Van Buren, contrary to his intention, was carried into some seeming indulgence towards General Scott's idea. The impression was not satisfactory to his friends or to the leaders of the Democratic party.

At a casual meeting, at which were present Mr. Dean Richmond, the chairman of the Democratic State Committee, Mr. Seymour and Mr. Jones, the Democratic candidates for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. Tilden was consulted. He disapproved the aspect in which the last meeting had left the matter, and suggested that, as Mr. Seymour was to speak in Brooklyn on the evening of the next day, he should at the close of his speech make a more correct and an authoritative statement of the Democratic position in respect to the war.

Mr. Tilden was requested to reduce to writing what he suggested should be said. The next morning, on his way down-town, he left with Mr. Seymour a sketch of a peroration for the speech to be made that evening.

It was in the following words:

"And now, if my voice could reach the Southern people, through the journals of our metropolis, I would say to them that in no event can the triumph of the conservative sentiment of New York in the election mean consent to disunion, either now or hereafter. Its true import is restoration, North and South, of that Constitution which had secured every right, and under whose shelter all had been happy and prosperous until you madly fled from its protection. It was your act which began this calamitous civil war. It was your act which disabled us, as we are now disabled, of shaping the policy or limiting the objects of that war. Loyally as we maintained your rights, will we maintain the right of the government. We will not strike down its arm as long as yours is lifted against it. That noblest and greatest work of our wise ancestors is not destined to perish. We intend to rear once more upon the old and firm foundations its shattered columns, and to carry them higher towards the eternal skies. If the old flag waves in the nerveless grasp of a fanatic but feeble faction to whom you and not we abandoned it, we, whose courage you have tried when we stood unmoved between fanaticism and folly from the North and South alike, will once more bear it onward and aloft until it is again planted upon the towers of the Constitution, invincible by domestic as by foreign enemies. Within the Union we will give you the Constitution you profess to revere, renewed with fresh guarantees of equal rights and equal safety. We will give you everything that local self-government demands; everything that a common ancestry of glory--everything that national fraternity or Christian fellowship requires; but to dissolve the federal bond between these States, to dismember our country, whoever else consents, we will not. No; never, never, never!"

JOHN A. DIX TO TILDEN

"HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY CORPS, "FORT MONROE, VA., _7 Sept., 1862_.

"_My dear Sir_,--Your letter by some mischance got among those intended to go by flag of truce to Richmond, and I only received it the day before yesterday. Yesterday I wrote to Judge Pierrepont, saying that I cannot relinquish my position in the field. There is only one condition (and that an impossible one)--a call from the people of New York on me to be their Chief Magistrate for the purpose of carrying, if possible, greater vigor into the conduct of the war. I say this is impossible, because I see clearly that the Republicans will not relax their hold on anything they possess, and that the Democrats are taking the field under their old and everlasting office-seekers. I see no good to the country from such a contest, and I cannot go into it.

"Sincerely yours, "JOHN A. DIX."

"_Saml. J. Tilden, Esq._

"Consider this confidential."

HORATIO SEYMOUR (RECENTLY ELECTED GOVERNOR) TO TILDEN

"UTICA, _Nov. 10, 1862_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have a very high opinion of young Mr. Ketcham. I have made partial arrangements about my secretary, but I hope it will be in my power to serve him in some other way. I wish you would so advise him.

"Now that you and others have got me into this scrape, I wish you would tell me what to do. Give me your suggestions. I shall need all the help my friends can furnish. It looks to-day as if the administration intended to push forward without regard to public opinion. If they do, the financial rope will hang them up.

"In haste, "Truly yours, &c., "HORATIO SEYMOUR."

"_Hon. S. J. Tilden._"

TILDEN'S INTERNAL REVENUE TAX DURING THE WAR IN 1863

"COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, 163 5th Av. and "937 BROADWAY, cor. of 22d St.

"U. S. INTERNAL REVENUE, "8TH DISTRICT, STATE OF NEW YORK. "NEW YORK, _1863_.

"MR. S. J. TILDEN,

No. 2 Union Square. Street. "Your tax on income $-- and on enumerated articles $2.00 amounting to $--

as returned by the assessor of this district is due, and should be paid at once. Bankable money or checks required. Office hours from 9 A.M. to 3 P.M.

"Please bring this with you.

"Yours respectfully, "G. P. PUTNAM, "_Collector_."

AUGUST BELMONT TO TILDEN

"NEW YORK, _January 27, 1863_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--When you have done with the paper which I gave you at Albany will you be kind enough to send it to me at your convenience?

"Don't you think it is high time for the conservatives to go to work and make a powerful demonstration in our city and State in order to compel the administration to a change of measures and men? If nothing is done, I see but ruin and national bankruptcy before us. Could not Gov. Seymour send a strong and determined message to the Legislature, recommending immediate measures for a convention of the centre States, with such others as may favor us?

"Yours very truly, "AUGUST BELMONT."

"NEW YORK, _January 27, 1863_."

R. H. GILLETT TO TILDEN

"WASHINGTON, _22 Feby., 1863_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have just read your letter of 1860 to Judge Kent. It is full of wisdom and accurate prophecy. I wish it could be read by all reflective men of the old Union. Until we act upon the theories there developed, our country must submit to the evils which error has brought upon us. More fatal delusions never led mankind than guide the party in power. Until they give place to reason, sound sense, and honesty there will be no relief.

"In one of the addresses issued by the executive committee here, in 1860, prepared by me, there is a prediction of the fatal consequences of elevating to power a representative of the principles of those who nominated Lincoln. I was, it is true, unwilling to believe what my reason told me was inevitably true. But I felt bound to proclaim the convictions resulting from much reflection. But our countrymen were mad, and like mad men would heed no warning. The fatal error was committed, the consequences of which no one can calculate. But you, at least, are not responsible for the result. You did all that one man could do to direct to the path of safety. I tried to do mine, but met with no success in making converts.

"I fear there is a disposition on the part of many of our friends to take and act upon a mistaken view of our present duty. The 'peace policy' of many will prove fallacious. I would go with the sword in one hand and the most liberal measures of reconciliation in the other, while I would require all, in and out of authority, to observe the Constitution and the rights of all citizens, and punish all infractions where possible to do so without regard to station.

"After our court adjourns I intend to go to Lebanon, and hope to see you when going or returning.

"Yours truly, "R. H. GILLETT."[35]

William Chauncey Fowler, a son of Reuben Rose Fowler, was born September 1, 1793. When four years of age his parents removed to Durham, Connecticut. He graduated from Yale College in 1816, became a tutor in 1819; two years later he became pastor of the Congregational Church in Greenfield, Massachusetts. In 1825 he became professor of chemistry and natural philosophy in Middlebury (Vermont) College, whence he resigned to take the chair of rhetoric and oratory in Amherst College in 1843. In 1825 he married the daughter of Noah Webster, and edited for his father-in-law the university edition of Webster's Dictionary. He served in the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1851, and in the Senate of Connecticut in 1864. His _English Grammar_ was extensively used as a text-book in the schools. He was a member and chairman of the school board in Durham for twenty-five years. He died January 15, 1881.

WILLIAM G. FOWLER TO TILDEN

"DURHAM CENTRE, CONN., _Feb. 23, 1863_.

"S. J. TILDEN, Esq.

"DEAR SIR,--I have just risen from the perusal of your letter, addressed in 1860 to Professor _William Kent_, and published last week in the New York _World_. The public were and are under obligations to you for this satisfactory and patriotic expression of your sentiments; and, for one, I beg leave to express my thanks. The opinions you expressed have been confirmed, and the prophecies recorded have been accomplished by the thick-coming events of the last two years.

"But, unfortunately, it has been the fate of us 'union-savers' that our prophecies have been disbelieved, as were those of the fabled Cassandra when she foretold the ruin of Troy.

"'_Can the North understand the full import of the federation idea?_' This question of yours is pregnant with meaning. It did once understand it. But two or three generations since that time have passed off, or are passing off the stage, and this idea has gone with them. Can the country be restored to 'its first love,' and do its 'first works,' and thus preserve the Constitution and the Union?

"I have read the remarks of Prof. Morse and Mr. Curtis and yours with the same satisfaction with which I listened to them at Delmonico's.

"Very truly and respectfully yours, "WILLIAM C. FOWLER."

GEO. A. THURSTON TO TILDEN

"CUMBERLAND, MARYLAND, _Feby. 23, 1863_.

"HON. S. J. TILDEN.

"DEAR SIR,--I received, and have read most carefully and with great interest, your 1860 letter to the Hon. Judge Kent, which recalled to me some views you expressed at Mr. Stoughton's dinner-table during the conversation that ensued between Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Collector Schell, yourself, and myself. I must confess your predictions, both in the letter and what fell from you in that conversation, which have since been fulfilled, astonish me, and compel reluctant admissions of your superior political sagacity. Still, the worst, that is, most injurious consequences foretold by you have not yet occurred; and though I hesitate somewhat in my views and hopes from perceiving how much I did not expect, nor even apprehend, and which you asserted would happen, have resulted as you predicted, I am yet sanguine enough to believe what is still unfulfilled will remain so during our day at least; and then, after us, 'the deluge.' Allow me to subscribe myself,

Faithfully and truly Y'rs, "GEO. A. THURSTON."

TILDEN TO J. J. TAYLOR[36]

"NEW YORK, _Feb. 26, '63_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The truth is that the plan of the Society for the Diffusion of Political Information is not completely matured. It had not become a movement of much importance or definiteness of aim when it was brought into sudden notoriety by the attacks of the extreme Republican press.

"I send you a copy of the Constitution, with Mr. Curtis's introductory address. Your suggestions as to the character of the publication are good, and, I think, in accordance with the intentions of the society.

"I do, indeed, feel strengthened in the general views of public affairs which I take by the concurrence of a thoughtful and instructed mind like yours. The calamity of our times is that the people have outgrown their knowledge of their own civil institutions--in some sections of our country.

"I add a copy of the letter to Mr. Kent, which has been drawn into some renewed notoriety by the attacks on the Delmonico meeting.

"Very truly, "Your friend, "S. J. TILDEN."

H. HOGEBOOM TO S. J. TILDEN

"_Private and confidential._

"HUDSON, _June 18, 1863_.

"S. J. TILDEN, Esq.

"MY DEAR SIR,--It has occurred to me that it would do no hurt if it did no good to make some further suggestions on a topic which we discussed a little in New York--to wit., the expediency of my changing my residence to that city, or of connecting myself in a business way with some gentleman there, continuing my present official position or not till the expiration of my term as should be thought advisable. I have so much confidence in your good judgment, as well as command of large business interests, that it has occurred to me whether some sort of professional connection could not be established between us to our mutual advantage. You must have at times more than you can attend to, and, besides, will find it necessary to consult your health and allow yourself more leisure. On the other hand, my health is pretty firm, and my disposition to labor unabated. I make the suggestion for your consideration, and shall accept in the best feeling any suggestions you make, whether I suppose them to tend to my interest or not. I should be desirous if I went to New York to connect myself with large interests, if possible, and am persuaded no one in that respect is more advantageously situated than yourself. And I am convinced that with the close of this unhappy war (if it ever _does_ terminate) those interests with which your business is more directly connected will receive a decided impulse, leading to a large and lucrative increase of professional interests connected with them. Besides, such connections must place one at times in a position to make profitable investments, and in many other respects are to be desired. If such an arrangement could be made, I would be disposed to do what was, on the whole, thought advisable as to the time to enter into it. And if a business connection would not strike you as favorable to the interests of either of us or of yourself, I think you might make useful suggestions in regard to the matters here hinted at, as you already have done. I pray you to have no delicacy on the subject in saying what occurs to you as proper. Nor let the pendency of the case before me, in which you are counsel, have any influence to deter you. In such matters I profess entire independence, and while I never suspect the slightest attempt on the part of a friend to influence me, often disappoint my best friends in the conclusions at which I arrive. In that matter at present I have positively no decided opinion whatsoever. May I hear from you at your convenience, and ask you to treat this as confidential?

Truly Yours, "H. HOGEBOOM."[37]

---- to Tilden

"50 & 52 HOWARD ST., NEW YORK CITY, _July, 1863_.

"DEAR SIR,--The Legislature of this State, at its last session, made a liberal appropriation for the protection and relief of soldiers returning from the war. Under this appropriation, the New York State Soldiers' Depot has been established and located at Nos. 50 and 52 Howard Street, New York, and we beg to call your attention to the objects of the institution, and to solicit your co-operation in carrying them into effect.

"The board of managers consists of the Adjutant-General of the State, the Inspector-General, the Surgeon-General, and the Quartermaster-General, and their action is subject to the supervision of the Governor.

"The depot is a spacious building, containing every convenience for the accommodation, health, and comfort of the inmates. Food and lodgings are furnished to them free of charge; they are washed and cleansed, and provided with clean underclothing and with transportation to their homes.

"The sick and wounded enter the hospital department and receive careful medical treatment until in a condition to be forwarded to their residences. If any die at the depot, their remains are transmitted to their friends. The system of station agents and train couriers adopted by the board effectually protects the returning soldiers from robbery, imposition and vice.

"It is unnecessary to dwell upon the advantages of such an institution.

"It secures immediate relief to the suffering and needy men who return sick, wounded, and penniless from the war. It removes those who possess health and money out of the reach of the temptations of the city, and protects them from the impositions so generally practised upon returning soldiers, who are specially marked as the prey of the dishonest. Its effect will be to induce re-enlistments, for it will prove to the volunteer that the State will not forget or neglect those who fight in defence of their country.

"The board of managers, being desirous of having the advice of some of their fellow-citizens in the prosecution of their work, have concluded to form an advisory committee. You have been selected and are invited to act as one of that committee.

"You will always be welcome at the rooms of the depot.

"Very truly Yours, "----."

GEO. T. CURTIS TO TILDEN

"ROCKAWAY, _Friday, 17th July_ (_1863_).

"MY DEAR SIR,--I was obliged to leave town suddenly on Tuesday, as my family were expecting me by a certain train, and were in a little cottage here without any other male protector. I do not expect to go to the city again before Monday. I have read the city ordinance. After much reflection, it seems to me that there are two or three modes of raising the legal question; and I take it for granted that the State authorities, if the draft is pressed, will act only in support of their own judicial process. Does not the jurisdiction of our Supreme Court, in General Term, admit of a writ of prohibition, to be applied for on the ground that certain persons, etc., are about to enroll, summon, and subject to martial law A. B. and C. D., citizens of New York and members of its militia, etc., etc.? This would avoid all difficulty about the _hab. corpus_. If it be said that a prohibition out of a State court cannot control a Federal officer, I think it is sufficiently answered if the prohibition is founded on the allegation that the Federal officer is undertaking to act under color of a law constitutionally invalid. The process and the case may be afterwards drawn into the Federal judicial power for revision. But it may issue and may be served, and then there is a legal process and not a mere forcible resistance.

"The Federal court, too, has probably the same jurisdiction, although I have not the means here of looking at that. I should think Judge Nelson would come to town if requested.

"It will, of course, be understood that I am prepared to discuss the question in any court, if my services are needed.

"Y's very truly, "GEO. T. CURTIS."[38]

F. W. HUGHES TO TILDEN

"PHILA., _July 21, '63_.

"DEAR SIR,--The suspense here to have the adjudication of your courts upon the constitutionality of the conscription act is painful. If the courts shall hold that this enactment is outside of and overrides the Constitution, our people in Penn'a will sustain that position. On the other hand, if the courts shall hold the act constitutional, rather than resist law and invoke anarchy, I do not think there will be any other opposition than sporadic outbreaks and a general fleeing to avoid the compulsory service. I write to ask you that for the sake of the public peace, and I may well add for the sake of republican liberty on this continent, you give your best efforts to obtain a _speedy_ decision on this subject. I take the liberty of thus addressing you because of our former (to myself) very pleasant personal acquaintance, and because of my knowledge of your professional and political position. I feel confident you will agree with me that unless sufficient courage combines with patriotism and a comprehensive appreciation of pending movements to overthrow constitutional liberty in this sorely afflicted country, we will soon have to mourn the establishment of the most absolute despotism.

"Yours Very Truly, "F. W. HUGHES."

"PHILA., _July 21/63_.

"Please address me at Pottsville, Pa."

GEO. T. CURTIS TO TILDEN

"NASSAU ST., _July 24_ (_1863_).

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have revised the opinion wh. I gave to the Governor last March on the conscription act, and have since thought of publishing it as an opinion given to the Governor at that time. He has been bitterly assailed for having spoken of the 'rights of the people.' I want the public to see the grounds for the opinion that the people _have_ rights, which have been violated. I should not, however, print this opinion if the state of things, in the negotiations with the govt., makes it inexpedient at the present moment. But I mean to get it fully ready, and to let it be known what I think of this law as soon as there is a fitting time for it. Will you mention this to the Governor? I shall be in town again on Monday.

"Y'rs truly, "GEO. T. CURTIS."

The _National Intelligencer_ was the organ of the old Federal and Whig parties almost from the foundation of the government. It was a faithful champion of the slave-holding interests of the South until its representatives in Congress withdrew from the Union. The demise of the Whig party by the incorporation of the Northern portion of it into the Republican party and the separation of the slave States from the Union, left the _Intelligencer_ no longer any constituency, and after a few struggles like the one of which we read in the following letter from Mr. Kennedy, and a brief, precarious existence which Mr. Tilden contributed financially to prolong its publication was discontinued.

J. C. G. KENNEDY TO MR. POND

"WASHINGTON, _July 25, 1863_.

"DEAR POND,--I have been _credibly_ informed to-day that unless they shall be so fortunate as to receive immediate relief from some friendly source, the _Intelligencer_ will actually be suspended in the course of the coming week.