Part 18

"_Wm. Cassidy, Esq._"

BURWELL TO CASSIDY

"_Jan'y 30th, 1861, 11 A.M._

"MY DEAR CASSIDY,--I have just put a letter in the post-office explaining why I am here instead of being in the cars on my way to Albany, and now I acknowledge the receipt of yours of last evening. It would have been a most agreeable surprise to me had I seen you and Cagger on Saturday or any other day approaching my domicile through banks of snow. And I hope, as you have conceived the project, you will not abandon it but come at any time.

"The letter I post you this morning is of grave import, as it opens a practical work for the convention to do, and will put you on the right road to save all that is savable of our present Union.

"Do not let the Democratic sink into an Opposition party, but present an attainable object--a work to be accomplished. One that does not bring into discussion any of the questions which have heretofore divided persons possessing the same principles.

"The only fear I have is that, if the convention shall prove unanimous in demanding time until a convention of the States can be called, it will drive Weed and Seward into the same measure, and they will endeavor, through their present legislators, to accomplish the same object; but this is balanced by the consideration that they must then preserve the peace.

"Another fear I have is about the forts p. p. Let this be left in the discretion of the committee you send South. I think no harm could come from surrendering those posts to the States where they are located--during the stay of proceedings; of giving them, the seceding States, the benefit of postal and other benefits on their stipulating to collect the same revenues as are collected in other ports of the United States, until it becomes apparent that the Union cannot be restored.

"In any event, I hope and pray that no harsh, unkind, or reproachful word will be used against the seceded States, and that they may see that there is a real, substantial body of men who can and do look at the matter in its true light.

"Yours truly, "D. BURWELL."

G. W. NEWELL TO TILDEN

"WASHINGTON, _D. C._, _Feby. 6_, _1861_.

"DEAR TILDEN,--I got here Tuesday night. I cannot say I have got any new ideas, except that it is important for such Northern men to be here as can command the ears of our Southern friends--I mean of the border States, for the rest either have none at all or they are _very long ones_, and are attended by the other peculiarities of the animal whose head they adorn. The bordermen complain of the precipitancy of the South. They, themselves, take _time to deliberate_, in the presence of such weighty action, though the _aggrieved party_. How much more time do the _people_ of the North need to determine what to do, dumbfounded, as they are, and slow to see precisely where they are, and what they have done, and how far they may make reparation. It is about out of the question to expect anything from men elected on the Chicago platform, unless from the action of their constituents, in some way. Some bordermen I have seen admit this. Your letter has given you power to influence these men, and it is a moment when you should make a sacrifice to exert it, if a sacrifice is necessary. I think you should come at once.

"I found at Mr. Eames' last evening Mr. Everett, Crosswell, Guthrie, W. B. Lawrence, Col. Berrit, and Count Garowski.

Yours, &c., "G. W. NEWELL."[32]

"_S. J. Tilden, Esqr., New York._

"Mr. E. wishes me to be emphatic."

GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT TO WM. H. SEWARD

"WASHINGTON, _March 3, 1861_.

"DEAR SIR,--Hoping that in a day or two the new President will have happily passed through all personal dangers and find himself installed an honored successor of the great Washington, with you as the chief of his Cabinet, I beg leave to repeat in writing what I have before said to you orally, this supplement to my printed 'views' (dated in October last) on the highly disordered condition of our (so late) happy and glorious Union.

"To meet the extraordinary exigencies of the times, it seems to me that I am guilty of no arrogance in limiting the President's field of selection to one of the four plans of procedure subjoined:

"1. Throw off the old and assume a new designation--the Union party. Adopt the conciliatory measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden or the peace convention--and my life upon it, we shall have no new case of secession, but, on the contrary, an early return of many, if not of all, the States which have already broken off from the Union. Without some equally benign measure the remaining slave-holding States will probably join the Montgomery Confederacy in less than sixty days, when this city, being included in a foreign country, would require a permanent garrison of at least 35,000 troops to protect the government within it.

"I stop here to call your attention to the fact that Maryland did not join the Montgomery Confederacy, and yet with Maryland on our side to-night, it requires a garrison of 150,000 men to protect Washington.

"2. Collect the duties on foreign goods outside the ports of which this government has lost the command, or close such ports by act of Congress and blockade them.

"3. Conquer the seceded States by invading armies. No doubt this might be done in two or three years by a young and able general--a Wolfe, a Desaix, or a Hoche, with 300,000 disciplined men, estimating a third for garrisons, and the loss of a yet greater number by skirmishes, sieges, battles, and Southern fevers. The destruction of life and property on the other side would be frightful, however perfect the moral discipline of the invaders.

"The conquest completed at that enormous waste of human life to the North and Northwest, with at least $250,000,000 added thereto, and _cui bono_? Fifteen devastated provinces! not to be brought into harmony with their conquerors, but to be held for generations, by heavy garrisons, at an expense quadruple the net duties or taxes which it would be possible to extort from them, followed by a protector or an emperor.

"4. Say to the seceded States, Wayward sisters, depart in peace!

In haste, I remain, "Very truly yours, "WINFIELD SCOTT."

"_Hon. Wm. H. Seward, &c., &c., &c._"

J. L. O'SULLIVAN[33] TO TILDEN

"LISBON, _May 6_, _1861_.

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--The heart-breaking news has just reached us here, first of the attack and capture of Sumter, for which the signal was so madly and wickedly given by the administration (dominated, evidently, by the war portion of that party) in its despatch of reinforcements; and, secondly, of Lincoln's declaration of war by his proclamation for 75,000 volunteers for the recapture of all the Southern forts, that is, for the invasion of the South--an act followed, of course, by secession of Virginia, and soon to be followed, I have no doubt, by that of all or nearly all the border States. Also the telegraph tells of a Massachusetts regiment resisted in an (insane) attempt to force a passage through Baltimore. Gracious God, that we should have lived to see such things! You can better judge, than I could describe, my affliction. At first it drew from me convulsions of tears. I think it is a greater grief than that I passed through a little short of a year ago. What doom is sufficient for the mad authors of all this! By that I mean, for 9/10 of the crime, the ultra portion of the Republican party. The papers say that there is a common enthusiasm of all parties at the North for the support of the admn. I may stand alone, but I do not share this. I am extremely anxious to hear from you. Do write me your views. I chafe terribly under the impossibilities which alone prevent my hastening home. Not only have I not the means, but I cannot leave my debts here, when a short, prolonged stay will probably assure me the means of paying them. Then I shall come, to do my best in the fight at home for _peaceful_ separation if reunion has become indeed impossible. What will New York do? I trust devoutly that if any troops march from our State southward they may consist only of Republicans. My hope now is that the North will at last realize the mad horror of the whole thing, and that a cloud of witnesses will arise to protest against its being carried further. Thus far the country has drifted along, both sides standing obstinate to the consistency of their opposite _theories_. But surely all should now agree to pause and hold back! But the Republican leaders, I fear, will now move heaven and hell to push and drag forward the North to sustain them in the position to which they have brought things. And I fear much from the fighting character of our people. I dread the next news. If Maryland goes with Virginia there will probably be dreadful fighting for the possession of Washington, unless the wise and patriotic like you can stop it.

"We are exemplifying the fable of the dispute between the head and tail of the snake for the right to lead. The Democratic party is the natural and the only possible government of our Democratic confederation. It alone has ever understood the idea of State rights. The tail has taken its turn of leadership, and you see to what a pass it has brought the country.

"Were it not for the immediate question of the fighting to grow out of the question of the possession of Washington, I should say it were best that the border States should now all go at once, so as to make the North feel the absurdity of further prosecution of war. But reunion is now, I fear, scarcely to be hoped for!

"My wife sends you her affectionate regards.

"Ever yours, "J. L. O'SULLIVAN."

"The great question for me here of the success of our copper establishment is not yet decided. I had expected to find the works in operation. They will not be ready to begin short of a week or fortnight, and then there may be further delay from changes required in details of machinery. Everything is very encouraging. I have good prospects of a contract for rifles and artillery from this government--it is under consideration now. Could not do anything _at present_ in France, though the plan was recognized as superior to their own or to anything known. But in the present state of Europe they could not introduce a _change_, their existing armament on their own plan being on so vast a scale. But I was encouraged for a later day.

"In regard to politics, I suppose the North will be too hot to hold _me_ hereafter, if the papers are right in their account of the Northern feeling."

M. VAN BUREN TO MOSES S. TILDEN

"LINDENWALD, _May 13th, '61_.

"Many thanks to you, my dear sir, for the compliment conveyed in your obliging letter.[34]

"But be assured that if the time ever arrives for the consideration of such a work there is another man in this State who could do it far more justice than I could hope for, and that is your brother Samuel. For myself, I shall for the rest of my life have but one thing to tinker on in that way, and how that will fare in these troublesome times is, I fear, very doubtful.

"Do me the favor to present me very kindly to your good sister and all the other members of your family, and to believe me, as ever,

Your friend, "M. VAN BUREN."

MR. TILDEN'S WAR RECORD

His patriotic address to a regiment in 1861. Published in New York _Tribune_, November 3, 1874:

"NEW YORK, _Nov. 2, 1874_.

"SIR,--On Saturday afternoon, June 22d, 1861, a stand of regimental colors--the gift of its Democratic friends, merchants and others--was presented to the 37th Regiment, N. Y. S. Volunteers. The colors were presented at the Battery, the regiment then being drawn up in line, and being at the time ready to depart for the scene of war, which it did on the following day.

"There was some ceremony at the presentation of the flags, and several speeches were made. One of the speakers on the occasion was Mr. Samuel J. Tilden, who made a stirring appeal to the officers and men of the regiment--a speech not excelled in patriotism by any public speaker during the War of the Rebellion.

"The writer of this letter knows whereof he affirms, for he was also present and took part in the presentation ceremony.

(Signed) "JOHN T. AGNEW."

J. L. O'SULLIVAN TO TILDEN

"LISBON, _June 5, 1861_.

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--I have not yet a word from you, and should feel more angry than I do at such a cruel silence were it not that I fear you must be sadly harassed and occupied with your private affairs, superadded to the afflictions of the patriot. Since my last letter I have seen in the papers reason for some mitigation of the extreme disgust and indignation I had before felt in regard to the conduct of the Democratic party at the North. I had all but forsworn it, supposing that it had all gone over, bag and baggage, into this worst form of Republicanism, which consists in the support of this insane and wicked war, and that, consequently, no possible place remained for me, even in a corporal's guard, left of it. But I see in the newspaper letter from New York the cheering expression that 'the _Daily News_, by taking a strong Southern view, has largely increased its circulation, which shows that people like to see what can be said against the war, if they do not agree with the opinions expressed.' This assures me at least that even though I might be myself hung for a traitor in the streets of New York, for my sentiments on the subject, there would still remain somebody willing to cut me down and give me decent burial. I now look with great anxiety for the Democratic State convention called for the 4th of July, though what it can do to resuscitate the suicided body of the old party I do not see. I beg you to go to the office of the _News_ and subscribe for their weekly paper for me, with the back numbers for the period since the beginning of the war. Do the same in regard to the _Day Book_. Let them be directed to the U. S. Legation, Lisbon, through care of John Miller, U. S. Despatch Agent, 26 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London. Subscribe, also, for the _Weekly Post_. I must get you to advance the payment for these subscriptions for me, which I will repay. The _Herald_ I see here through another channel. The _Post_ I want only, of course, for the object of seeing the talk of the enemy. Do tell me all _your own mind_ on the subject. I am frankly and decidedly with the South now in their stand of resistance against subjugation and for independence. Whatever antecedents may have led up to it, that stand is now rightful and honorable, and submission would be pusillanimous and base, while in those very antecedents four-fifths of the wrong has been on the Northern side. This war against States constituting nearly half of the Union is an entire violation of the whole spirit of the Constitution, as well as of that of the law of '95, under which it is made. It is the South which is now fighting in defence of all the principles and rights of American liberty, for self-government and the dignity of man, and even though it should be conquered and subjugated the Union of force and military centralization thence to result would be in itself a worse political evil, and more pregnant with future mischief, than would be _now_ a confirmed separation. However, therefore, I may deplore, with heartbroken grief and shame, all the disasters of these fratricidal battle-fields, yet truth and justice and conviction extort from me the avowal that I hope the South will be successful in beating back from their own rightfully defended soil this most fatal and iniquitous invasion; and for this sentiment, though it may be the extreme of treason, I am willing to stand responsible before God and man.

"God bless you, my dear old fellow, whether you now go with me the full length of my opinions, or whether I may have to regret, as a sensible addition to all the rest of my present affliction, that we no longer stand united in our old accord of sentiments. _Eadem sentire de re publica._ Just as I would have shouldered a Northern rifle to unite in the defence of Washington against menaced invasion from the South, so would I now, were I at home, stand up in aid of the rightful defence of the Southern soil against this equally unjustifiable invasion from the North; and this, were I on that side of the Atlantic, or were it possible for me to get there, I would do, unless I could do better service to the cause of the right by speaking, writing, and acting for it at the North. It is only the foolish and mad co-operation of the deluded Democracy that has enabled the Republican administration to undertake this war, and now enables it to carry it on. In that sense the Democratic party is, though secondarily, as much responsible for it as the Republicans. If it were now to draw back and insist on peace, it has the power to enforce that policy. This is what I would labor for, and it is with a view to this that I have written to urge my views upon you and upon the public, so far as you may have consented to publish my letters, every word of which I should be glad to see in the columns of the _News_ or of the _Day Book_.

"Ever faithfully Yours, "J. L. O'SULLIVAN."

J. D. ANDREWS TO TILDEN

"_Private._

"NATIONAL HOTEL, "WASH'G., _Aug. 18, 1861_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The wheel of public events is rolling rapidly, and soon the good men of the country will have to combine outside of President and Cabinet to protect the national honor and save our institutions.

"Seward is premier and President, and under his weak, mischievous rule the ship of state is rapidly approaching the breakers. He nor the rest of the Cabinet have any administrative ability, nor any comprehension of the immensity of the crisis. They are all governed by a narrow policy, and are so intent upon personal objects that the higher duties of the citizens are made subordinate in this emergency of a nation's life to the success of the partisan.

"Seward is the great failure, but he is egotistical, false, flippant, grotesque as usual.

"Chase is equally vain and selfish, but more just, behind a rampart of dogmatic egotism. Of the rest it is unnecessary to speak, but of Blair, who is the weakest and most mischievous of the whole set.

"We are in the presence of mighty events, and under the rule of pigmies.

"Our foreign relations are in a critical condition, while Seward has not the grasp to comprehend nor direct them.

"The maladministration of the War and Navy depts. is in full force, while corrupt odors are continually exhaled.

"The army is in a disaffected, disorganized, discouraged condition, and not in good trim for service, chiefly through the utter incapacity of Cameron.

"The expenses are a million a day, which will not be patiently borne, no matter who the people are, without corresponding results.

"There is a feeling of gloomy dread in the public mind here of coming misfortune, and let me ask you what will be the effect upon the public opinion of the North if this city should be taken. The enemy is in great force, daily increasing, victorious, defiant, and in spirit and condition to be aggressive. If he does not soon attack the capital he will be restrained only by prudential or political considerations.

"The North may as well, however, look that probable event square in the face. Thus, after a rule of five months of this wretched Cabinet, with a great nation supporting it, with imperial resources at command, approved and animated by a self-sacrificing patriotism rarely equalled, we are disgraced, dishonored before the world, and scarcely in a condition to act bravely on the defensive. Soon France and England may interfere, and then, pray, what is our condition?

"You will probably remember what I said at our first meeting at the hotel of the strength and resources of the South, and of the incapacity of this Cabinet to grapple with the palpitating hearts.

"I am no prophet, but it seems as if we are only approaching a mighty revolution.

"I am mortified and humiliated that the great, brave American people have such representatives at the head of their government.

"For what are we fighting? Congress has no voice, except of adulation for political paramours, and this quailing, squirming Cabinet is dumb.

"I have never even seen Lincoln. Mr. S. told the other day that a Western gentleman of distinction said to him: 'Unless you soon change this Cabinet the people will change you, and it--'

"The New York papers are congratulating the country upon the loan. That is well, and I am gratified at the confidence in the honor and resources of the nation, yet regretting that the bankers did not make conditions, knowing that incapacity and rascality sit enthroned at the head of the War and Navy departments. Banks, it is said, has been ordered to advance his lines nearer the Potomac. McClellan is doing as well as he can--has good administrative ability. 'Tis said the lines are widening between him and Scott. Scott is infirm, and falls asleep at a brief talk. Chase is chiefly responsible for placing McDowell in command of the advancing army--and thus of our defeat.

"Please give my kind regards to Judge Pierrepont and Barbour, and with best wishes, I remain,

"Your friend & Servant, "J. D. ANDREWS."

"_Saml. J. Tilden, Esq., New York._"

GEN. JNO. A. DIX TO TILDEN

"BALTIMORE, _3 Dec., 1861_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I was much gratified by the receipt of your letter. The proclamation was issued and distributed in Accomac before I sent copies to the President and Genl. McClellan. On a few important occasions in life I have acted without consulting any one. Where my convictions have been so strong as to give me an undoubting assurance that I was right, I have fore-borne to consult others for fear they might differ with me. I do not know that Genl. McClellan approves all I have done. I am not sure as to the President, though I think he regards my policy as the true remedy for the special phase of the malady of secession, which existed on the eastern shore of Virginia. Whether he will regard it as the proper treatment for other phases of the disease I do not know. If our madmen in Congress, when everything is prospering, adopt Sumner's miserable scheme of emancipation or John Cochrane's diabolical project of arming slaves against their masters, all hope of a pacification will be at an end. Kentucky, I fear, will instantly array herself on the side of the Confederates. The conservative men of the country must make themselves felt in Congress and without a moment's delay.

"Ever sincerely yours, JOHN A. DIX."

"_Hon. Saml. J. Tilden._"

"P. S.--When I came here, four months ago, I ordered all my colonels not to allow negroes to come within their encampments. This rule has saved me from all annoyance. The only difficulty I have had grew out of the reception of a fugitive slave against my orders.

"N. B.--I send a correct copy of my proclamation. There were verbal inaccuracies in all the published copies in N. Y."

The proclamation here referred to was dated November 13, 1861, and addressed to the people of Accomac and Northampton counties, Virginia. It ran as follows:

"The military forces of the United States are about to enter your counties as a part of the Union. They will go among you as friends, and with the earnest hope that they may not, by your own acts, be forced to become your enemies. They will invade no rights of person or property. On the contrary, your laws, your institutions, your usages, will be scrupulously respected. There need be no fear that the quietude of any fireside will be disturbed, unless the disturbance is caused by yourselves.