Part 3

But, while thus engaged in the wilderness, matters in Canada were looming up adversely to his interests. His friend and patron, Count Frontenac, had been recalled to France, and the man who succeeded him as Governor-General, one de La Barre, was prejudiced against the explorer and constantly misrepresenting him to the home government in France. Furthermore, emboldened by the tone of the King’s letter, who had been led to condemn La Salle’s doings and plans, La Barre, with other associates, seized Fort Frontenac (which was La Salle’s property), despite the remonstrances of the creditors and mortgagees; sold his stores for their own benefit, and turned his cattle to pasture on the growing crops. The position of La Salle became intolerable, cut off from his supplies, for which he entreated Governor La Barre in vain, threatened with an onslaught of the Iroquois, and unable to afford his own Indian allies the help which he had promised them, he had no other resource than to leave his wilderness colony in faithful Tonti’s care, and cross the ocean again to face his enemies before the Court and King.

_La Salle’s third return visit to France._ So, early in the autumn of 1683, he again turned his face homeward. Quite to his surprise, as we may well imagine, La Salle found that the time of his return was fortuitous. His old friends rallied around him; his enemies seemed, for the moment, to have lost their influence against him. Best of all, both the King and his Ministers were in better humor with him than, from the tone of recent home correspondence, he had reason to expect. The country was now at war with Spain, and the trend of official opinion chimed in very happily with the proposals which he had to offer for the consideration of King and Ministry.

These proposals were (1) to establish a fortified post upon the Gulf of Mexico, within one year after his arrival there; (2) to fortify on the Mississippi, about fifty leagues above its mouth, and there collect an army of over 15,000 Indians; thus commanding the whole river valley, and forming a base for military operations against the Spaniards in the most northern province of Mexico. His plan also embraced the adding (on his way) 50 buccaneers at St. Domingo, and 4,000 Indian warriors from his Fort St. Louis on the Illinois. For this design, he asked for a vessel of 30 guns, a few cannon for the forts, and 200 men, to be raised in France, armed, paid, and maintained at the King’s expense. If, by peace with Spain, he was prevented for more than three years from the full execution of this contract, he bound himself to refund to the Crown all the costs of the enterprise, or forfeit the government of the posts thus established. The scheme which he thus outlined to the French monarch and his Minister Seignelay, of bidding defiance to Spanish incursions, and of controlling the entire trade and colonization of the entire Mississippi valley, was most gladly and promptly accepted by them. La Forest, La Salle’s lieutenant, being then in Paris, was dispatched to Canada, empowered to recover and reoccupy, in La Salle’s name, the Forts Frontenac and St. Louis of the Illinois, from which he had been dispossessed by Governor La Barre; and to the latter the King personally wrote, ordering him to restore to La Salle, or his representative, all the property of which he had been unjustly deprived. As to the equipment of the expedition, he was given four vessels, instead of the two for which he had asked, viz., the _Joly_, a 36-gun ship of the royal navy, a 6-gun ship, a store-ship, and a ketch. Soldiers were enrolled, besides 30 volunteers, many of whom were gentlemen and of the better class of the bourgeois; several families, and girls matrimonially inclined, as colonists; together with pilots, mechanics, laborers, and six friars and priests of the Sulpitian and Récollet orders.[22]

Unfortunately, the expedition, from the first, was hampered with a divided command. La Salle’s request had been for its sole command, with a subaltern officer, one or two pilots, and entire control of the route they should take, and of the troops and colonists on land. But the command of the ships was given, by the Minister, to one Beaujeu, an old and experienced officer of the royal navy—and even before the expedition set sail, a collision of opinions and authority arose between the two heads of the expedition, which imperiled its success.[23]

Finally, on the 24th of July, 1684, the expedition sailed, from Rochelle. Its further history is to be found in the following pages of Joutel’s Journal.

_Biographical Note._

HENRI JOUTEL, the writer of this narrative, was a native of Rouen, in France. His father had formerly been head-gardener to Henri Cavelier, the uncle of René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, the explorer, whose presence and projects for a new voyage to the Mississippi were the engrossing subjects of interest to his fellow townsmen of Rouen just at the time of Joutel’s return from a seventeen years’ service in the army.[24]

Being then in the prime of his young manhood, of an adventurous spirit, unhampered by family responsibilities, and free for any new employment, he very naturally became a volunteer in the enterprise of his distinguished fellow-townsman. He evidently possessed a fair education for that day, and a character for reliability and experience, which, together with his personal and business qualifications, rendered him most acceptable to La Salle’s projected undertaking. His social position in his native town, if we may infer from the title of “Mr.” usually prefixed to his name, was that of a _bourgeois_—that class in the community which for centuries has been the mainstay and source of France’s stability and prosperity. In the mixed military and naval expedition which sailed under La Salle’s orders, his position seems not to have been that of a commissioned officer, though he styles himself in his Journal, “a Commander,” but rather that of a personal lieutenant and confidant[25] of the Commander-in-Chief—in other words, a superintendent of such matters as pertained to the provisioning, sheltering, and general care and regulation of the interests and comfort of the settlers, both male and female, who formed a part of the expedition.

His services to the enterprise of which he, fortunately, became the historian, as they are simply and circumstantially narrated in this Journal, and corroborated by contemporary evidence, prove that La Salle’s choice of him, as “the man of affairs” of the expedition was well-founded and fortunate. Practical, methodical, resourceful in every emergency, tactful in his dealings with all the members of the heterogeneous company with whom he was associated, and inflexibly loyal to his Chief, Joutel fully proved his worth.

Twice, at least, his life was in danger, from the machinations of mutineers. The first time, the plot was discovered in time, and, having received an order to join La Salle with all his force, he delivered the criminals to the latter. And again, being left in charge of the Fort St. Louis, with 34 men, Joutel was disturbed by a plot to kill him or deprive him of his office—from which once more his life, which ultimately proved so valuable to the party, was preserved.

His Journal, here printed, is valuable from its exactness of detail, and the fact that, in many places, it corrects the careless or misleading statements of others, and it is remarkably free from the egotism which disfigures or weakens the narratives of some early travelers in America. Parkman, comparing it with other accounts written by survivors of the expedition, says emphatically, “It gives the impression of sense, intelligence and candor, throughout.”

No shadow of complicity in the murder of La Salle attaches to Joutel. That he did not more strongly assert himself in the critical emergencies which succeeded that tragical event, was due, probably, to a combination of circumstances. The mutineers who had accomplished the deed were overwhelmingly dominant, and the lives of the whole party trembled in the balance. Joutel was no coward; but the situation in which they found themselves called for the exercise of that prudence which is ofttimes the better part of valor. Neither was he ambitious, so that, when the little band of seven who sought to separate themselves from the assassins, finally started upon their long and perilous journey toward the North, we find, as if by common consent, that the Abbe Cavelier figures as the nominal leader. Undoubtedly, this was due partly to the respect felt by Joutel for the aged ecclesiastic by virtue of his sacred office, as well as by his own life-long association, at Rouen, with the family of Cavelier; and also by motives of policy in thus securing for the party the _prestige_ of being headed by a La Salle—a “name to conjure with” amid the savage tribes through whom they must pass.

Yet, undoubtedly, it was mainly to Joutel’s prudence, courage, and practical knowledge that the little band of survivors—after their marvelous journey of over 800 miles through trackless wilds, and amid innumerable dangers from flood, disease, and savages—finally reached Quebec, and ultimately their beloved France, in October, 1688.

The motives previously alluded to as influencing Joutel in waiving his right to the leadership of the party, on its return to civilization, may, probably, sufficiently account for (even if they do not fully condone) his connivance (as also that of Father Douay) in the concealment, for over two years, of the fact of La Salle’s death—a deception undoubtedly originating with the Abbe Cavalier, who desired thereby to get possession of property which might otherwise have been seized by creditors of his deceased brother the Sieur Robert La Salle, the explorer. Parkman says (_note_ to p. 207, vol. ii, _La Salle’s Voyages_, Champlain edition) that “the prudent Abbe died rich and very old, at the home of a relative, having inherited a large estate after his return from America.”

Joutel appears to have spent the rest of his life at Rouen, where Charlevoix says he saw him in 1723; and speaks of him as a very upright man, and evidently the only trustworthy member of La Salle’s party. Of Joutel’s _Journal_ he also speaks in the same strain.[26]

[Decoration]

THE _French_ BOOKSELLER TO THE READER.

_The Manuscript of this Journal hapning to fall into my Hands, and having shewn it to some Persons well vers’d in these Affairs, they were of Opinion it deserv’d to be printed; especially at this Time, when travels are so much in Request, and in regard this is now seasonable, on Account of the Description it gives of the famous River_ Missisipi _and of the Country of_ Louisiana, _where it is intended to make great Settlements. Besides, this Relation is uncommon, curious and ingaging, both in Regard to the Honour and Advantage of the Nation, for as much as it contains the Attempts and the bold and glorious Undertakings of our_ French _Adventurers, who not satisfied, like others, with discovering the Borders and Coasts of unknown Countries, proceed to penetrate into the Inland, through a thousand Dangers and Hazards of their Lives. Is it not very commendable in them, to make us fully acquainted with that great remaining Part of the World, which for so many Ages continued unknown to our Forefathers, till about two hundred Years ago_ Christopher Columbus _discover’d it, and_ Americus Vespusius _going over soon after, gave it his Name, causing it to be call’d_ America? _One of those whom I desired to peruse this Manuscript, has a little polish’d it, pursuant to the Orders I receiv’d; and he having been a considerable Traveller, was a proper Person to judge of and put it into a Dress fit to appear in publick. The Letter he writ to me, being not only instructive, in Relation to the Journal, but of Use as a curious Supplement to it, I thought the inserting of it would be acceptable. It is as follows._

_SIR_,

I Return you your Manuscript; the Reading of it has reviv’d the Satisfaction I once took in my Travels; it has oblig’d me to read over again those of several Persons, who have writ of _Canada_, and carry’d me in Imagination through those vast, barbarous and unknown Countries, with much more Ease and less Danger than was done by the Hero of this Relation. He certainly deserves that honourable Title, and having read his Adventures, I could not forbear saying with the Poet

_Illi robur & æs triplex Circa Pectus erat_.

For what an extraordinary Strength, what a Vigour of Body and Mind was requisite for him to project, to undertake and to go thro’ with so unusual, so bold and so difficult an Enterprize. A Discovery of above eight hundred Leagues of barbarous and unknown Countries, without any beaten Roads, without Towns, and without any of those Conveniencies, which render Travelling more easy in all other Parts. All the Land-Carriage is reduc’d to walking afoot; being often without any other Shoes but a Piece of a Bullock’s Hide wrapp’d about the Feet; carrying a Firelock, a Snapsack,[27] Tools and some Commodities to barter with the Natives. It is true that accidentally and but very rarely a Horse is found to help out a little.

If they must venture upon the Water, there are only some wretched Canoes, made either of the Barks of Trees or of Bullocks Hides, and those they must often carry or drag along the Land, when the Falls of the Rivers obstruct making use of them. All the Bed is lying on the bare Ground, exposed to the Inclemencies of the Air, to be devour’d by Alligators and bit by Rattle Snakes; without Bread, Wine, Salt and all other Comforts of Life, and this for some Years. The Diet altogether consists in a poor Pap or Hasty-Pudding made of the Meal of _Indian_ Corn, Fish half broil’d or ill boil’d, and some Beef or wild Goats Flesh, dry’d in the Air and Smoke. Besides, what a Trouble is it to invent Signs to be understood by so many several Nations, each of which has it’s peculiar Language? All this an Adventurer must resolve with himself to go through, who designs to make Discoveries in _Canada_; and it would be hard to believe this, did not all those who write of it exactly agree in this Particular.

However that Country is good and pleasant, at least towards the South, which is what is here spoken of. The Temperature of the Climate is admirable, the Soil excellent for Tillage, and it is extraordinary fertil in all Sorts of Grain and Fruit; which appears by those the Land produces of it self in great Plenty. The Hills and Woods produce Timber for all Uses and Fruit Trees, as well of cold as hot Countries. There are Vines which want but little Improvement; there are Sugar-Canes, large Meadows, and navigable Rivers full of Fish. It is true they are infested with Alligators, but with a little Care they are to be avoided; as may the Rattle-Snakes, which are extraordinary venomous, but never bite unless they are hurt. There are thousands of wild Bullocks, larger than ours, their Flesh good, and instead of Hair, they have a Sort of curl’d Wool extraordinary fine. There are Abundance of Deer, wild Goats and all Sorts of wild Fowl, and more especially of Turkeys. As there are Poisons and Venoms, so there are immediate and wonderful Antidotes.

We must not look there for rich and stately Cities, or lofty Structures, or any of those Wonders of Architecture, or the Remains and ancient Monuments of the Vanity of great Men; but we may there admire Nature in its beautiful Simplicity, as it came from the Hands of its Creator; without having been alter’d or depraved by Ambition or Art.

But is so vast and so beautiful a Country only for Beasts, Birds and Fishes! O inconceivable Wonder! There is an infinite Number of People, divided into Nations, living in Cottages made of the Barks of Trees, or cover’d with Reeds or Hides, when they are not abroad at War, or Hunting, or Fishing, almost naked, without any other Bed but a Bullock’s Hide, or any Houshold-Stuff but a Pot or Kettle, an Axe and some Platters made of Bark. They take their Sustenance, as it comes in their Way, and like the Beasts; they have no Care, do not value Wealth, sing, dance, smoke, eat, sleep, hunt, fish; are independent, make War, and when an Opportunity offers, take Revenge of any Injury in the most cruel Manner they are able. Such is the Life of those Savages. Tho’ there be some in the Southern Parts, not quite so stupid and brutal as those in the North, yet they are both Savages, who think of Nothing but what is present, love Nothing but what is obvious to the Senses, incapable of comprehending any Thing that is Spiritual; sharp and ingenious in what is for their own Advantage, without any Sense of Honour or Humanity; horribly cruel, perfectly united among themselves to their Nation and their Allies; but revengeful and merciless towards their Enemies. To conclude, their Shape, tho’ hideous, shews they are Men; but their Genius and Manners render them like the worst of Beasts.

[Sidenote: _La_ Hontan’s _forged Discourse with a Savage, wherein he renders himself ridiculous_.]

A modern Author, who has liv’d in _Canada_, and in other Respects has writ well enough, has perhaps fancy’d, he might distinguish himself, and be thought more understanding than other Men in discovering the Genius of those People, by assigning more Ingenuity and Penetration to the Savages, than is generally allow’d them. He sometimes makes them to argue too strongly and too subtilely against the Mysteries of Christian Religion, and his Relation has given just Occasion to suspect, that he is himself the Libertine and Talking Savage, to whom he has given the artful Malignity of his Notions and Arguments.

[Sidenote: _The Natives of_ Canada _brutal_.]

As for the Genius of the Savages, I am of Opinion, we ought to believe the Missioners; for they are not less capable than other Men to discover the Truth, and they have at least as much Probity to make it known. It is likely, that they, who have for an hundred Years past, wholly apply’d themselves, according to the Duty of their Function, to study those poor Images of Men, should not be acquainted with them? Or would not their Conscience have check’d them, had they told a Lye in that Particular? Now all the Missioners agree, that allowing there are some Barbarians less wicked and brutal than the rest; yet there are none good, nor thoroughly capable of such Things as are above the Reach of our Senses; and that whatsoever they are, there is no relying on them; there is always cause to suspect them, and in short, before a Savage can be made a Christian, it is requisite to make him a Man; and we look upon those Savages as Men, who have neither King nor Law, and what is most deplorable, no God; for if we rightly examine their Sentiments and their Actions, it does not appear that they have any Sort of Religion, or well form’d Notion of a Deity. If some of them, upon certain Occasions, do sometimes own a First or Sovereign Being, or do pay some Veneration to the Sun. As to the first Article, they deliver themselves in such a confuse Manner, and with so many Contradictions and Extravagancies, that it plainly appears, they neither know nor believe anything of it; and as for the second, it is only a bare Custom, without any serious Reflection on their Part.

A miserable Nation, more void of the Light of Heaven, and even that of Nature, than so many other Nations in the _East Indies_, who, tho’ brutal and stupid as to the Knowledge of the Deity, yet are not without some Sort of Worship, and have their Hermits and _Fakirs_ who endeavour by the Practice of horrid Penances, to gain the Favour of that Godhead, and thereby shew they have some real Notion of it. Nothing of that Sort is to be found among our _American_ Savages, and in Conclusion, it may be said of them in General, that they are a People without a God.

Our _French_, who are born in Canada all of them well shap’d, and Men of Sense and Worth, cannot endure to have their Savages thus run down. They affirm they are like other Men, and only want Education and being improv’d; but besides that we may believe they say so to save the Honour of their Country, we advance nothing here but what is grounded on the Report of many able and worthy Persons, who have writ of it, after being well inform’d on the Spot. We are therefore apt to believe, that there is a Distinction to be made at present between two Sorts of Savages in _Canada_, _viz._ those who have been conversant among the Europeans for sixty or eighty Years past, and the others who are daily discover’d; and it is of the latter that we speak here more particularly, and to whom we assign all those odious and wretched Qualities of the Savages of _North America_; for it is well known, that the first Sort of them, as for Instance, the _Hurons_, the _Algonquins_, the _Iroquois_, the _Illinois_ and perhaps some others are now pretty well civiliz’d, so that their Reason begins to clear up, and they may become capable of Instruction.

[Sidenote: _Strong Women._]