Chapter 10

SEC. 5. _And be it further enacted_, That if any person shall within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, increase or augment, or procure to be increased or augmented, or shall knowingly be concerned in increasing or augmenting the force of any ship of war, or cruiser, or other armed vessel, which at the time of her arrival within the United States was a ship of war, or cruiser, or armed vessel in the service of any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people, or belonged to the subjects or citizens of any such prince, State, colony, district or people, the same being at war with any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people with whom the United States are at peace, by adding to the number of guns of such vessel, or by changing those on board of her for guns of a larger calibre, or by addition thereto of any equipment solely applicable to war, or shall have on board any person or persons who shall have enlisted, or engaged to enlist or serve, or who shall be departing from the jurisdiction of the United States with intent to enlist or serve in contravention of the provisions of this act; every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall upon conviction thereof be punished by fine or imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the court in which such offender shall be convicted.

SEC. 6. _And be it further enacted_, That the District Courts shall take cognizance of all complaints, informations, indictments, or other prosecutions, by whomsoever instituted, in cases of captures made within the waters of the United States or within a marine league of the coasts or shores thereof.

SEC. 7. _And be it further enacted_, That in every case in which a vessel shall be fitted out and armed, or in which the force of any vessel of war, cruiser, or other armed vessel shall be increased or augmented, in every case of the capture of a ship or vessel within the jurisdiction or protection of the United States, as before defined, and in every case in which any process issuing out of any court of the United States shall be disobeyed or resisted by any person or persons having the custody of any vessel of war, cruiser or other, armed vessel of any prince or State, or of any colony, district or people, or of any subjects or citizens of any foreign prince, State, or of any colony, district or people in any such case, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose to employ such part of the land and naval forces of the United States or of the militia thereof, for the purpose of taking of and detaining any such ship or vessel with her prize or prizes, if any, in order to the execution of the prohibition or penalties of this act, and to the restoring the prize or prizes in the cases in which restoration shall have been adjudged.

SEC. 8. _And be it further enacted_, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such person as he shall empower for that purpose, to employ such part of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia thereof, as shall be necessary to compel any foreign ship or vessel to depart the United States in all cases in which, by the laws of nations or the treaties of the United States they ought not to remain within the United States.

SEC. 9. _And be it further enacted_, That offences made punishable by the provisions of this act, committed by citizens of the United States, beyond the jurisdiction of the United States, may be prosecuted and tried before any court having jurisdiction of the offences prohibited by this act.

SEC. 10. _And be it further enacted_, That nothing in this act shall be so construed as to prohibit citizens of the United States from selling vessels, ships or steamers built within the limits thereof, or materials or munitions of war, the growth or product of the same, to inhabitants of other countries, or to Governments not at war with the United States: provided that the operation of this section of this act shall be suspended by the President of the United States with regard to any classes of purchases, whenever the United States shall be engaged in war, or whenever the maintenance of friendly relations with any foreign nation may in his judgment require it.

SEC. 11. _And be it further enacted_, That nothing in the foregoing act shall be construed to prevent the prosecution or punishment of treason, or any piracy or other felony defined by the laws of the United States.

SEC. 12. _And be it further enacted_, That all acts and parts of acts inconsistent with the provisions of this act or inflicting any further or other penalty or forfeiture than are hereinbefore provided for. The acts forbidden herein are hereby repealed.

POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES.

STATES. 1850. 1860.

Alabama 771,623 964,296 Arkansas 209,897 435,427 California 92,597 380,015 Connecticut 370,792 460,151 Delaware 91,532 112,218 Florida 87,445 140,439 Georgia 906,185 1,057,327 Illinois 851,470 1,711,753 Indiana 988,416 1,350,479 Iowa 192,214 674,948 Kansas ... 107,710 Kentucky 982,405 1,155,713 Louisiana 517,762 709,433 Maine 583,169 628,276 Maryland 583,034 687,034 Massachusetts 994,514 1,231,065 Michigan 397,654 749,112 Minnesota 6,077 162,022 Mississippi 606,026 791,395 Missouri 682,044 1,173,317 New Hampshire 317,976 326,072 New Jersey 489,555 672,031 New York 3,097,394 3,887,542 North Carolina 869,039 992,667 Ohio 1,980,329 2,339,599 Oregon 12,093 52,464 Pennsylvania 2,311,786 2,906,370 Rhode Island 147,545 174,621 South Carolina 668,507 703,812 Tennessee 1,002,717 1,109,847 Texas 212,592 601,039 Vermont 314,120 315,116 Virginia 1,421,661 1,596,083 Wisconsin 305,391 775,873

TERRITORIES, ETC.

Colorado .... 34,197 Dakotah .... 4,839 Nebraska .... 28,842 Nevada .... 6,857 New Mexico 61,547 93,541 Utah 11,380 40,295 Washington 1,201 11,578 District of Columbia 51,687 75,076

Total 23,191,876 31,429,891

SLAVE POPULATION IN THE U.S. IN 1860.

STATES. 1850. 1860.

Alabama 342,844 435,132 Arkansas 47,100 111,104 Delaware 2,290 1,798 Florida 39,310 61,753 Georgia 381,682 462,230 Kentucky 210,981 225,490 Louisiana 244,809 332,520 Maryland 90,368 87,188 Mississippi 309,878 436,696 Missouri 87,422 114,965 North Carolina 288,548 331,081 South Carolina 384,984 402,541 Tennessee 239,459 275,784 Texas 58,161 180,388 Virginia 472,528 490,887 Nebraska (Territory) .. 10 Utah " .. 29 New Mexico " 26 24 District of Columbia 3,687 3,181

Total 3,204,077 3,952,801

STATISTICS OF SLAVERY BEFORE THE REVOLUTION.

AMERICAN SLAVERY IN 1715.

In the reign of George I., the ascertained population of the Continental Colonies was as follows:

White Men. Negro Slaves. New Hampshire 9,500 150 Massachusetts 94,000 2,000 Rhode Island 7,500 500 Connecticut 46,000 1,500 New York 27,000 4,000 Pennsylvania 43,300 2,500 New Jersey 21,000 1,500 Maryland 40,700 9,400 Virginia 72,000 23,000 North Carolina 7,500 3,700 South Carolina 6,250 10,500

Total 375,000 58,550

SPEECH OF HON. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS.

DELIVERED AT CHICAGO, MAY 1ST, 1861.

MR. CHAIRMAN: I thank you for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to welcome me. I thank the Committee and citizens of Chicago for this grand and imposing reception. I beg you to believe that I will not do you nor myself the injustice to believe this magnificent ovation is personal homage to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of our country. (Cheers.)

I will not conceal gratification at the uncontrovertible test this vast audience presents--that what political differences or party questions may have divided us, yet you all had a conviction that when the country should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. That the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come--if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution--I can say before God my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the difficulty. I have not only tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity.

The return we receive is war, armies marched upon our capital, obstructions and dangers to our navigation, letters of marque to invite pirates to prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to blot out the United States of America from the map of the globe. The question is, Are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer govern, threaten to destroy?

What cause, what excuse do disunionists give us for breaking up the best Government on which the sun of heaven ever shed its rays? They are dissatisfied with the result of a Presidential election. Did they never get beaten before? Are we to resort to the sword when we get defeated at the ballot box? I understand it that the voice of the people expressed in the mode appointed by the Constitution must command the obedience of every citizen. They assume, on the election of a particular candidate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What evidence do they present of this? I defy any man to show any act on which it is based. What act has been omitted to be done? I appeal to these assembled thousands that so far as the constitutional rights of the Southern States, I will say the constitutional rights of slaveholders, are concerned, nothing has been done, and nothing omitted, of which they can complain.

There has never been a time from the day that Washington was inaugurated first President of these United States, when the rights of the Southern States stood firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; there never was a time when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they have to-day. What good cause have they now that has not existed under every Administration?

If they say the Territorial question--now, for the first time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery anywhere. If it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints that I have heard have been of the too vigorous and faithful fulfilment of the Fugitive Slave Law. Then what reason have they?

The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since--formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago.

They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the accomplishment of their ends. They desired the election of a Northern candidate, by a sectional vote, in order to show that the two sections cannot live together. When the history of the two years from the Lecompton charter down to the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union.

They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the sections may not longer live together. If the disunion candidate in the late Presidential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capital last spring, and by a united South and divided North hold it. That scheme was defeated in the defeat of the disunion candidate in several of the Southern States.

But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; _only patriots--or traitors_.

Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. (Cheers.) I know they expected to present a united South against a divided North. They hoped in the Northern States, party questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, when the South would step in with her cohorts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North.

There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is being so defeated by closing up the ranks. War will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a hope of peace, I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice or compromise to maintain it. But when the question comes of war in the cotton-fields of the South, or the corn-fields of Illinois, I say the farther off the better.

We can not close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that war does exist. The Government must be maintained, its enemies overthrown, and the more stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the struggle. But we must remember certain restraints on our action even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations.

We must not invade Constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims. Savages must not be let loose. But while I sanction no war on the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized. (Cheers.)

The Constitution and its guarantees are our birthright, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable right to the last extent. We can not recognize secession. Recognize it once, and you have not only dissolved government, but you have destroyed social order--upturned the foundations of society. You have inaugurated anarchy in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the horrors of the French Revolution.

Then we have a solemn duty--to maintain the Government. The greater our unanimity, the speedier the day of peace. We have prejudices to overcome from the few short months since of a fierce party contest. Yet these must be allayed. Let us lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to the origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country with the United States flag floating over it, and respected on every inch of American soil, it will then be time enough to ask who and what brought all this upon us.

I have said more than I intended to say. (Cries of "Go on.") It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I express it as my conviction before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally round the flag of his country.

I thank you again for this magnificent demonstration. By it you show you have laid aside party strife. Illinois has a proud position--United, firm, determined never to permit the Government to be destroyed. (Prolonged cheering.)

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S FIRST CALL FOR TROOPS.

APRIL 15th, 1861.

_Whereas_, the laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law; now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth the Militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.

The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid, this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence, of our national Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long enough endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of any part of the country; and I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within twenty days from this date.

Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both houses of Congress. The Senators and Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, _Secretary of State_.

TOTAL NUMBER OF TROOPS CALLED INTO SERVICE DURING THE REBELLION.

The various calls of the President for men were as follows:

1861,--3 months' men, 75,000 1861,--3 years' men, 500,000 1862,--3 years' men, 300,000 1862,--9 months' men, 300,000 1864,--3 years' men, February, 500,000 1864,--3 years' men, March, 200,000 1864,--3 years' men, July, 500,000 1864,--3 years' men, December, 300,000

Total, 2,675,000

These do not include the militia that were brought into service during the various invasions of Lee's armies into Maryland and Pennsylvania.

RESOLUTIONS OF THE N.Y. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE.

SUSTAINING THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND URGING A STRICT BLOCKADE OF SOUTHERN PORTS, APRIL 19TH, 1861.

_Whereas_, Our country has, in the course of events, reached a crisis unprecedented in its past history, exposing it to extreme dangers, and involving the most momentous results; and _Whereas_, The President of the United States has, by his Proclamation, made known the dangers which threaten the stability of Government, and called upon the people to rally in support of the Constitution and laws; and _Whereas_, The merchants of New York, represented in this Chamber, have a deep stake in the results which may flow from the present exposed state of national affairs, as well as a jealous regard for the honor of that flag under whose protection they have extended the commerce of this city to the remotest part of the world; therefore,

_Resolved_, That this Chamber, alive to the perils which have been gathering around our cherished form of Government and menacing its overthrow, has witnessed with lively satisfaction the determination of the President to maintain the Constitution and vindicate the supremacy of Government and law at every hazard. (Cheers.)

_Resolved_, That the so-called secession of some of the Southern States having at last culminated in open war against the United States, the American people can no longer defer their decision between anarchy or despotism on the one side, and on the other liberty, order, and law under the most benign Government the world has ever known.

_Resolved_, That this Chamber, forgetful of past differences of political opinion among its members, will, with unanimity and patriotic ardor, support the Government in this great crisis: and it hereby pledges its best efforts to sustain its credit and facilitate its financial operations. It also confidently appeals to all men of wealth to join in these efforts. (Applause.)

_Resolved_, That while deploring the advent of civil war which has been precipitated on the country by the madness of the South, the Chamber is persuaded that policy and humanity alike demand that it should be met by the most prompt and energetic measures; and it accordingly recommends to Government the instant adoption and prosecution of a policy so vigorous and resistless, that it will crush out treason now and forever. (Applause.)

_Resolved_, That the proposition of Mr. Jefferson Davis to issue letters of marque to whosoever may apply for them, emanating from no recognized Government, is not only without the sanction of public law, but piratical in its tendencies, and therefore deserving the stern condemnation of the civilized world. It cannot result in the fitting out of regular privateers, but may, in infesting the ocean with piratical cruisers, armed with traitorous commissions, to despoil our commerce and that of all other maritime nations. (Applause.)

_Resolved_, That in view of this threatening evil, it is, in the opinion of this Chamber, the duty of our Government to issue at once a proclamation, warning all persons, that privateering under the commissions proposed will be dealt with as simple piracy. It owes this duty not merely to itself, but to other maritime nations, who have a right to demand that the United States Government shall promptly discountenance every attempt within its borders to legalize piracy. It should, also, at the earliest moment, blockade every Southern port, so as to prevent the egress and ingress of such vessels. (Immense applause.)

_Resolved_, That the Secretary be directed to send copies of these resolutions to the Chambers of Commerce of other cities, inviting their co-operation in such measures as may be deemed effective in strengthening the hands of Government in this emergency.

_Resolved_, That a copy of these resolutions, duly attested by the officers of the Chamber, be forwarded to the President of the United States.

BLOCKADE RESOLUTIONS.

_Whereas_, War against the Constitution and Government of these United States has been commenced, and is carried on by certain combinations of individuals, assuming to act for States at the South claiming to have seceded from the United States; and

_Whereas_, Such combinations have officially promulgated an invitation for the enrollment of vessels, to act under their authorization, and as so-called "privateers," against the flag and commerce of the United States; therefore,

_Resolved_, by the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, That the United States Government be recommended and urged to blockade the ports of such States, or any other State that shall join them, and that this measure is demanded for defence in war, as also for protection to the commerce of the United States against these so-called "privateers" invited to enrol under the authority of such States.