Chapter 4

STERNE IN GERMANY AFTER THE PUBLICATION OF THE SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY

The publication of the Sentimental Journey, as implied in the previous chapter, brought Sterne into vital connection with literary impulses and emotional experiences in Germany, and his position as a leader was at once recognized. Because of the immediate translations, the reviews of the English original are markedly few, even in journals which gave considerable attention to English literary affairs. The _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[1] purposely delays a full review of the book because of the promised translation, and contents itself with the remark, "that we have not read for a long time anything more full of sentiment and humor." Yet, strangely enough, the translation is never worthily treated, only the new edition of 1771 is mentioned,[2] with especial praise of Füger's illustrations.

Other journals devote long reviews to the new favorite: according to the _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_[3] all the learned periodicals vied with one another in lavish bestowal of praise upon these Journeys. The journals consulted go far toward justifying this statement.

The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_ reviews both the Bode and Mittelstedt renderings, together with Bode's translation of Stevenson's continuation, in the second volume of the Anhang to Volumes I-XII.[4] The critique of Bode's work defines, largely in the words of the book itself, the peculiar purpose and method of the Journey, and comments briefly but with frank enthusiasm on the various touching incidents of the narrative: "Nur ein von der Natur verwahrloseter bleibt dabei kalt und gleichgültig," remarks the reviewer. The conception of Yorick's personal character, which prevailed in Germany, obtained by a process of elimination and misunderstanding, is represented by this critic when he records without modifying his statement: "Various times Yorick shows himself as the most genuine foe of self-seeking, of immoral _double entendre_, and particularly of assumed seriousness, and he scourges them emphatically." The review of the third and fourth parts contains a similar and perhaps even more significant passage illustrating the view of Yorick's character held by those who did not know him and had the privilege of admiring him only in his writings and at a safe distance. "Yorick," he says, "although he sometimes brings an event, so to speak, to the brink of an indecorous issue, manages to turn it at once with the greatest delicacy to a decorous termination. Or he leaves it incomplete under such circumstances that the reader is impressed by the rare delicacy of mind of the author, and can never suspect that such a man, who never allows a _double entendre_ to enter his mind without a blush, has entertained an indecent idea." This view is derived from a somewhat short-sighted reading of the Sentimental Journey: the obvious Sterne of Tristram Shandy, and the more insidiously concealed creator of the Journey could hardly be characterized discriminatingly by such a statement. Sterne's cleverness consists not in suggesting his own innocence of imagination, but in the skill with which he assures his reader that he is master of the situation, and that no possible interpretation of the passage has escaped his intelligence. To the Mittelstedt translation is accorded in this review the distinction of being, in the rendering of certain passages, more correct than Bode's. A reviewer in the _Hallische Neue Gelehrte Zeitung_[5] treats of the Sentimental Journey in the Mittelstedt translation. He is evidently unfamiliar with the original and does not know of Bode's work, yet his admiration is unbounded, though his critique is without distinction or discrimination. The _Neue Critische Nachrichten_[6] of Greifswald gives a review of Bode's rendering in which a parallel with Shakespeare is suggested. The original mingling of instruction and waggery is commented upon, imitation is discouraged, and the work is held up as a test, through appreciation or failure to appreciate, of a reader's ability to follow another's feelings, to understand far-away hints and allusions, to follow the tracks of an irregular and errant wit.

The _Hamburgischer unpartheyischer Correspondent_ for October 29, 1768, regards the book in Bode's translation as an individual, unparalleled work of genius and discourses at length upon its beneficent medicinal effects upon those whose minds and hearts are perplexed and clouded. The wanton passages are acknowledged, but the reviewer asserts that the author must be pardoned them for the sake of his generous and kind-hearted thoughts. The Mittelstedt translation is also quoted and parallel passages are adduced to demonstrate the superiority of Bode's translation.

The Germans naturally learned to know the continuation of Eugenius chiefly through Bode's translation, designated as the third and fourth volumes of the work, and thus because of the sanction of the intermediary, were led to regard Stevenson's tasteless, tedious and revolting narrative with a larger measure of favor than would presumably have been accorded to the original, had it been circulated extensively in Germany. After years the _Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung_[7] implies incidentally that Bode's esteeming this continuation worthy of his attention is a fact to be taken into consideration in judging its merits, and states that Bode beautified it. Bode's additions and alterations were, as has been pointed out, all directly along the line of the Yorick whom the Germans had made for themselves. It is interesting to observe that the reviewer of these two volumes of the continuation in the _Neue Critische Nachrichten_,[8] while recognizing the inevitability of failure in such a bold attempt, and acknowledging that the outward form of the work may by its similarity be at first glance seductive, notes two passages of sentiment "worthy even of a Yorick,"--the episode "Das Hündchen" and the anecdote of the sparrows which the traveler shot in the garden: both are additions on Bode's part, and have no connection with the original. The reviewer thus singled out for especial approval two interpolations by the German translator, incidents which in their conception and narration have not the true English Yorick ring.

The success of the Sentimental Journey increased the interest in the incomprehensible Shandy. Lange's new edition of Zückert's translation has been noted, and before long Bode[9] was induced to undertake a German rendering of the earlier and longer novel. This translation was finished in the summer of 1774, the preface being dated "End of August." The foreword is mainly concerned with Goeze's attack on Bode's personal character, a thrust founded on Bode's connection with the Sentimental Journey and its continuation. At the close of this introduction Bode says that, without undervaluing the intelligence of his readers, he had regarded notes as essential, but because of his esteem for the text, and a parental affection for the notes, he has foreborne to insert them here. "So they still lie in my desk, as many as there are of them, but upon pressing hints they might be washed and combed, and then be published under the title perhaps of a 'Real und Verballexicon über Tristram Shandy's Leben und Meinungen.'" This hint of a work of his own, serving as a commentary to Tristram Shandy, has been the occasion of some discussion. A reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_,[10] in an account of Bode's and Wichmann's renderings of "Tom Jones," begs Bode to fulfill the hopes thus raised, saying he could give Yorick's friends no more valuable or treasured gift. Böttiger in his biographical sketch of Bode expressed regret that the work never saw the light, adding that the work contained so many allusions to contemporary celebrities and hits upon Bode's acquaintance that wisdom had consigned to oblivion.[11] A correspondent, writing to the _Teutscher Merkur_,[12] minimizes the importance of this so-called commentary, saying "er hatte nie einen Kommentar der Art, . . . auch nur angefangen auszuarbeiten. Die ganze Sache gründet sich auf eine scherzhafte Aeusserung gegen seinem damaligen Freund in Hamburg, welchen er oft mit der ihm eignen Ironie mit diesem Kommentar zu drohen pflegte."

The list of subscribers to Bode's translation contained upwards of 650 names, among which are Boie, Claudius, Einsieder, Gerstenberg, Gleim, Fräulein von Göchhausen, Goethe, Hamann, Herder, Hippel, Jacobi, Klopstock, Schummel, Wieland (five copies), and Zimmermann. The names of Ebert and Lessing are not on the list. The number of subscribers in Mitau (twelve) is worthy of note, as illustrating the interest in Sterne still keenly alive in this small and far away town, undoubtedly a direct result of the admiration so lavishly expressed in other years by Herder, Hamann and their circle.

The translation was hailed then as a masterly achievement of an arduous task, the difficulties of which are only the less appreciated because of the very excellence of the performance. It contrasts most strikingly with its clumsy predecessor in its approximation to Sterne's deftness of touch, his delicate turns of phrase, his seemingly obvious and facile, but really delicate and accurate choice of expression. Zückert was heavy, commonplace, uncompromisingly literal and bristling with inaccuracies. Bode's work was unfortunately not free from errors in spite of its general excellence, yet it brought the book within reach of those who were unable to read it in English, and preserved, in general with fidelity, the spirit of the original. The reviews were prodigal of praise. Wieland's expressions of admiration were full-voiced and extensive.[13]

The _Wandsbecker Bothe_ for October 28, 1774, asserts that many readers in England had not understood the book as well as Bode, a frequent expression of inordinate commendation; that Bode follows close on the heels of Yorick on his most intimate expeditions. The _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_[14] copies in full the translation of the first chapter as both Zückert and Bode rendered it, and praises the latter in unqualified terms; Bode appears as "Yorick's rescuer." Several years later, in the _Deutsches Museum_, the well-known French translation of Shandy by Frenais is denounced as intolerable (unerträglich) to a German who is acquainted with Bode's,[15] an opinion emphasized later in the same magazine[16] by Joseph von Retzer. Indeed, upon these two translations from Sterne rests Bode's reputation as a translator. His "Tom Jones" was openly criticised as bearing too much of Sterne,[17] so great was the influence of Yorick upon the translator. Klamer Schmidt in a poem called "Klamersruh, eine ländlich malerische Dichtung,"[18] dilating upon his favorite authors during a country winter, calls Bode "our Sterne" and "the ideal translator," and in some verses by the same poet, quoted in the article on Bode in Schlichtegroll's "Nekrolog,"[19] is found a very significant stanza expressing Sterne's immeasurable obligation to his German translator:

"Er geht zu dir nun, unser Bode! Empfang ihn, Yoriks Geist! Auch dein Erbarmt er sich, Errettete vom Tode Der Uebersetzer dich!"

Matthison in his "Gruss aus der Heimath,"[20] pays similar tribute in a vision connected with a visit to Bode's resting-place in Weimar. It is a fanciful relation: as Bode's shade is received with jubilation and delight in the Elysian Fields by Cervantes, Rabelais, Montaigne, Fielding and Sterne, the latter censures Bode for distrusting his own creative power, indicating that he might have stood with the group just enumerated, that the fame of being "the most excellent transcriber" of his age should not have sufficed.

In view of all this marked esteem, it is rather surprising to find a few years later a rather sweeping, if apologetic, attack on the rendering of Shandy. J. L. Benzler, the librarian of Graf Stolberg at Wernigerode, published in 1801 a translation of Shandy which bore the legend "Newly translated into German," but was really a new edition of Bode's work with various corrections and alterations.[21] Benzler claims in his preface that there had been no translation of the masterpiece worthy of the original, and this was because the existing translation was from the pen of Bode, in whom one had grown to see the very ideal of a translator, and because praise had been so lavishly bestowed on the work by the critics. He then asserts that Bode never made a translation which did not teem with mistakes; he translated incorrectly through insufficient knowledge of English, confusing words which sound alike, made his author say precisely the opposite of what he really did say, was often content with the first best at hand, with the half-right, and often erred in taste;--a wholesale and vigorous charge. After such a disparagement, Benzler disclaims all intention to belittle Bode, or his service, but he condescendingly ascribes Bode's failure to his lowly origin, his lack of systematic education, and of early association with the cultured world. Benzler takes Bode's work as a foundation and rewrites. Some of his changes are distinctly advantageous, and that so few of these errors in Bode's translation were noted by contemporary critics is a proof of their ignorance of the original, or their utter confidence in Bode.[22] Benzler in his preface of justification enumerates several extraordinary blunders[23] and then concludes with a rather inconsistent parting thrust at Bode, the perpetrator of such nonsense, at the critics who could overlook such errors and praise the work inordinately, and at the public who ventured to speak with delight of the work, knowing it only in such a rendering. Benzler was severely taken to task in the _Neue Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[24] for his shamelessness in rewriting Bode's translation with such comparatively insignificant alterations, for printing on the title page in brazen effrontery "newly translated into German," and for berating Bode for his failure after cursing him with condescension. Passages are cited to demonstrate the comparative triviality of Benzler's work. A brief comparison of the two translations shows that Benzler often translates more correctly than his predecessor, but still more often makes meaningless alterations in word-order, or in trifling words where nothing is to be gained by such a change.

The same year Benzler issued a similar revision of the Sentimental Journey,[25] printing again on the title page "newly translated into German." The _Neue Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[26] greets this attempt with a similar tart review, containing parallel quotations as before, proving Benzler's inconsiderate presumption. Here Benzler had to face Bode's assertion that both Lessing and Ebert had assisted in the work, and that the former had in his kindness gone through the whole book. Benzler treats this fact rather cavalierly and renews his attack on Bode's rendering. Benzler resented this review and replied to it in a later number of the same periodical.[27]

Now that a century and more has elapsed, and personal acrimony can no longer play any part in criticism, one may justly admit Benzler's service in calling attention to inaccurate and inadequate translation, at the same time one must condemn utterly his manner of issuing his emendations. In 1831 there appeared a translation of Tristram Shandy which was again but a revision of Bode's work. It bore on the title page "Neu übertragen von W. H.," and contained a sketch of Sterne's life.[28]

In the nineties there seemed to be a renewal of Yorick enthusiasm, and at this time was brought forth, at Halle in 1794, a profusely annotated edition of the Sentimental Journey,[29] which was, according to the anonymous editor, a book not to be read, but to be studied. Claim is made that the real meaning of the book may be discovered only after several careful readings, that "empfindsam" in some measure was here used in the sense of philosophical, that the book should be treated as a work of philosophy, though clad in pleasing garb; that it should be thought out according to its merits, not merely read. Yorick's failure to supply his chapters with any significant or alluring chapter-headings (probably the result of indolence on his part) is here interpreted as extraordinary sagacity, for he thereby lessens the expectations and heightens the effect. "Eine Empfindungs-reise" is declared to be a more suitable name than "Empfindsame Reise," and comment is made upon the purpose of the Journey, the gathering of material for anatomical study of the human heart. The notes are numerous and lengthy, constituting a quarter to a third of the book, but are replete with padding, pointless babble and occasional puerile inaccuracies. They are largely attempts to explain and to moralize upon Yorick's emotions,--a verbose, childish, witless commentary. The Wortregister contains fourteen pages in double columns of explanations, in general differing very little from the kind of information given in the notes. The _Allgemeine Litteratur Zeitung_[30] devotes a long review chiefly to the explanation of the errors in this volume, not the least striking of which is the explanation of the reference to Smelfungus, whom everyone knows to have been Smollett: "This learned Smelfungus appears to have written nothing but the Journey which is here mentioned."[31] As an explanation of the initial "H" used by Sterne for Hume, the note is given, "The author 'H' was perhaps a poor one."[32]

Sterne's letters were issued first in London in 1775, a rather surprisingly long time after his death, when one considers how great was Yorick's following. According to the prefatory note of Lydia Sterne de Medalle in the collection which she edited and published, it was the wish of Mrs. Sterne that the correspondence of her husband, which was in her possession, be not given to the world, unless other letters bearing his name should be published. This hesitation on her part must be interpreted in such a way as to cast a favorable light on this much maligned gentlewoman, as a delicate reticence on her part, a desire to retain these personal documents for herself.[33] The power of this sentiment must be measured by her refraining from publishing during the five years which intervened between her husband's death and her own, March, 1768 to January, 1773--years which were embittered by the distress of straitened circumstances. It will be remembered that an effort was made by Mrs. Sterne and her daughter to retrieve their fortunes by a life of Sterne which was to be a collaboration by Stevenson and Wilkes, and urgent indeed was Lydia Sterne's appeal to these friends of her father to fulfill their promises and lend their aid. Even when this hope had to be abandoned early in 1770, through the faithlessness of Sterne's erstwhile companions, the widow and daughter turned to other possibilities rather than to the correspondence, though in the latter lay a more assured means of accomplishing a temporary revival of their prosperity. This is an evidence of fine feeling on the part of Sterne's widow, with which she has never been duly credited.

But an anonymous editor published early in 1775[34] a volume entitled "Letters from Yorick to Eliza," a brief little collection, the source of which has never been clear, but whose genuineness has never been questioned. The editor himself waives all claim to proof "which might be drawn concerning their authenticity from the character of the gentleman who had the perusal of them, and with Eliza's permission, faithfully copied them at Bombay."

In July of this same year[35] was published a volume entitled "Sterne's Letters to His Friends on Various Occasions, to which is added his History of a Watchcoat with Explanatory Notes," containing twelve letters (one by Dr. Eustace) and the watchcoat story. Some of these letters had appeared previously in British magazines, and one, copied from the _London Magazine_, was translated in the _Wandsbecker Bothe_ for April 16, 1774.[36] A translation of the same letter was given in the _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1774, pp. 286-7. Three of these letters only are accepted by Prof. Saintsbury (Nos. 7, 124, the letter of Dr. Eustace, and 125). Of the others, Nos. 4-11 have been judged as of doubtful authenticity. Two of them, Nos. 11 and 12 ("I beheld her tender look" and "I feel the weight of obligation") are in the standard ten-volume edition of Sterne,[37] but the last letter is probably spurious also.

The publication of the letters from Yorick to Eliza was the justification afforded Lydia Sterne de Medalle for issuing her father's correspondence according to her mother's request: the other volume was not issued till after it was known that Sterne's daughter was engaged in the task of collecting and editing his correspondence. Indeed, the editor expressly states in his preface that it is not the purpose of the book to forestall Mme. Medalle's promised collection; that the letters in this volume are not to be printed in hers.[38] Mme. Medalle added to her collection the "Fragment in the manner of Rabelais" and the invaluable, characteristic scrap of autobiography, which was written particularly for "my Lydia." The work appeared at Becket's in three volumes, and the dedication to Garrick was dated June, 1775; but, as the notice in the _Monthly Review_ for October[39] asserts that they have "been published but a few days," this date probably represents the time of the completion of the task, or the inception of the printer's work.[40] During the same year the spurious letters from Eliza to Yorick were issued.

Naturally Sterne's letters found readers in Germany, the Yorick-Eliza correspondence being especially calculated to awaken response.[41] The English edition of the "Letters from Yorick to Eliza" was reviewed in the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_,[42] with a hint that the warmth of the letters might easily lead to a suspicion of unseemly relationship, but the reviewer contends that virtue and rectitude are preserved in the midst of such extraordinary tenderness, so that one may interpret it as a Platonic rather than a sensual affection. Yet this review cannot be designated as distinctive of German opinion, for it contains no opinion not directly to be derived from the editor's foreword, and that alone; indeed, the wording suggests decidedly that source. The _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitung_[43] for April 15, 1775, reviews the same English edition, but the notice consists of an introductory statement of Eliza's identity and translation of parts of three letters, the "Lord Bathurst letter," the letter involving the criticism of Eliza's portraits,[44] and the last letter to Eliza. The translation is very weak, abounding in elementary errors; for example, "She has got your picture and likes it" becomes "Sie hat Ihr Bildniss gemacht, es ist ähnlich," and "I beheld you . . . as a very plain woman" is rendered "und hielt Sie für nichts anders als eine Frau." The same journal,[45] August 5, reviews the second collection of Sterne's letters, but there is no criticism, merely an introductory statement taken from the preface, and the translation of two letters, the one to Mistress V., "Of two bad cassocs, fair lady," and the epistle beginning, "I snatch half an hour while my dinner is getting ready." The _Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1776, p. 382, also gives in a review information concerning this anonymous collection, but no criticism.

One would naturally look to Hamburg for translations of these epistles. In the very year of their appearance in England we find "Yorick's Briefe an Eliza," Hamburg, bey C. E. Bohn, 1775;[46] "Briefe von Eliza an Yorick," Hamburg, bey Bode, 1775; and "Briefe von (Yorick) Sterne an seine Freunde nebst seiner Geschichte eines Ueberrocks," Hamburg, bey Bohn, 1775. The translator's name is not given, but there is every reason to suppose that it was the faithful Bode, though only the first volume is mentioned in Jördens' account of him, and under his name in Goedeke's "Grundriss." Contemporary reviewers attributed all three books to Bode, and internal evidence goes to prove it.[47]

The first volume contains no translator's preface, and the second, the spurious Eliza letters, only a brief footnote to the translation of the English preface. In this note Bode's identity is evident in the following quotation: He says he has translated the letters "because I believe that they will be read with pleasure, and because I fancy I have a kind of vocation to give in German everything that Sterne has written, or whatever has immediate relation to his writings." This note is dated Hamburg, September 16, 1775. In the third volume, the miscellaneous collection, there is a translator's preface in which again Bode's hand is evident. He says he knows by sure experience that Sterne's writings find readers in Germany; he is assured of the authenticity of the letters, but is in doubt whether the reader is possessed of sufficient knowledge of the attending circumstances to render intelligible the allusion of the watchcoat story. To forfend the possibility of such dubious appreciation, the account of the watchcoat episode is copied word for word from Bode's introduction to the "Empfindsame Reise."[48]

In this same year, an unknown translator issued in a single volume a rendering of these three collections.[49] The following year Mme. Medalle's collection was brought out in Leipzig in an anonymous translation, which has been attributed to Christian Felix Weisse.[50] Its title was "Lorenz Sterne's Briefe an seine vertrautesten Freunde nebst einem Fragment im Geschmack des Rabelais und einer von ihm selbst verfassten Nachricht von seinem Leben und seiner Familie, herausgegeben von seiner Tochter Mad. Medalle," Leipzig, 1776, pp. xxviii, 391. Weidmanns Erben und Reich.

Bode's translation of Yorick's letters to Eliza is reviewed in the _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitung_, August 9, 1775, with quotation of the second letter in full. The same journal notes the translation of the miscellaneous collection, November 4, 1775, giving in full the letter of Dr. Eustace and Sterne's reply.[51] The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[52] reviews together the three Hamburg volumes (Bode) and the Leipzig volume containing the same letters. The utter innocence, the unquestionably Platonic character of the relations between Yorick and Eliza is accepted fully. With keen, critical judgment the reviewer is inclined to doubt the originality of the Eliza letters. Two letters by Yorick are mentioned particularly, letters which bear testimony to Yorick's practical benevolence: one describing his efforts in behalf of a dishonored maiden, and one concerning the old man who fell into financial difficulties.[53] Both the translations win approval, but Bode's is preferred; they are designated as doubtless his. The "Briefe an Elisa" (Bode's translation) are noticed in the _Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen_, October 3 and 6, 1775, with unrestrained praise of the translator, and vigorous asseveration of their authenticity. It is recognized fully that the relation as disclosed was extraordinary among married people, even Sterne's amazing statement concerning the fragile obstacles which stood in the way of their desires is noted. Yet the Yorick of these letters is accorded undisguised admiration. His love is exalted above that of Swift for Stella, Waller for Sacharissa, Scarron for Maintenon,[54] and his godly fear as here exhibited is cited to offset the outspoken avowal of dishonoring desire.[55] Hamann in a letter to Herder, June 26, 1780, speaks of the Yorick-Eliza correspondence quite disparagingly.[56]

In 1787 another volume of Sterne letters was issued in London, giving English and German on opposite pages.[57] There are but six letters and all are probably spurious.

In 1780 there was published a volume of confessedly spurious letters entitled "Briefe von Yorick und Elisen, wie sie zwischen ihnen konnten geschrieben werden."[58] The introduction contains some interesting information for the determination of the genuineness of the Sterne letters.[59] The editor states that the author had written these letters purely as a diversion, that the editor had proposed their publication, but was always met with refusal until there appeared in London a little volume of letters which their editor emphatically declared to be genuine. This is evidently the volume published by the anonymous editor in 1775, and our present editor declares that he knows Nos. 4-10 were from the same pen as the present confessedly spurious collection. They were mere efforts originally, but, published in provincial papers, found their way into other journals, and the editor goes on to say, that, to his astonishment, he saw one of these epistles included in Lydia Medalle's collection. This is, of course, No. 5, the one beginning, "The first time I have dipped my pen in the ink-horn." These events induced the author to allow the publication. The book itself consists mostly of a kind of diary kept by Yorick to send to Eliza at Madeira and later to India, and a corresponding journal written by Eliza on the vessel and at Madeira.

Yorick's sermons were inevitably less potent in their appeal, and the editions and translations were less numerous. In spite of obvious effort, Sterne was unable to infuse into his homiletical discourses any considerable measure of genuine Shandeism, and his sermons were never as widely popular as his two novels, either among those who sought him for whimsical pastime or for sentimental emotion. They were sermons. The early Swiss translation has been duly noted.

The third volume of the Zürich edition, which appeared in 1769, contained the "Reden an Esel," which the reviewer in the _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[60] with acute penetration designates as spurious. Another translation of these sermons was published at Leipzig, according to the editor of a later edition[61] (Thorn, 1795), in the same year as the Zürich issue, 1769.

The _Berlinische Monatsschrift_[62] calls attention to the excellence of the work and quotes the sermons at considerable length. The comment contains the erroneous statement that Sterne was a dissenter, and opposed to the established church. The translation published at Thorn in 1795, evidently building on this information, continues the error, and, in explanation of English church affairs, adds as enlightenment the thirty-nine articles. This translation is confessedly a working-over of the Leipzig translation already mentioned. It is difficult to discover how these sermons ever became attached to Sterne's name, and one can hardly explain the fact that such a magazine as the _Berlinische Monatsschrift_[63] should at that late date publish an article so flatly contradictory to everything for which Sterne stood, so diametrically opposed to his career, save with the understanding that gross ignorance attended the original introduction and early imitation of Yorick, and that this incomprehension, or one-sided appreciation of the real Sterne persisted in succeeding decades. The German Yorick was the champion of the oppressed and downtrodden. The author of the "Sermons to Asses" appeared as such an opponent of coercion and arbitrary power in church and state, an upholder of human rights; hence, possibly, the authorship of this book was attributed to Sterne by something the same process as that which, in the age of heroic deeds, associated a miscellaneous collection of performances with a popular hero. The "Sermons to Asses" were written by Rev. James Murray (1732-1782), a noted dissenting minister, long pastor of High Bridge Chapel in Newcastle-on-Tyne. They were published in London in 1768 and dedicated to G. W., J. W., W. R. and M. M.--George Whitfield, John Wesley, William Romaine and Martin Madan. The English people are represented as burden-bearing asses laden with oppression in the shape of taxes and creeds.[64] They are directed against the power of the established church. It is needless to state that England never associated these sermons with Sterne.[65] The English edition was also briefly reviewed in the _Hamburgische Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_[66] without connecting the work with Sterne. The error was made later, possibly by the translator of the Zürich edition.

The new collection of Sterne's sermons published by Cadell in 1769, Vols. V, VI, VII, is reviewed by _Unterhaltungen_.[67] A selection from Sterne's sermon on the Prodigal Son was published in translation in the _Hamburgische Adress-Comptoir-Nachrichten_ for April 13, 1768. The new collection of sermons was translated by A. E. Klausing and published at Leipzig in 1770, containing eighteen sermons.[68]

Both during Sterne's life and after his death books were published claiming him as their author. In England contemporary criticism generally stigmatized these impertinent attempts as dubious, or undoubtedly fraudulent. The spurious ninth volume of Shandy has been mentioned.[69] The "Sermons to Asses" just mentioned also belong here, and, with reservation, also Stevenson's continuation of the Sentimental Journey, with its claim to recognition through the continuator's statement of his relation to Yorick. There remain also a few other books which need to be mentioned because they were translated into German and played their part there in shaping the German idea of Yorick. In general, it may be said that German criticism was never acute in judging these products, partially perhaps because they were viewed through the medium of an imperfectly mastered foreign tongue, a mediocre or an adapted translation. These books obtained relatively a much more extensive recognition in Germany than in England.

In 1769 a curious conglomerate was brought over and issued under the lengthy descriptive title: "Yoricks Betrachtungen über verschiedene wichtige und angenehme Gegenstände. Nemlich über Nichts, Ueber Etwas, Ueber das Ding, Ueber die Regierung, Ueber den Toback, Ueber die Nasen, Ueber die Quaksalber, Ueber die Hebammen, Ueber den Homunculus, Ueber die Steckenpferde, Ueber das Momusglas, Ueber die Ausschweifungen, Ueber die Dunkelkeit im Schreiben, Ueber den Unsinn, Ueber die Verbindung der Ideen, Ueber die Hahnreiter, Ueber den Mann in dem Monde, Ueber Leibnitzens Monaden, Ueber das was man Vertu nennt, Ueber das Gewissen, Ueber die Trunkenheit, Ueber den Nachtstuhl, Betrachtungen über Betrachtungen.--neque--cum lectulus, aut me Porticus excepit, desum mihi, Horat." Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1769, 8vo. The book purported to be a collection of Sterne's earliest lucubrations, and the translator expresses his astonishment that no one had ever translated them before, although they were first issued in 1760. It is without doubt the translation of an English volume entitled "Yorick's Meditations upon interesting and important subjects," published by Stevens in London, 1760.[70] It had been forgotten in England long before some German chanced upon it. The preface closes with a long doggerel rhyme, which, the translator says, he has purposely left untranslated. It is, however, beyond the shadow of a doubt original with him, as its contents prove. Yorick in the Elysian Fields is supposed to address himself, he "anticipates his fate and perceives beforehand that at least one German critic would deem him worthy of his applause."

"Go on, poor Yorik, try once more In German Dress, thy fate of yore, Expect few Critics, such, as by The bucket of Philosophy From out the bottom of the well May draw the Sense of what you tell And spy what wit and Morals sound Are in thy Rambles to be found."

After a passage in which the rhymester enlarges upon the probability of distorted judgment, he closes with these lines:

"Dire Fate! but for all that no worse, You shall be WIELAND'S Hobby-Horse, So to HIS candid Name, unbrib'd These meditations be inscrib'd."

This was at the time of Wieland's early enthusiasm, when he was probably contemplating, if not actually engaged upon a translation of Tristram Shandy. "Thy fate of yore" in the second line is evidently a poetaster's acceptation of an obvious rhyme and does not set Yorick's German experience appreciably into the past. The translator supplies frequent footnotes explaining the allusions to things specifically English. He makes occasional comparison with German conditions, always with the claim that Germany is better off, and needs no such satire. The _Hallische Neue Gelehrte Zeitungen_ for June 1, 1769, devotes a review of considerable length to this translation; in it the reviewer asserts that one would have recognized the father of this creation even if Yorick's name had not stood on its forehead; that it closely resembles its fellows even if one must place it a degree below the Journey. The _Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek_[71] throws no direct suspicion on the authenticity, but with customary insight and sanity of criticism finds in this early work "a great deal that is insipid and affected." The _Deutsche Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_, however, in a review which shows a keen appreciation of Sterne's style, openly avows an inclination to question the authenticity, save for the express statement of the translator; the latter it agrees to trust.[72] The book is placed far below the Sentimental Journey, below Shandy also, but far above the artificial tone of many other writers then popular. This relative ordering of Sterne's works is characteristic of German criticism. In the latter part of the review its author seizes on a mannerism, the exaggerated use of which emphatically sunders the book from the genuine Sterne, the monotonous repetition of the critic's protests and Yorick's verbal conflicts with them. Sterne himself used this device frequently, but guardedly, and in ever-changing variety. Its careless use betrays the mediocre imitator.[73]

The more famous Koran was also brought to German territory and enjoyed there a recognition entirely beyond that accorded it in England. This book was first given to the world in London as the "Posthumous Works of a late celebrated Genius deceased;"[74] a work in three parts, bearing the further title, "The Koran, or the Life, Character and Sentiments of Tria Juncta in Uno, M. N. A., Master of No Arts." Richard Griffith was probably the real author, but it was included in the first collected edition of Sterne's works, published in Dublin, 1779.[75] The work purports to be, in part, an autobiography of Sterne, in which the late writer lays bare the secrets of his life, his early debauchery, his father's unworthiness, his profligate uncle, the ecclesiastic, and the beginning of his literary career by advertising for hack work in London, being in all a confused mass of impossible detail, loose notes and disconnected opinion, which contemporary English reviews stigmatize as manifestly spurious, "an infamous attempt to palm the united effusions of dullness and indecency upon the world as the genuine production of the late Mr. Sterne."[76]

In France the book was accepted as genuine and it was translated (1853) by Alfred Hédouin as an authentic work of Sterne. In Germany, too, it seems to have been recognized with little questioning as to its genuineness; even in recent years Robert Springer, in an article treating of Goethe's relation to the Koran, quite openly contends for its authenticity.[77]

Since a German translation appeared in the following year (1771), the German reviews do not, in the main, concern themselves with the English original. The _Neues Bremisches Magazin_,[78] however, censures the book quite severely, but the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[79] welcomes it with unquestioning praise. The German rendering was by Johann Gottfried Gellius, and the title was "Yorick's Nachgelassene Werke."[80] The _Deutsche Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_[81] does acknowledge the doubtful authorship but accepts completely its Yorick tone and whim--"one cannot tell the copyist from the original." Various characteristics are cited as common to this work and Yorick's other writings, the contrast, change, confusion, conflict with the critics and the talk about himself. For the collection of aphorisms, sayings, fragments and maxims which form the second part of the Koran, including the "Memorabilia," the reviewer suggests the name "Sterniana." The reviewer acknowledges the occasional failure in attempted thrusts of wit, the ineffective satire, the immoral innuendo in some passages, but after the first word of doubt the review passes on into a tone of seemingly complete acceptation.

In 1778 another translation of this book appeared, which has been ascribed to Bode, though not given by Goedeke, Jördens or Meusel. Its title was "Der Koran, oder Leben und Meynungen des Tria Juncta in Uno."[82] The _Almanach der deutschen Musen_[83] treats this work with full measure of praise. The _Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek_[84] accepts the book in this translation as a genuine product of Sterne's genius. Sammer reprinted the "Koran" (Vienna, 1795, 12mo) and included it in his nine volume edition of Sterne's complete works (Vienna, 1798).

Goethe's connection with the "Koran," which forms the most interesting phase of its German career, will be treated later.

Sterne's unacknowledged borrowings, his high-handed and extensive appropriation of work not his own, were noted in Germany, the natural result of Ferriar's investigations in England, but they seem never to have attracted any considerable attention or aroused any serious concern among Sterne's admirers so as to imperil his position: the question in England attached itself as an ungrateful but unavoidable concomitant of every discussion of Sterne and every attempt to determine his place in letters. Böttiger tells us that Lessing possessed a copy of Burton's "Anatomy of Melancholy," from which Sterne filched so much wisdom, and that Lessing had marked in it several of the passages which Ferriar later advanced as proof of Sterne's theft. It seems that Bode purchased this volume at Lessing's auction in Hamburg. Lessing evidently thought it not worth while to mention these discoveries, as he is entirely silent on the subject. Böttiger is, in his account, most unwarrantedly severe on Ferriar, whom he calls "the bilious Englishman" who attacked Sterne "with so much bitterness." This is very far from a veracious conception of Ferriar's attitude.

The comparative indifference in Germany to this phase of Sterne's literary career may well be attributed to the medium by which Ferriar's findings were communicated to cultured Germany. The book itself, or the original Manchester society papers, seem never to have been reprinted or translated, and Germany learned their contents through a _résumé_ written by Friedrich Nicolai and published in the _Berlinische Monatsschrift_ for February, 1795, which gives a very sane view of the subject, one in the main distinctly favorable to Sterne. Nicolai says Sterne is called with justice "One of the most refined, ingenious and humorous authors of our time." He asserts with capable judgment that Sterne's use of the borrowed passages, the additions and alterations, the individual tone which he manages to infuse into them, all preclude Sterne from being set down as a brainless copyist. Nicolai's attitude may be best illustrated by the following passages:

"Germany has authors enough who resemble Sterne in lack of learning. Would that they had a hundredth part of the merits by which he made up for this lack, or rather which resulted from it." "We would gladly allow our writers to take their material from old books, and even many expressions and turns of style, and indeed whole passages, even if like Sterne . . . . they claimed it all as their own: only they must be successful adapters; they must add from their own store of observation and thought and feeling. The creator of Tristram Shandy does this in rich measure."

Nicolai also contends that Sterne was gifted with two characteristic qualities which were not imitation,--his "Empfindsamkeit" and "Laune"--and that by the former his works breathe a tender, delicate beneficence, a character of noble humanity, while by the latter a spirit of fairest mirth is spread over his pages, so that one may never open them without a pleasant smile. "The investigation of sources," he says, "serves as explanation and does not mean depreciation of an otherwise estimable author."

By this article Nicolai choked the malicious criticism of the late favorite which might have followed from some sources, had another communicated the facts of Sterne's thievery. Lichtenberg in the "Göttingischer Taschenkalender," 1796, that is, after the publication of Nicolai's article, but with reference to Ferriar's essay in the Manchester Memoirs, Vol. IV, under the title of "Gelehrte Diebstähle" does impugn Sterne rather spitefully without any acknowledgment of his extraordinary and extenuating use of his borrowings. "Yorick," he says, "once plucked a nettle which had grown upon Lorenzo's grave; that was no labor for him. Who will uproot this plant which Ferriar has set on his?" Ferriar's book was reviewed by the _Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften_, LXII, p. 310.

Some of the English imitations of Sterne, which did not actually claim him as author, also found their way to Germany, and there by a less discriminating public were joined in a general way to the mass of Yorick production, and the might of Yorick influence. These works represent almost exclusively the Sterne of the Sentimental Journey; for the shoal of petty imitations, explanations and protests which appeared in England when Shandy was first issued[85] had gone their own petty way to oblivion before Germany awakened to Sterne's influence.

One of the best known of the English Sentimental Journeys was the work of Samuel Paterson, entitled, "Another Traveller: or Cursory Remarks and Critical Observations made upon a Journey through Part of the Netherlands,--by Coriat Junior," London, 1768, two volumes. The author protested in a pamphlet published a little later that his work was not an imitation of Sterne, that it was in the press before Yorick's book appeared; but a reviewer[86] calls his attention to the sentimental journeying already published in Shandy. This work was translated into German as "Empfindsame Reisen durch einen Theil der Niederlande," Bützow, 1774-1775, 2 Parts, 8vo. The translator was Karl Friedrich Müchler, who showed his bent in the direction of wit and whim by the publication of several collections of humorous anecdotes, witty ideas and satirical skits.[87]

Much later a similar product was published, entitled "Launige Reise durch Holland in Yoricks[88] Manier, mit Charakterskizzen und Anekdoten über die Sitten und Gebräuche der Holländer aus dem Englischen," two volumes, Zittau und Leipzig, 1795. The translation was by Reichel in Zittau.[88] This may possibly be Ireland's "A Picturesque Tour through Holland, Brabant and part of France, made in 1789," two volumes, London, 1790.[89] The well-known "Peter Pennyless" was reproduced as "Empfindsame Gedanken bey verschiedenen Vorfällen von Peter Pennyless," Leipzig, Weidmann, 1770.

In 1788 there appeared in England a continuation of the Sentimental Journey[90] in which, to judge from the reviewers, the petty author outdid Sterne in eccentricities of typography, breaks, dashes, scantily filled and blank pages. This is evidently the original of "Die neue empfindsame Reise in Yoriks Geschmack," Leipzig, 1789, 8vo, pp. 168, which, according to the _Allgemeine Litteratur-Zeitung_ bristles with such extravagances.[91]

A much more successful attempt was the "Sentimental Journey, Intended as a Sequel to Mr. Sterne's, Through Italy, Switzerland and France, by Mr. Shandy," two volumes, 12mo, 1793. This was evidently the original of Schink's work;[92] "Empfindsame Reisen durch Italien, die Schweiz und Frankreich, ein Nachtrag zu den Yorikschen. Aus und nach dem Englischen," Hamburg, Hoffmann, 1794, pp. 272, 8vo. The translator's preface, which is dated Hamburg, March 1794, explains his attitude toward the work as suggested in the expression "Aus und nach dem Englischen," that is, "aus, so lange wie Treue für den Leser Gewinn schien und nach, wenn Abweichung für die deutsche Darstellung notwendig war." He claims to have softened the glaring colors of the original and to have discarded, or altered the obscene pictures. The author, as described in the preface, is an illegitimate son of Yorick, named Shandy, who writes the narrative as his father would have written it, if he had lived. This assumed authorship proves quite satisfactorily its connection with the English original, as there, too, in the preface, the narrator is designated as a base-born son of Yorick. The book is, as a whole, a fairly successful imitation of Yorick's manner, and it must be judged as decidedly superior to Stevenson's attempt. The author takes up the story where Sterne left it, in the tavern room with the Piedmontese lady; and the narrative which follows is replete with allusions to familiar episodes and sentiments in the real Journey, with sentimental adventures and opportunities for kindly deeds, and sympathetic tears; motifs used originally are introduced here, a begging priest with a snuff-box, a confusion with the Yorick in Hamlet, a poor girl with wandering mind seated by the wayside, and others equally familiar.

It is not possible to determine the extent of Schink's alterations to suit German taste, but one could easily believe that the somewhat lengthy descriptions of external nature, quite foreign to Sterne, were original with him, and that the episode of the young German lady by the lake of Geneva, with her fevered admiration for Yorick, and the compliments to the German nation and the praise for great Germans, Luther, Leibnitz and Frederick the Great, are to be ascribed to the same source. He did not rid the book of revolting features, as one might suppose from his preface.[93] Previous to the publication of the whole translation, Schink published in the February number of the _Deutsche Monatsschrift_[94] two sections of his book, "Die Schöne Obstverkäuferin" and "Elisa." Later, in the May number, he published three other fragments, "Turin, Hotel del Ponto," "Die Verlegenheit," "Die Unterredung."[95]

A few years later Schink published another and very similar volume with the title, "Launen, Phantasieen und Schilderungen aus dem Tagebuche eines reisenden Engländers,"[96] Arnstadt und Rudolstadt, 1801, pp. 323. It has not been possible to find an English original, but the translator makes claim upon one, though confessing alterations to suit his German readers, and there is sufficient internal evidence to point to a real English source. The traveler is a haggard, pale-faced English clergyman, who, with his French servant, La Pierre, has wandered in France and Italy and is now bound for Margate. Here again we have sentimental episodes, one with a fair lady in a post-chaise, another with a monk in a Trappist cloister, apostrophes to the imagination, the sea, and nature, a new division of travelers, a debate of personal attributes, constant appeals to his dear Sophie, who is, like Eliza, ever in the background, occasional references to objects made familiar through Yorick, as Dessein's Hotel, and a Yorick-like sympathy with the dumb beast; in short, an open imitation of Sterne, but the motifs from Sterne are here more mixed and less obvious. There is, as in the former book, much more enthusiasm for nature than is characteristic of Sterne; and there is here much more miscellaneous material, such, for example, as the tale of the two sisters, which betrays no trace of Sterne's influence. The latter part of the volume is much less reminiscent of Yorick and suggests interpolation by the translator.[97]

Near the close of the century was published "Fragments in the manner of Sterne," 8vo, Debrett, 1797, which, according to the _Monthly Review_,[98] caught in large measure the sentimentality, pathos and whimsicality of Sterne's style. The British Museum catalogue suggests J. Brandon as its author. This was reprinted by Nauck in Leipzig in 1800, and a translation was given to the world by the same publisher in the same year, with the added title: "Ein Seitenstück zu Yoricks empfindsamen Reisen." The translation is attributed by Kayser to Aug. Wilhelmi, the pseudonym of August Wilhelm Meyer.[99] Here too belongs "Mariens Briefe nebst Nachricht von ihrem Tode, aus dem Englischen,"[100] which was published also under the title: "Yoricks Empfindsame Reisen durch Frankreich und Italien," 5th vol., 8vo, Weissenfels, Severin, Mitzky in Leipzig, 1795.

[Footnote 1: VI, 1, p. 166. 1768.]

[Footnote 2: XII, 1, p. 142.]

[Footnote 3: August 28, 1769. P. 574.]

[Footnote 4: Pp. 896-9.]

[Footnote 5: III, pp. 689-91, October 31, 1768.]

[Footnote 6: V, No. 5, p. 37, 1769, review is signed "Z."]

[Footnote 7: 1794, IV, p. 62, October 7.]

[Footnote 8: Greifswald, VI, p. 300.]

[Footnote 9: See p. 42.]

[Footnote 10: Anhang LIII-LXXXVI. Vol. V, pp. 2611-2614.]

[Footnote 11: This is repeated by Jördens.]

[Footnote 12: 1799. I, p. 36.]

[Footnote 13: _Teut. Merkur_, VIII, pp. 247-251.]

[Footnote 14: April 21, 1775, pp. 267-70.]

[Footnote 15: Hirsching (see above) says it rivals the original.]

[Footnote 16: The references to the _Deutsches Museum_ are respectively IX, pp. 273-284, April, 1780, and X, pp. 553-5.]

[Footnote 17: See Jördens I, p. 117, probably depending on the critique in the _Allg. deutsche Bibl._ Anhang, LIII-LXXXVI, Vol. V, pp. 2611-2614.]

[Footnote 18: _Erholungen_ III, pp. 1-51.]

[Footnote 19: Supplementband für 1790-93, p. 410.]

[Footnote 20: Werke, Zürich, 1825-29, pp. 312 ff.]

[Footnote 21: "Tristram Shandy's Leben und Meynungen von neuem verdeutscht, Leipzig, 1801, I, pp. 572; II, pp. 532; III, pp. 430. Mit 3 Kupfern und 3 Vignetten nach Chodowiecki von J. F. Schröter." A new edition appeared at Hahn's in Hanover in 1810. This translation is not given by Goedeke under Benzler's name.]

[Footnote 22: Wieland does modify his enthusiasm by acknowledgment of inadequacies and devotes about a page of his long review to the correction of seven incorrect renderings. _Teut. Merkur_, VIII, pp. 247-51, 1774, IV.]

[Footnote 23: The following may serve as examples of Bode's errors. He translated, "Pray, what was your father saying?" (I, 6) by "Was wollte denn Ihr Vater damit sagen?" a rendering obviously inadequate. "It was a little hard on her" (I, p. 52) becomes in Bode, "Welches sie nun freilich schwer ablegen konnte;" and "Great wits jump" (I, 168) is translated "grosse Meister fehlen auch."]

[Footnote 24: LXXIII, pp. 75-81.]

[Footnote 25: Leipzig, 1801, 8vo, I, 168; II, 170. 2 Kupf. und 2 Vignetten nach Chodowiecki von G. Böttiger.]

[Footnote 26: LXXIX, pp. 371-377.]

[Footnote 27: LXXXII, I, p. 199.]

[Footnote 28: Magdeburg, I, pp. 188; II, pp. 192; III, pp. 154; IV, pp. 168; V, pp. 236.]

[Footnote 29: A Sentimental Journey, mit erläuternden Anmerkungen und einem Wortregister.]

[Footnote 30: Jena, 1795, II, pp. 427-30.]

[Footnote 31: P. 49.]

[Footnote 32: The edition is also reviewed in the _Erfurtische Gelehrte Zeitung_ (1796, p. 294.)]

[Footnote 33: The threat of Mrs. Sterne and her daughter to publish the letters to Mrs. Draper would seem to be at variance with this idea of Mrs. Sterne's character, but her resentment or indignation, and a personal satisfaction at her former rival's discomfiture are inevitable, and femininely human.]

[Footnote 34: They are reviewed in the April number of the _Monthly Review_ (LII, pp. 370-371), and in the April number of the _London Magazine_ (XLIV, pp. 200-201).]

[Footnote 35: It is noted among the publications in the July number of the _London Magazine_, XLIV, p. 371, and is reviewed in the September number of the _Monthly Review_, LIII, pp. 266-267. It was really published on July 12. (_The Nation_, November 17, 1904.)]

[Footnote 36: The letter beginning "The first time I have dipped my pen in the ink-horn," addressed to Mrs. M-d-s and dated Coxwould, July 21, 1765. The _London Magazine_ (1775, pp. 530-531) also published the eleventh letter of the series, that concerning the unfortunate Harriet: "I beheld her tender look."]

[Footnote 37: Dodsley, etc., 1793.]

[Footnote 38: Two letters, however, were given in both volumes, the letter to Mrs. M-d-s, "The first time I have dipped," etc., and that to Garrick, "'Twas for all the world like a cut," etc., being in the Mme. Medalle collection, Nos. 58 and 77 (II, pp. 126-131, 188-192) and in the anonymous collection Nos. 1 and 5. The first of these two letters was without indication of addressee in the anonymous collection, and was later directed to Eugenius (in the American edition, Harrisburg, 1805).]

[Footnote 39: LIII, pp. 340-344. The publication was October 25. See _The Nation_, November 17, 1904.]

[Footnote 40: The _London Magazine_ gives the first announcement among the books for October (Vol. XLVI, p. 538), but does not review the collection till December (XLIV, p. 649).]

[Footnote 41: Some selections from these letters were evidently published before their translation in the _Englische Allgemeine Bibliothek_. See _Frankfurter Gel. Anz._, 1775, p. 667.]

[Footnote 42: XVIII, p. 177, 1775.]

[Footnote 43: 1775, I, pp. 243-246.]

[Footnote 44: Letters Nos. 83 and 86.]

[Footnote 45: 1775, II p. 510.]

[Footnote 46: This volume was noted by _Jenaische Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen_, September, 4, 1775.]

[Footnote 47: A writer in Schlichtegroll's "Nekrolog" says that Bode's own letters to "einige seiner vertrauten Freundinnen" in some respects surpass those of Yorick to Eliza.]

[Footnote 48: Another translator would in this case have made direct acknowledgment to Bode for the borrowed information, a fact indicating Bode as the translator of the volume.]

[Footnote 49: "Lorenz Sterne's oder Yorick's Briefwechsel mit Elisen und seinen übrigen Freunden." Leipzig, Weidmanns Erben und Reich. 1775, 8vo.]

[Footnote 50: Weisse is credited with the translation in Kayser, but it is not given under his name in Goedeke.]

[Footnote 51: References to the _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitung_ are p. 518 and p. 721, 1775.]

[Footnote 52: XXVIII, 2, p. 489, 1776.]

[Footnote 53: These are, of course, the spurious letters Nos. 8 and 11, "I beheld her tender look" and "I have not been a furlong from Shandy-Hall."]

[Footnote 54: This is a quotation from one of the letters, but the review repeats it as its own.]

[Footnote 55: For a rather unfavorable criticism of the Yorick-Eliza letters, see letter of Wilh. Ludw. Medicus to Höpfner, March 16, 1776, in "Briefe aus dem Freundeskreise von Goethe, Herder, Höpfner und Merck," ed. by K. Wagner, Leipzig, 1847.]

[Footnote 56: Hamann's Schriften, ed. by Roth, VI, p. 145: "Yorick's und Elisens Briefe sind nicht der Rede werth."]

[Footnote 57: London, Thomas Cornan, St. Paul's Churchyard, 8vo, pp. 63. These letters are given in the first American edition, Harrisburg, 1805, pp. 209-218 and 222-226.]

[Footnote 58: Leipzig, Weidmanns Erben und Reich, I, pp. 142; II, pp. 150.]

[Footnote 59: The English original is probably that by William Combe, published in 1779, two volumes. This original is reviewed in the _Neue Bibl. der schönen Wissenschaften_, XXIV, p. 186, 1780.]

[Footnote 60: XII, 1, pp. 210-211. Doubt is also suggested in the _Hallische Neue Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1769, IV, p. 295.]

[Footnote 61: Reviewed in _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1798, II, p. 14, without suggestion of doubtful authenticity.]

[Footnote 62: XX, pp. 79-103, 1792.]

[Footnote 63: They are still credited to Sterne, though with admitted doubt, in Hirsching (1809). It would seem from a letter of Hamann's that Germany also thrust another work upon Sterne. The letter is directed to Herder: "Ich habe die nichtswürdige Grille gehabt einen unförmlichen Auszug einer englischen Apologie des Rousseau, die den Sterne zum Verfasser haben soll, in die _Königsberger Zeitung_ einflicken zu lassen." See Hamann's Schriften, Roth's edition, III, p. 374. Letter is dated July 29, 1767. Rousseau is mentioned in Shandy, III, p. 200, but there is no reason to believe that he ever wrote anything about him.]

[Footnote 64: The edition examined is that of William Howe, London, 1819, which contains "New Sermons to Asses," and other sermons by Murray.]

[Footnote 65: For reviews see _Monthly Review_, 1768, Vol. XXXIX, pp. 100-105; _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 188 (April). They were thus evidently published early in the year 1768.]

[Footnote 66: 1768, p. 220.]

[Footnote 67: VII, p. 360.]

[Footnote 68: Review in _Allg. deutsche Bibl._, XIII, 1, p. 241. The reviewer is inclined to doubt their authenticity.]

[Footnote 69: A spurious third volume was the work of John Carr (1760).]

[Footnote 70: See _Monthly Review_, XXIII, p. 84, July 1760, and _London Magazine_, Monthly Catalogue for July and August, 1760. _Scott's Magazine_, XXII, p. 389, July, 1760.]

[Footnote 71: XIV, 2, p. 621.]

[Footnote 72: But in a later review in the same periodical (V, p. 726) this book, though not mentioned by name, yet clearly meant, is mentioned with very decided expression of doubt. The review quoted above is III, p. 737. 1769.]

[Footnote 73: This work was republished in Braunschweig at the Schulbuchhandlung in 1789.]

[Footnote 74: According to the _Universal Magazine_ (XLVI, p. 111) the book was issued in February, 1770. It was published in two volumes.]

[Footnote 75: Sidney Lee in Nat'l Dict. of Biography. It was also given in the eighth volume of the Edinburgh edition of Sterne, 1803.]

[Footnote 76: See _London Magazine_, June, 1770, VI, p. 319; also _Monthly Review_, XLII, pp. 360-363, May, 1770. The author of this latter critique further proves the fraudulence by asserting that allusion is made in the book to "facts and circumstances which did not happen until Yorick was dead."]

[Footnote 77: It is obviously not the place here for a full discussion of this question. Hédouin in the appendix of his "Life of Goethe" (pp. 291 ff) urges the claims of the book and resents Fitzgerald's rather scornful characterization of the French critics who received the work as Sterne's (see Life of Sterne, 1864, II, p. 429). Hédouin refers to Jules Janin ("Essai sur la vie et les ouvrages de Sterne") and Balzac ("Physiologie du mariage," Meditation xvii,) as citing from the work as genuine. Barbey d'Aurevilly is, however, noted as contending in _la Patrie_ against the authenticity. This is probably the article to be found in his collection of Essays, "XIX Siècle, Les oeuvres et les hommes," Paris, 1890, pp. 73-93. Fitzgerald mentions Chasles among French critics who accept the book. Springer is incorrect in his assertion that the Koran appeared seven years after Sterne's death, but he is probably building on the incorrect statement in the _Quarterly Review_ (XCIV, pp. 303 ff). Springer also asserts erroneously that it was never published in Sterne's collected works. He is evidently disposed to make a case for the Koran and finds really his chief proof in the fact that both Goethe and Jean Paul accepted it unquestioningly. Bodmer quotes Sterne from the Koran in a letter to Denis, April 4, 1771, "M. Denis Lit. Nachlass," ed. by Retzer, Wien, 1801, II, p. 120, and other German authors have in a similar way made quotations from this work, without questioning its authenticity.]

[Footnote 78: III, p. 537, 1771.]

[Footnote 79: X, p. 173.]

[Footnote 80: Leipzig, Schwickert, 1771, pp. 326, 8vo.]

[Footnote 81: V, p. 726.]

[Footnote 82: Hamburg, Herold, 1778, pp. 248, 12mo.]

[Footnote 83: 1779, p. 67.]

[Footnote 84: Anhang to XXV-XXXVI, Vol. II, p. 768.]

[Footnote 85: As products of the year 1760, one may note:

Tristram Shandy at Ranelagh, 8vo, Dunstan.

Tristram Shandy in a Reverie, 8vo, Williams.

Explanatory Remarks upon the Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, by Jeremiah Kunastrokins, 12mo, Cabe.

A Genuine Letter from a Methodist Preacher in the Country to Laurence Sterne, 8vo, Vandenberg.

A Shandean essay on Human Passions, etc., by Caleb MacWhim, 4to, Cooke.

Yorick's Meditations upon Interesting and Important Subjects.

The Life and Opinions of Miss Sukey Shandy, Stevens.

The Clockmaker's Outcry Against Tristram Shandy, Burd.

The Rake of Taste, or the Elegant Debauchee (another ape of the Shandean style, according to _London Magazine_).

A Supplement to the Life and Opinion of Tristram Shandy, by the author of Yorick's Meditations, 12mo.]

[Footnote 86: _Monthly Review_, XL, p. 166.]

[Footnote 87: "Der Reisegefährte," Berlin, 1785-86. "Komus oder der Freund des Scherzes und der Laune," Berlin, 1806. "Museum des Witzes der Laune und der Satyre," Berlin, 1810. For reviews of Coriat in German periodicals see _Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen_, 1774, p. 378; _Leipziger Musen-Almanach_, 1776, p. 85; _Almanach der Deutschen Musen_, 1775, p. 84; _Unterhaltungen_, VII, p. 167.]

[Footnote 88: See _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1796, I, p. 256.]

[Transcriber's Note: The first of the two footnote tags may be an error.]

[Footnote 89: The identity could be proven or disproven by comparison. There is a copy of the German work in the Leipzig University Library. Ireland's book is in the British Museum.]

[Footnote 90: See the _English Review_, XIII, p. 69, 1789, and the _Monthly Review_, LXXIX, p. 468, 1788.]

[Footnote 91: _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1791, I, p. 197. A sample of the author's absurdity is given there in quotation.]

[Footnote 92: Joh. Friedrich Schink, better known as a dramatist.]

[Footnote 93: See the story of the gentlewoman from Thionville, p. 250, and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 94: The references to the _Deutsche Monatsschrift_ are respectively, I, pp. 181-188, and II, pp. 65-71.]

[Footnote 95: For review of Schink's book see _Allg. Litt. Zeitung_, 1794, IV, p. 62, October 7. Böttiger seems to think that Schink's work is but another working over of Stevenson's continuation.]

[Footnote 96: It is not given by Goedeke or Meusel, but is given among Schink's works in "Neuer Nekrolog der Deutschen," Weimar, 1835-1837, XIII, pp. 161-165.]

[Footnote 97: In both these books the English author may perhaps be responsible for some of the deviation from Sterne's style.]

[Footnote 98: CV, p. 271.]

[Footnote 99: Kayser notes another translation, "Fragmente in Yorick's Manier, aus dem Eng., mit Kpf., 8vo." London, 1800. It is possibly identical with the one noted above. A second edition of the original came out in 1798.]

[Footnote 100: The original of this was published by Kearsley in London, 1790, 12mo, a teary contribution to the story of Maria of Moulines.]