Part 31

156 See an excellent account of this letter in an article of M. Biot in the “Journal des Savants,” 1861.

157 Sidharubam seu Grammatica Samscrdamica, cui accedit dissertatio historico-critica in linguam Samscrdamicam, vulgo Samscret dictam, in qua hujus linguæ existentia, origo, præstantia, antiquitas, extensio, maternitas ostenditur, libri aliqui in ea exarati critice recensentur, et simul aliquæ antiquissimæ gentilium orationes liturgicæ paucis attinguntur et explicantur autore Paulino a S. Bartholomæo. Romæ, 1790.

158 The earliest publications were the “Bhagavadgîta,” translated by Wilkins, 1785; the “Hitopadeśa,” translated by Wilkins, 1787; and the “Sakuntalâ,” translated by W. Jones, 1789. Original grammars, without mentioning mere compilations, were published by Colebrooke, 1805; by Carey, 1806; by Wilkins, 1808; by Forster, 1810; by Yates, 1820; by Wilson, 1841. In Germany, Bopp published his grammars in 1827, 1832, 1834; Benfey, in 1852 and 1855.

159 Halhed had published in 1776 the “Code of Gentoo Laws,” a digest of the most important Sanskrit law-books made by eleven Brahmans, by the order of Warren Hastings.

160 “On the Origin and Progress of Language,” second edition, Edinburgh, 1774. 6 vols.

161 “I have supposed that language could not be invented without supernatural assistance, and, accordingly, I have maintained that it was the invention of the Dæmon kings of Egypt, who, being more than men, first taught themselves to articulate, and then taught others. But, even among them, I am persuaded there was a progress in the art, and that such a language as the Shanskrit was not at once invented.”—_Monboddo, Antient Metaphysics_, vol. iv. p. 357.

162 Origin and Progress of Language, vol. vi. p. 97.

163 Antient Metaphysics, vol. iv. p. 322.

164 Conjugationssystem: Frankfurt, 1816.

165 New edition in 1856, much improved.

166 Second edition, 1859 and 1861. Pott’s work on the Language of the Gipsies, 1846; his work on Proper Names, 1856.

167 “Although the Old Friesian documents rank, according to their dates, with Middle rather than with Old German, the Friesian language appears there in a much more ancient stage, which very nearly approaches the Old High-German. The political isolation of the Friesians, and their noble attachment to their traditional manners and rights, have imparted to their language also a more conservative spirit. After the fourteenth century the old inflections of the Friesian decay most rapidly, whereas in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries they rival the Anglo-Saxon of the ninth and tenth centuries.”—_Grimm_, _German Grammar_ (1st ed.), vol. i p. lxviii.

168 The dialects of Swabia (the Allemannish), of Bavaria and Austria, of Franconia along the Main, and of Saxony, &c.

169 Über das Leben und die Lehre des Ulfila, Hannover, 1840. Über das Leben des Ulfila von Dr. Bessell, Göttingen, 1860.

170 Bessell, l. c. p. 38.

171 Sozomenus, H. E. vii. 6.

172 Auxentius thus speaks of Ulfilas, (Waitz, p. 19:) “Et [ita prædic]-ante et per Cristum cum dilectione Deo Patri gratias agente, hæc et his similia exsequente, quadraginta annis in episcopatu gloriose florens, apostolica gratia Græcam et Latinam et Goticam linguam sine intermissione in una et sola eclesia Cristi predicavit.... Qui et ipsis tribus linguis plures tractatus et multas interpretationes volentibus ad utilitatem et ad ædificationem, sibi ad æternam memoriam et mercedem post se dereliquid. Quem condigne laudare non sufficio et penitus tacere non audeo; cui plus omnium ego sum debitor, quantum et amplius in me laboravit, qui me a prima etate mea a parentibus meis discipulum suscepit et sacras litteras docuit et veritatem manifestavit et per misericordiam Dei et gratiam Cristi et carnaliter et spiritaliter ut filium suum in fide educavit.

“Hic Dei providentia et Cristi misericordia propter multorum salutem in gente Gothorum de lectore triginta annorum episkopus est ordinatus, ut non solum esset heres Dei et coheres Cristi, sed et in hoc per gratiam Cristi imitator Cristi et sanctorum ejus, ut quemadmodum sanctus David triginta annorum rex et profeta est constitutus, ut regeret et doceret populum Dei et filios Hisdrael, ita et iste beatus tamquam profeta est manifestatus et sacerdos Cristi ordinatus, ut regeret et corrigeret et doceret et ædificaret gentem Gothorum; quod et Deo volente et Cristo aucsiliante per ministerium ipsius admirabiliter est adinpletum, et sicuti Josef in Ægypto triginta annorum est manifes[tatus et] quemadmodum Dominus et Deus noster Jhesus Cristus Filius Dei triginta annorum secundum carnem constitutus et baptizatus, cœpit evangelium predicare et animas hominum pascere: ita et iste sanctus, ipsius Cristi dispositione et ordinatione, et in fame et penuria predicationis indifferenter agentem ipsam gentem Gothorum secundum evangelicam et apostolicam et profeticam regulam emendavit et vibere [Deo] docuit, et Cristianos, vere Cristianos esse, manifestavit et multiplicavit.

“Ubi et ex invidia et operatione inimici thunc ab inreligioso et sacrilego indice Gothorum tyrannico terrore in varbarico Cristianorum persecutio est excitata, ut Satanas, qui male facere cupiebat, nolens faceret bene, ut quos desiderabat prevaricatores facere et desertores, Cristo opitulante et propugnante, fierent martyres et confessores, ut persecutor confunderetur, et qui persecutionem patiebantur, coronarentur, ut hic, qui temtabat vincere, victus erubesceret, et qui temtabantur, victores gauderent. Ubi et post multorum servorum et ancillarum Cristi gloriosum martyrium, imminente vehementer ipsa persecutione, conpletis septem annis tantummodo in episkopatum, supradictus sanctissimus vir beatus Ulfila cum grandi populo confessorum de varbarico pulsus, in solo Romanie a thu[n]c beate memorie Constantio principe honorifice est susceptus, ut sicuti Deus per Moysem de potentia et violentia Faraonis et Egyptorum po[pulum s]uum l[iberav]it [et Rubrum] Mare transire fecit et sibi servire providit, ita et per sepe dictum Deus confessores sancti Filii sui unigeniti de varbarico liberavit et per Danubium transire fecit, et in montibus secundum sanctorum imitationem sibi servire de[crevit] ..... eo populo in solo Romaniæ, ubi sine illis septem annis, triginta et tribus annis veritatem predicavit, ut et in hoc quorum sanctorum imitator erat [similis esset], quod quadraginta annorum spatium et tempus ut multos ..... re et .... a[nn]orum ..... e vita.” .. “Qu[i] c[um] precepto imperiali, conpletis quadraginta annis, ad Constantinopolitanam urbem ad disputationem ..... contra p ... ie ... p. t. stas perrexit, et eundo in .... nn .. ne. p ... ecias sibi ax ..... to docerent et contestarent[ur] .... abat, et inge . e .... supradictam [ci]vitatem, recogitato ei im .... de statu concilii, ne arguerentur miseris miserabiliores, proprio judicio damnati et perpetuo supplicio plectendi, statim cœpit infirmari; qua in infirmitate susceptus est ad similitudine Elisei prophete. Considerare modo oportet meritum viri, qui ad hoc duce Domino obit Constantinopolim, immo vero Cristianopolim, ut sanctus et immaculatus sacerdos Cristi a sanctis et consacerdotibus, a dignis dignus digne [per] tantum multitudinem Cristianorum pro meritis [suis] mire et gloriose honoraretur.”

“Unde et cum sancto Hulfila ceterisque consortibus ad alium comitatum Constantinopolim venissent, ibique etiam et imperatores adissent, adque eis promissum fuisset conci[li]um, ut sanctus Aux[en]tius exposuit, [a]gnita promiss[io]ne prefati pr[e]positi heretic[i] omnibus viribu[s] institerunt u[t] lex daretur, qu[æ] concilium pro[hi]beret, sed nec p[ri]vatim in domo [nec] in publico, vel i[n] quolibet loco di[s]putatio de fide haberetur, sic[ut] textus indicat [le]gis, etc.”

173 Theodoret. H. E. V., 30.

174 For instances where Old High-German is more primitive than Gothic, see Schleicher, Zeitschrift für V. S., b. iv. s. 266. Bugge, ibid., b. v. s. 59.

175 See Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, p. 94.

176 Ibid. s. 60.

177 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, p. 27; Gunnlaugssaga, c. 7.

178 See Dasent’s Burnt Njal, Introduction.

179 The name Edda is not found before the fourteenth century. Snorri Sturluson does not know the word Edda, nor any collection of ancient poems attributed to Saemund; and though Saemund may have made the first collection of national poetry, it is doubtful whether the work which we possess under his name is his.

180 The people whom we call Wallachians, call themselves Romàni, and their language Romània.

This Romance language is spoken in Wallachia and Moldavia, and in parts of Hungary, Transylvania, and Bessarabia. On the right bank of the Danube it occupies some parts of the old Thracia, Macedonia, and even Thessaly.

It is divided by the Danube into two branches: the Northern or Daco-romanic, and the Southern or Macedo-romanic. The former is less mixed, and has received a certain literary culture; the latter has borrowed a larger number of Albanian and Greek words, and has never been fixed grammatically.

The modern Wallachian is the daughter of the language spoken in the Roman province of Dacia.

The original inhabitants of Dacia were called Thracians, and their language Illyrian. We have hardly any remains of the ancient Illyrian language to enable us to form an opinion as to its relationship with Greek or any other family of speech.

219 B. C., the Romans conquered Illyria; 30 B. C., they took Moesia; and 107 A. D., the Emperor Trajan made Dacia a Roman province. At that time the Thracian population had been displaced by the advance of Sarmatian tribes, particularly the Yazyges. Roman colonists introduced the Latin language; and Dacia was maintained as a colony up to 272, when the Emperor Aurelian had to cede it to the Goths. Part of the Roman inhabitants then emigrated and settled south of the Danube.

In 489 the Slavonic tribes began their advance into Mœsia and Thracia. They were settled in Mœsia by 678, and eighty years later a province was founded in Macedonia, under the name of Slavinia.

181 The entire Bible has been published by the Bible Society in Romanese, for the Grisons in Switzerland; and in Lower Romanese, or Enghadine, as spoken on the borders of the Tyrol.

182 “Ed il primo, così Dante, che cominciò a dire come poeta volgare, si mosse, perocchè volle far intendere le sue parole a donna alla quale era malagevole ad intendere versi Latini.”—_Vita Nuova_.

183 Schleicher, Beiträge, i. 19.

184 Oldest dated MS. of 1056, written for Prince Ostromir. Some older written with Glagolitic letters. Schleicher, Beiträge, b. i. s. 20.

185 Schleicher, s. 22.

186 Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, s. 77.

187 1 Kings viii. 21.

188 1 Kings ix. 26.

189 1 Kings x. 11.

_ 190 Gutta_ in Malay means _gum_, _percha_ is the name of the tree (Isonandra gutta), or of an island from which the tree was first imported (Pulo-percha).

191 See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, b. i. s. 537.

192 See also Sir Henry Elliot’s Supplementary Glossary, s. v. Aheer.

193 The arguments brought forward by Quatremère in his “Mémoire sur le Pays d’Ophir” against fixing Ophir on the Indian coast are not conclusive. The arguments derived from the names of the articles exported from Ophir were unknown to him. It is necessary to mention this, because Quatremère’s name carries great weight, and his essay on Ophir has lately been republished in the Bibliothèque Classique des Célébrités Contemporaines. 1861.

194 Job xxii. 24.

_ 195 Zend-avesta_ is the name used by Chaqâni and other Muhammedan writers. The Parsis use the name “_Avesta_ and _Zend_,” taking _Avesta_ in the sense of text, and _Zend_ as the title of the Pehlevi commentary. I doubt, however, whether this was the original meaning of the word _Zend_. _Zend_ was more likely the same word as the Sanskrit _chhandas_ (scandere) a name given to the Vedic hymns, and _avesta_, the Sanskrit _avasthâna_, a word which, though it does not occur in Sanskrit, would mean settled text. _Avasthita_, in Sanskrit, means laid down, settled. The Zend-avesta now consists of four books, Yasna, Vispered, Yashts, and Vendidad (Vendidad = vidaeva dâta; in Pehlevi, Juddivdad). Dr. Haug, in his interesting lecture on the “Origin of the Parsee Religion,” Bombay, 1861, takes _Avesta_ in the sense of the most ancient texts, _Zend_ as commentary, and _Pazend_ as explanatory notes, all equally written in what we shall continue to call the Zend language.

196 “According to the Kissah-i-Sanján, a tract almost worthless as a record of the early history of the Parsis, the fire-worshippers took refuge in Khorassan forty-nine years before the era of Yezdegerd (632 A. D.), or about 583. Here they stayed 100 years, to 683, then departed to the city of Hormaz (Ormus, in the Persian Gulf), and after staying fifteen years, proceeded in 698 to Diu, an island on the south-west coast of Katiawar. Here they remained nineteen years, to 717, and then proceeded to Sanján, a town about twenty-four miles south of Damaun. After 300 years they spread to the neighboring towns of Guzerat, and established the sacred fire successively at Barsadah, Nauśari, near Surat, and Bombay.”—_Bombay Quarterly Review_, 1856, No. viii. p. 67.

197 Alc. i. p. 122, _a_. Ὁ μὲν μαγείαν διδάσκει τὴν Ζωροάστρου τοῦ Ὠρομάζον; ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο θεῶν θεραπεία.

198 In the inscriptions we find, nom. _Auramazdâ_, gen. _Auramazdâha_, acc. _Auramazdam_.

199 Gen. _Ahurahe mazdâo_, dat. _mazdâi_, acc. _mazdam_.

200 Haug, Lecture, p. 11; and in Bunsen’s Egypt.

201 Berosus, as preserved in the Armenian translation of Eusebius, mentions a Median dynasty of Babylon, beginning with a king Zoroaster, long before Ninus; his date would be 2234 B. C.

Xanthus, the Lydian (470 B. C.), as quoted by Diogenes Laertius, places Zoroaster, the prophet, 600 before the Trojan war (1800 B. C.).

Aristotle and Eudoxus, according to Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 1), placed Zoroaster 6000 before Plato; Hermippus 5000 before the Trojan war (Diog. Laert. proœm.).

Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 2) places Zoroaster several thousand years before Moses the Judæan, who founded another kind of Mageia.

202 Printed at the end of these Lectures.

203 See Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, s. 81.

204 Farrar, Origin of Languages, p. 35.

205 “It has been common among grammarians to regard those terminational changes as evolved by some unknown process from the body of the noun, as the branches of a tree spring from the stem—or as elements, unmeaning in themselves, but employed arbitrarily or conventionally to modify the meanings of words. This latter view is countenanced by Schlegel. ‘Languages with inflexions,’ says Schlegel, ‘are organic languages, because they include a living principle of development and increase, and alone possess, if I may so express myself, a fruitful and abundant vegetation. The wonderful mechanism of these languages consists in forming an immense variety of words, and in marking the connection of ideas expressed by these words by the help of an inconsiderable number of syllables, _which, viewed separately, have no signification_, but which determine with precision the sense of the words to which they are attached. By modifying radical letters and by adding derivative syllables to the roots, derivative words of various sorts are formed, and derivatives from those derivatives. Words are compounded from several roots to express complex ideas. Finally, substantives, adjectives, and pronouns are declined, with gender, number, and case; verbs are conjugated throughout voices, moods, tenses, numbers, and persons, by employing, in like manner, terminations and sometimes augments, which by themselves signify nothing. This method is attended with the advantage of enunciating in a single word the principal idea, frequently greatly modified, and extremely complex already, with its whole array of accessory ideas and mutable relations.’ ”—_Transactions of the Philological Society_, vol. ii. p. 39.

206 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, p. 172.

207 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, s. 172.

208 “The Algonquins have but one case which may be called locative.” Du Ponceau, p. 158.

209 Marsh, p. 579.

210 In Old Portuguese, Diez mentions _senhor rainha, mia sennor formosa_, my beautiful mistress.

211 Marsh, p. 387. Barnes, Poems in Dorsetshire Dialect.

212 Survey of Languages, p. 21.

213 Fuchs, Romanische Sprachen, s. 344.

214 The Greek term for the future is ὁ μέλλων, and μέλλω is used as an auxiliary verb to form certain futures in Greek. It has various meanings, but they can all be traced back to the Sanskrit _man_ (_manyate_), to think. As _anya_, other, is changed to ἄλλος, so _manye_, I think, to μέλλω. Il. ii. 39: θήσειν ἔτ᾽ ἔμελλεν ἐπ ἀλγέα τε στοναchάς τε Τρωσί τε καὶ Δαναοῖσι, “he still thought to lay sufferings on Trojans and Greeks.” Il. xxiii. 544: μέλλεις ἀφαιρήσεσθαι ἄεθλον, “thou thinkest thou wouldst have stripped me of the prize.” Od. xiii. 293: οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἔμελλες λήξειν; “did you not think of stopping?” _i.e._ were you not going to stop? Or again in such phrases as Il. ii. 36, τὰ οὐ τελέσεσθαι ἔμελλον, “these things were not meant to be accomplished,” literally, these things did not mean to be accomplished. Thus μέλλω was used of things that were likely to be, as if these things themselves meant or intended to be or not to be; and, the original meaning being forgotten, μέλλω came to be a mere auxiliary expressing probability. Μέλλω and μέλλομαι, in the sense of “to hesitate,” are equally explained by the Sanskrit _man_, to think or consider. In Old Norse the future is likewise formed by _mun_, to mean.

215 Bopp, Comp. Grammar, § 620. Grimm, German Grammar, ii. 845.

216 Barnes, Dorsetshire Dialect, p. 39.

217 See M. M.’s Letter on the Turanian Languages, pp. 44, 46.

218 Sk. _dama_; Gr. δόμος; L. _domus_; Slav. _domü_; Celt. _daimh_.

219 See M. M.’s Essay on Comparative Mythology, Oxford Essays, 1856.

220 Ârya-bhûmi, and Ârya-deśa are used in the same sense.

221 Pân. iii. 1, 103.

222 In one of the Vedas, _arya_ with a short _a_ is used like _ârya_, as opposed to Śûdra. For we read (Vâj-San. xx. 17): “Whatever sin we have committed in the village, in the forest, in the home, in the open air, against a Śûdra, against an Arya,—thou art our deliverance.”

223 Lassen, Ind. Alt. b. i. s. 6.

224 Ibid. b. i. s. 526.

225 Ptolemy knows Ἀριάκαι, near the mouth of the Yaxartes. Ptol. vi. 14; Lassen, loc. cit. i. 6.

226 Burnouf, Yaśna, notes, 61. In the same sense the Zend-avesta uses the expression, Aryan provinces, “airyanâm daqyunâm” gen. plur., or “airyâo dainhâvô,” provincias Arianas. Burnouf, Yaśna, 442; and Notes, p. 70

227 Burnouf, Notes, p. 62.

228 Strabo, xi. 7, 11. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 19. Ptol. vi. 2. De Sacy, Mémoires sur diverses antiquités de la Perse, p. 48. Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, i. 6.

229 Strabo. xi. 11; Burnouf, Notes, p. 110. “In another place Eratosthenes is cited as describing the western boundary to be a line separating Parthiene from Media, and Karmania from Parætakene and Persia, thus taking in Yezd and Kerman, but excluding Fars.”—_Wilson, Ariana antiqua_, p. 120.

230 Hellanicus, fragm. 166, ed. Müller. Ἄρια Περσικὴ χώρα.

231 Joseph Müller, Journal Asiatique, 1839, p. 298. Lassen, loc. cit. i. 6. From this the Elam of Genesis. Mélanges Asiatiques, i. p. 623.

232 Heeren, Ideen, i. p. 337: ὁμόγλωττοι παρὰ μικρόν. Strabo, p. 1054.

233 One of the Median classes is called Ἀριζαντοί, which may be _âryajantu_. Herod, i. 101.

234 Μάγοι δὲ καὶ πὰν τὸ Ἄρειον γένος, ὡς καὶ τοῦτο γράφει ὁ Εὔδημος, οἱ μὲν, τόπον, οἱ δὲ χρόνον καλοῦσι τὸ νοητὸν ἅπαν καὶ τὸ ἡνωμένον; ἐξ οὐ διακριθῆναι ἡ θεὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ δαίμονα κακὸν ἢ φῶς καὶ σκότος πρὸ τούτων, ὡσ ἐνίους λέγειν. Οὐτοι δὲ οὖν καὶ αὐτοὶ μετὰ τὴν ἀδιάκριτον φύσιν διακρινομένην ποιοῦσι τὴν διττὴν συστοιχὴν τῶν κρειττόνων, τῆς μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι τὸν Ὀρομάσδη, τῆς δὲ τὸν Ἀρειμάνιον.—Damascius, quæstiones de primis principiis, ed. Kopp, 1826, cap. 125, p. 384.

235 De Sacy, Mémoire, p. 47; Lassen, Ind. Alt. i. 8.

236 Burnouf, Notes, 107. Spiegel, Beiträge zur Vergl. Sprachf. i. 131. Anquetil had no authority for taking the Zend _airyaman_ for Armenia.

237 Bochart shows (Phaleg, l. 1, c. 3, col. 20) that the Chaldee paraphrast renders the Minî of Jeremiah by Har Minî, and as the same country is called Minyas by Nicolaus Damascenus, he infers that the first syllable is the Semitic Har, a mountain. (See Rawlinson’s Glossary, s. v.)

238 Lassen, Ind. Alt. i. 8, note. _Arikh_ also is used in Armenian as the name of the Medians, and has been referred by Jos. Müller to Aryaka, as a name of Media. Journ. As. 1839, p. 298. If, as Quatremère says, _ari_ and _anari_ are used in Armenian for Medians and Persians, this can only be ascribed to a misunderstanding, and must be a phrase of later date.

239 Sjögren, Ossetic Grammar, p. 396. Scylax and Apollodorus mention Ἄριοι and Ἀριάνια, south of the Caucasus. Pictet, Origines, 67; Scylax Perip. p. 213, ed. Klausen; Apollodori Biblioth. p. 433, ed. Heyne.

240 Burnouf, Notes, p. 105.

241 Ptol. vi. 2, and vi. 14. There are Ἀναριάκαι on the frontiers of Hyrcania. Strabo, xi. 7; Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 19.

242 On Arimaspi and Aramæi, see Burnouf, Notes, p. 105; Plin. vi. 9.

_ 243 Qairizam_ in the Zend-avesta, _Uvârazmis_ in the inscriptions of Darius.

244 Stephanus Byzantinus.

245 Grimm, Rechts alterthümer, p. 292, traces Arii and Ariovistus back to the Gothic _harji_, army. If this is right, this part of our argument must be given up.

246 Pictet, Les Origines Indo-Européennes, p. 31. “_Iar_, l’ouest, ne s’écrit jamais _er_ ou _eir_, et la forme _Iarin_ ne se rencontre nulle part pour Erin.” Zeuss gives _iar-rend_, insula occidentalis. But _rend_ (recte _rind_) makes _rendo_ in the gen. sing.

247 Old Norse _írar_, Irishmen, Anglo-Saxon _ira_, Irishman.