CHAPTER IX.

The Army of the Sutlej broken up--Set out on a Tour--Dhool--Ferozepore--Grandeur of the Himalayas--Misri-Wala--Ferozeshah--Moodkee--Bhaga Poorana--Bussean--Phurewallee--Kotla Mullair--Munsorepore--Samana--Goelah--The River Cuggur--Pehoah--Khol--Kurnaul--Military Stations--Transport of Artillery--Ali Merdan's Canal--English Church--Malaria--Sir David Ochterlony--Gurounda--Minarets--Somalka--Paniput--Battles of Paniput--Baber--Ibrahim Lodi--Ahmed Shah--Defeat of the Maharattas--Nadir Shah--Capture of Delhi--Mahomed Shah--Troops engaged--Native Armies--Sunput--Change in the Weather.

THE army of the Sutlej being broken up, the different corps took their departure for the various stations assigned to them, my own regiment, the 9th Lancers, being ordered to Meerut. I set out on the 14th of March, 1846, and commenced a march of 704 miles, intending to ride quietly to Allahabad, and thence proceed by steam to Calcutta. I had obtained leave of absence to England for a period of two years, from the day of embarkation, and four months to Calcutta, from the date of leaving my regiment.

On the 14th, therefore, as I said, I bade "adieu" to my regiment, and commenced my journey attended by my own servants fourteen in number, two camels, and two three-bullock hackeries, my Khidmutgar having engaged to supply me with my meals. On the first day I rode to Kankuch, a distance of ten miles. On the 15th there was a violent storm of wind, rain, thunder and lightning, from four to six o'clock in the morning, which made it unadvisable for me to proceed, as my only tent, a hill-tent, was completely saturated.

On the 16th, I rode to Dhool, about sixteen miles; through Lulleanee, and left Kussoor on my right hand. The next day I made a longer journey, and rode twenty miles to Ferozepore. On my way thither, I met a train of 500 hackeries and 4,000 camels, laden with provisions for the force which was to garrison Lahore. Ferozepore was distant about ten miles from the bridge of boats, by which I crossed the Sutlej. There were formerly two of these pontoons, each nearly 300 yards long, the boats themselves being of the ordinary flat-bottomed sort, with very broad ends, called "dandy boats," which are used in the navigation both of the Indus and Ganges, as well as of the Sutlej. The two bridges consisted respectively of fifty-nine and forty-seven such boats, but Sir J. Littler sank the smaller of them. They are, or rather were, so strong, that the heaviest weight might pass over them with the greatest ease and security. It was interesting to watch the elephants; they put down their proboscis, and then successively each of their fore-feet with extreme caution, to try the strength of the bridge, and when they had satisfied themselves that it would bear their weight, they crossed without the least hesitation.

Ferozepore is one of our large military stations; it derives its present improved state from our occupation; for it was formerly a desolate and ruinous place, the houses deserted and dilapidated, and the country round waste and uncultivated. Now all is animation and progress. The dismal-looking town stands on a rising ground in an immense plain, a couple of miles from the river. Like nearly all the Indian towns, it is surrounded with walls, which were erected chiefly as a protection to their cattle, against the predatory hordes that infested the vicinity, the animals being driven out in the morning, and brought home at night. It contains a very handsome tank, close to an elegant pagoda surrounded with trees. The great detriment here, is the want of water; there are plenty of ditches and a dry arm of the Sutlej, and if the inhabitants would only dig twenty-five or thirty feet for water, the whole face of things would be changed at once.

The cantonments are about three miles to the south of the town. They are divided into streets, which cross at right angles. The officers' bungalows are picturesquely situated in the midst of pretty gardens which combine the flora of the eastern and the western hemispheres; the barracks, both for the European and native regiments, are not particularly good; the magazines and stores are built of stone and have a very durable appearance.

But to the lover of nature, the great attraction is the distant range of the snow-capped Himalaya mountains. Neither pen nor pencil can describe their splendour amid the gorgeousness of an eastern sunset. Earth and sky are covered with a veil of liquid gold; the clouds, as they traverse the deep blue vault, gradually assume the most varied and brilliant tints, and the majestic Himalayas, girdled round their base with a robe of gold and crimson, rear their silvered crests in line relief against the bright effulgence that surrounds them. How different are the feelings inspired by gazing upon such a scene, and those aroused by the din of battle, the sight of slaughter and death which I had so recently witnessed!

"Aye, there they stand, as in creation's prime, Above the mouldering wrecks of sin and time! Man's fatal fall, which all beneath them cursed, Hath left them standing as they stood at first: Unchallenged, still they keep their place in heaven, And wear the diadem their God hath given; And change and death sweep on o'er sea and land, And find, and leave them changeless: there they stand!"

On the 19th I journeyed to Misri-Wala, ten miles. On my arrival there, I rode over to Ferozeshah, which is only about a mile and a half off, as I was anxious to see the battle-field. It was a horrid sight. After an interval of three months it was still covered with the unburied bodies of the Sikhs, on whom hundreds of Pariah dogs and birds of prey were feasting; dead camels, horses, and bullocks also seemed to invite them to a plentiful repast. The odour was dreadful, even more so than on my former visit.

20th. Proceeded to Moodkee, ten miles and a half, and pitched my tent on the edge of the battle-field, close by the fort, which was then occupied by a company of the 51st regiment of Native Infantry. Three months had just elapsed since the battle, which was fought here on the 18th of December, the first of the four engagements between the army of the Sutlej and the Sikhs. Within that short period no less than 1,449 of our troops had fallen, and 4,926 had been wounded, many of whom have since died; while the destruction of the Sikhs is fearful to contemplate. In round numbers they are said to have lost about 20,000 men.

On the 21st I went to Bhaga Poorana, a distance of fifteen miles. On my route, I again met a train of 400 hackeries laden with stores for the troops at Lahore. Next day I marched to Wudnee. On my arrival, I examined the square brick-built fort; the battlements command a fine view of the surrounding country. The eye wandered over a vast extent, without hill or mountain to intercept its wide spread range. All nature seemed to be at peace, and the Sutlej, which had so lately been stained with the blood of the slain, now flowed down in a pure and silvery current, bearing along with it health and refreshment from its rise in the table land of Thibet, to its junction with the Indus at Mithunkote.

On the morning of the 23rd I made an early start, and was on the move at a quarter to three for Bussean, fifteen miles and a half distant: it lies midway between Lahore and Umritsur, and is about twenty miles from each place. On the 24th I rode to Phurewallee, fourteen miles. On the 25th to Kotla Mullair, ten miles. Here the Dewan, or steward, of the Rajah of Nabah called upon me for a certificate that I had been well treated on my way through his master's territories, a request with which I willingly complied.

On reaching Munsorepore, a distance of sixteen miles, on the next day, I found my tent pitched close to a mosque; yesterday it had been placed near a Hindoo temple--and I was sadly disturbed at sunset by some barbarous sounds on a horn, made by a Brahmin. On the 27th I started, at two o'clock A.M., for Samana, a distance of nineteen miles, which I was desirous to make that day. I was, however, no gainer by my early start, for my guide lost his track in the dark, and I was delayed more than half-an-hour before we found our way. The road, moreover, was exceedingly heavy, neither more nor less than a bed of sand, in consequence of which, part of my establishment did not come up till two o'clock P.M. The Thanadar[42] of Samana furnished me, at his own particular request, with four chokedars, or watchmen, for I had only asked for one.

On the 28th, I rode to Goelah, a distance of twelve miles, and forded the Guggur or Cuggur River, about half way on my journey. After passing the towns of Bunnoor, Seyfabad, Pattiala, Jowhana, and Jomalpore, the Guggur enters the country of the Bhatties at the town of Arwah, formerly the capital of the district.[43]

About sixty miles south of the Sutlej, the Cuggur flows parallel with it, till opposite to Loodianna, where it runs in a straight direction, and is lost in the sands of the desert. It might easily be restored. Mr. Thomas, whilst residing at Bhatneer, could perceive but little vestige of what was called the ancient bed of the river. The natives declared that it formerly extended as far as the Sutlej, which it joined in the vicinity of Ferozepore; now the Sutlej runs south-west of Loodianna.

There is another river which formerly ran from the Jumna to the Sutlej; I understand that the Government intends to open its channel, which would indeed prove an immense benefit.

29th March. Rode to Pehoah, sixteen miles. Travelling alone as I now did, I found the appearance of the country very different to that which it presented when I marched along this same route with the troops. Then all was life and animation--the measured tread of the soldiery--the tramp and neighing of the horses--the heavy step and snort of the elephants and camels--the confused jargon of the immense rabble of camp-followers--the motley sight--the picturesque dresses--the clouds of dust; and, in the midst of all this apparent confusion, the loud, peremptory orders putting all in motion, and keeping all in order, presented an almost inconceivable contrast, to the calm repose of a solitary traveller passing noiselessly along, with his small retinue of twelve or fourteen attendants.

On the 30th, I rode to Khol, fourteen miles, and on the 31st to Suggah, fourteen and a half miles. I have already spoken of these several places, and shall therefore pass them without further mention.

April 1st. Rode to Kurnaul, ten miles. This town is about seventy-eight miles north-west of Delhi. It appears that it was first made a military station in 1806, when a corps of native infantry was quartered here. In 1807, it became the head-quarters of the third or north-west frontier division; Saharunpore and Loodianna being dependent commands. A depôt was also formed here; and in July, 1809, four large platform boats of 700 maunds (25 tons) were established at Khoonda Ghât, for the ferry across the river Jumna. Meerut is seventy miles distant by the road; the Cawnpore road being on the other side of the river. In 1831, H.M. 31st Foot, was sent to Kurnaul, where they encamped till the barracks were built, they being the first European corps stationed there. In 1840, Kurnaul contained a troop of Horse Artillery, a light or horse field-battery, having six guns each, one European regiment of Foot, two regiments of Light Cavalry, and three regiments of Native Infantry, being an establishment of about 5,000 men. It was for many years the head-quarters of the Sirhind division.

A troop of Horse Artillery, on the Bengal system, musters 169 horses, but on detachment the number has been as high as 230. A 6-pounder gun and carriage, with ammunition and stores, loaded and packed ready for service, weighs 23 cwt., not including the wheels, which weigh 238 lbs. each. Each horse carries seven stone of harness, besides the man. The horses are told off as follows, by regulation:

Horses. Total Horses. 6 Pieces of Ordnance 14 each. 84 6 Ammunition Carriages 8 " 48 4 Spare ditto 7 " 28 Staff of the troop . 9 ---- 169

Their actual distribution, however, is about as under; the four spare waggons being drawn by bullocks.

Horses. 1 Staff-Sergeant. 1 6 Sergeants. 6 2 Trumpeters, 2 Rough-Riders, 2 Farriers, 1 Saddler, and 1 Native Doctor 8 6 Guns, at 13 each. 78 6 Waggons, at 12 each 72 Spare 4 ---- 169

Six horses to a gun, and four to a waggon, was the order laid down some years ago as the draught power; but of late the weight of the carriages has been so much increased as to equal that of the guns. On the line of march, both guns and waggons have latterly been worked with teams of eight horses, which, although not giving the horses daily relief, answers extremely well, as I am assured by my informant, Major E.J. Pratt, 9th Lancers, Assistant-Adjutant-General of the Cavalry in the Sikh campaign of 1848-49. A 6-pounder takes into action, on its own limber and waggon, 128 rounds in horse draught, besides 96 rounds on its spare waggon, in bullock draught; making 224 rounds present in troop-park.

The remaining stations were: Hansi, 84 miles distant from Kurnaul, where, on the 1st of January, 1849, was the Hurrianah Light Infantry; Loodianna, 120 miles from Kurnaul, containing a Company of Foot Artillery, head-quarters and right wing of 34th Regiment of Native Infantry, and the Sirmoor Rifle Battalion. Ferozepore, 70 miles from Loodianna, to the West, where were stationed, a troop of Horse Artillery, and the 32nd Native Infantry; and lastly, Subathoo in the hills, where there was also, in the same year, a Detachment of the Nusseeree Rifle Battalion.

All these stations had just supplied troops for the Punjaub, and were consequently, at the period of which I am writing, very ill-garrisoned. In the month of January 1840, there were above 13,000 men in the Sirhind division.

At Kurnaul there is a canal, called Ali Merdan Khan's canal, running from the Jumna, which is within three miles of Delhi, and, passing close to the right flank of the old cantonments, near the house built by the late Major-General Sir David Ochterlony; this officer likewise erected a house at Loodianna, and another at Neemuch.

The barracks for the European Infantry are at right angles with the old cantonments. A Church was also built here in 1836; a neat little structure, with a singular tower, close to the parade ground. In 1828, this station was considered very unhealthy, in consequence, it was said, of malaria, generated by the grass growing on the banks of the canal, yet from 1829 to 1836, it was as salubrious as Meerut. In proof of this, it may be stated that H.M. 31st Foot, lost fewer men at Kurnaul, than at Meerut, their next quarters. Now Meerut is reckoned one of the healthiest military stations in the Bengal Presidency.

Whether the malaria which appeared at Kurnaul, in the autumn of 1842, was owing to the clearing out of the great canal, which runs through the city, or whether it was merely a passing evil, confined to a particular quarter, is still an open question; so much is certain, that it broke out among the European troops, and was confined to one locality, precisely where their barracks were situated. Kurnaul has now, unfortunately, ceased to be a military station.

The extensive cantonments, as well as numerous elegant bungalows and villas, in the midst of parks and gardens, stretch in a semi-circle of three miles around the town, and present a unique and extremely picturesque _tout ensemble_. The cantonments are traversed in every direction by good roads, shaded by avenues of trees.

At the time of my visit, in April 1846, the barracks were deserted; the roofs, in many instances, had fallen in, the frame-work with the doors and windows had been removed, and the compounds were overgrown with weeds and jungle. The only exceptions are the houses built by Sir David Ochterlony, both of which are the property of Brigadier-General Thomas Palmer, commanding the Cawnpore division of the army. These two houses are in fine preservation; one, called the banqueting-house, is a noble building, situated in the midst of English park-like grounds, with coach-houses, etc., in good taste and perfect keeping. The other, the dwelling-house, is built somewhat after the Eastern style; the garden surrounding it is most delightful, being filled with a luxuriance of the richest shrubs and flowers I ever saw, its gallant owner being one of the best botanists in India.

The town of Kurnaul is dirty and closely built. The houses are chiefly of brick; and, like most of the old Indian towns, it has a dingy look, and is surrounded by a high wall.

During the time of the Earl of Ellenborough's government, the station was so sickly, that his lordship, ever alive to the well-being and comfort of the army, peremptorily ordered it to be abandoned.

Being situated so near to the frontier, only fifty-three miles from Umballa, it was the practice, during the Sikh campaign of 1845-46, for reinforcements, marching up from Meerut, Delhi, and other stations, to assemble at Kurnaul for the purpose of forming depôts, etc., and then to march forward in a body.

Officers were frequently sent up by Dâk, at the expense of government (at a cost, it is said, of about £20,000), to join their corps, from every part of the Bengal presidency, particularly from Calcutta. They were often detained here twelve or fourteen days, waiting for a convoy for protection.

A re-mount depôt was established at Kurnaul, about nine years ago, by Viscount Gough, which imparted some signs of re-animation to this station, which, in my estimation, is one of the most pleasant quarters in India. The head-quarters of the Sirhind division have been removed to Umballa.

On the 3rd of April I struck my tent and rode to Gurounda, a distance of twelve miles, in a dense jungle, through which a road had been cut. After leaving Kurnaul, the distance was marked at every two miles by the celebrated ancient minarets, which were erected by Akbar the Great, from Delhi to Cashmere. These elegant mile-stones, tapering from their circular pediments to a height of twenty feet, are, notwithstanding their age, kept in a tolerable state of preservation by the inhabitants, from a religious feeling. After a ride of six miles, I came to a handsome bridge, which was built over the canal by the emperor Humayoon. It is lofty, and arched; and looks all the more picturesque from a remarkably large cotton-tree which grows close beside it, and seems to have had its origin about the same time as the bridge. Gurounda itself is an insignificant place, presenting nothing of interest, except the ancient caravansary. It is large, and has lofty turreted gates, which are in fair preservation.

On the 4th I rode to Somalka, twenty-two miles, having passed through Paniput, the scene of two of the fiercest encounters which this country ever witnessed. Paniput is about ten miles from Gurounda, and, like the majority of the cities and towns in this part, a mass of ruins. The road again lay through a tract of jungle, and the greater part was ankle deep in sand. I pitched my tent in the area of a large and once elegant serai; but now, alas! in a state of dilapidation. These serais are public buildings, erected for the convenience of Eastern travellers, where they may eat, drink, and repose, and then go on their way with a thankful heart.

Paniput is a spot of too much celebrity to be silently passed over; for both in a military and political point of view, it fills an important place in the annals of India. It is about forty-eight miles from Delhi, the capital of the emperor of Hindoostan. It was formerly surrounded by a brick-wall, and at its greatest extent is little more than four miles in circumference. Paniput is famous as the scene of two great battles, which were attended with most decided effects upon the fate of Hindoostan. The first took place in the year 1525, between the Sultan--more usually called the Emperor Baber--and the Delhi Pathan emperor, Ibrahim Lodi; the latter was slain, and his army totally routed, which put an end to the Pathan dynasty of Lodi, and introduced the Mogul empire of Timoor, of whom Baber was the great grandson.

The life of the Emperor Baber was written by himself, a beautiful translation of which has been made by Mr. Erskine, formerly of Bombay. This illustrious conqueror was king of Cabool, and equally famous as a warrior, poet, and historian. At the battle of Paniput Baber's army consisted of only 12,000 men, including followers; whereas Ibrahim had 100,000. The former, however, had guns, the latter had none; and we must conclude that the artillery greatly contributed to secure the victory for Baber.

I must not omit the mention of Nadir Shah's invasion of India, in 1739, which preceded the second great battle to which I have alluded. Nadir Shah, having plundered Delhi of several millions sterling of property, retired through the Khyber Pass, where he paid a lakh of rupees as a security against plunder. Being assassinated by one of his attendants, Ahmed Shah Abdallah seized a convoy of treasure on its way to Candahar, and, raising the standard of rebellion, proclaimed himself king of Affghanistan.

It appears, that about A.D. 1720, the Affghans conquered Persia, but were expelled by Nadir Shah, who in turn subjugated their dominions; and in 1739, after the capture of Delhi, annexed Affghanistan to the Persian empire. Ahmed Shah Abdallah, in 1748, occupied the Punjaub and invaded India, but being repulsed, renewed his attempt in the year 1751. In the declining state of their empire, the Moguls called in the Maharattas, a sure sign of weakness in a Mahomedan government, when it craves the aid of the Hindoos to assist in settling its disputes.

Ahmed Shah again invaded India, in 1756, when he took Delhi. He invaded India for the fourth time in 1759, which brings us to the second great battle of Paniput; which was fought on the 6th of January, 1761, between the Maharattas and the army of Ahmed Shah. The Maharatta cavalry, commanded by the Bhow, consisted of 55,000 troops, in regular pay, with at least 15,000 predatory Maharatta cavalry,--the Pindarries,--and 15,000 infantry, of whom 9,000 were disciplined Sepoys, under the command of Ibrahim Khan Gardee, a Mussulman deserter from the French service. He had besides 200 guns, numerous wall pieces, or "zumbooruks," fired from the backs of camels, and a great supply of rockets, the rocket being a favourite weapon with the Maharattas. This army of 85,000 men, with its innumerable followers, made the number within his lines amount to 300,000 men.[44]

Ahmed Shah, on the other hand, had about 40,000 Affghans and Persians, 13,000 Indian Horse, and a force of Indian Infantry, estimated at 38,000, of which the division, consisting of Rohilla Affghans,[45] would be very efficient; but the great majority consisted of the usual rabble of Indian foot soldiers. He had also thirty guns, of different calibre, chiefly belonging to his Indian allies, and a number of wall pieces.

Now, if we reckon the Maharatta force at 70,000 regular troops and 200 guns, and the Dooranees[46] at 44,000 regulars and thirty guns, there will appear great odds against the Dooranees. The Dooranees estimated the number of the army that crossed the Indus at 63,000 men; but Mr. Elphinstone thinks this force is exaggerated, considering that there were only 40,000 Affghans, and 2,000 horse and 2,000 infantry, furnished by the Indian allies.

The camp followers were in overwhelming numbers.

The Shah pitched his camp eight miles from the enemy, and his small red tent was placed at the head of the army, in order that he might see every movement in the enemy's front. At night he surrounded his camp with an abattis of felled trees. At one time flour sold in the Shah's camp for two rupees, or 4_s._ a seer (2 lbs.), owing to the Maharattas having intercepted the supplies.

The Maharattas, as usual, took the field after the Dusserah,[47] the 17th of October, in 1760; and three actions, of partial success, were fought before the great battle. The two armies daily turned out in battle array; but at length the Hindoostanee allies of Ahmed became impatient and urged him to engage. Then it was that Ahmed Shah gave them the memorable rebuke, "This is a matter of war with which you are unacquainted. Military operations must not be precipitated. At a proper time I will bring the affair to a successful termination."[48] He was resolved to have no councils of war, and used to say to his Hindoostanee allies, "Do you sleep; I will take care that no harm befalls you."

Ahmed Shah was a cautious and vigilant general. Taking with him forty or fifty horsemen, he used, in company with his son, Timoor Shah, to visit daily every part of his army, and reconnoitre the enemy's camp. At night, a body of 500 horse advanced as near as possible to the enemy's position; remaining under arms till daybreak; whilst other bodies went the rounds of the whole encampment. On the day of the great battle, the Dooranees marched from their camp to the attack, when objects were only just visible. The Maharatta army was drawn up facing the east, a great mistake on their part, as they thus had the sun in their eyes; whilst the Dooranees fronted the west.

The Maharattas entered the field with determined courage, each having taken a betel-leaf in the presence of all his comrades, and sworn to fight to the last extremity.

The Shah ordered his trumpets to sound to battle. Breast works of sand had been thrown up, under cover of which the Nawab Vizier's troops advanced; upon which the bildars, or pioneers, proceeded half musket-shot in advance of the cover and threw up another; and in this manner the troops progressed about two miles, until they were within long musket-shot of the enemy. The Rohillas fired volleys of rockets,[49] as many as 2,000 at a time, which not only terrified the horses by their dreadful noise, but did so much execution, that the Maharattas could not advance to charge them. The Mussulmans did not make much use of their guns.

The Dooranees were men of great bodily strength, and their horses, which were of the Toorkee breed,[50] were rendered hardy by constant exercise.

Casi Rai Pundit, who was an eye-witness and attached to Ahmed Shah's allies, says: "About noon, the Shah received advice that the Rohillas and the Grand Vizier's division had the worst of the engagement, upon which he sent for the Nesuckchees--a corps of horse, wearing a peculiar dress and arms, and who were always employed in executing the Shah's immediate commands--2,000 being assembled, he sent 500 of them to his own camp to drive out all the armed people and fugitives whom they should find there, that they might take part in the action; the remaining 1,500 he ordered to meet the fugitives from the battle, and to kill every man who should refuse to return to the charge. This command they executed so effectually that, after killing a few, they compelled 7,000 or 8,000 men to return to the field."

Meanwhile the Shah sent for the reserve corps, of these he despatched 4,000 to cover the right flank, and 10,000 to support the Grand Vizier, with orders to charge the enemy sword in hand, in close order, and at full gallop; at the same time he gave directions to Shah Pussund Khan and Nujeeb-ud-Dowlah that as often as the Grand Vizier should charge the enemy, those two chiefs should at the same time attack him in flank. The advantage still inclined to the side of the Maharattas, when Ahmed, after successfully rallying the fugitives, gave orders for an advance of his own line, at the same time ordering the division on his left, to take the enemy in flank. The manoeuvre was decisive, and a terrible conflict ensued, especially in the centre, commanded by the Bhow and Biswas Row. The latter was wounded and unhorsed, which being reported to the Bhow he ordered him to be taken up, and placed upon his elephant,[51] when the Bhow himself continued the action at the head of his men. They fought fiercely on both sides with spears, swords, battle-axes, and even daggers; when Biswas Row expired from his wounds. Suddenly, as if by enchantment, the whole Maharatta army turned and fled at full speed, leaving the battle-field covered with heaps of the dead and dying.

The victors pursued the flying Maharattas with the utmost fury; and, as they gave no quarter, the slaughter was terrific, the pursuit being continued in every direction for fifteen or twenty miles. According to Grant Duff, the whole number of the slain is said to have amounted to 200,000 men, which must have included the losses in both armies, as well as the followers; for the highest numbers given were 176,000 fighting men, which we find reduced to 114,000, including both sides. Never was a defeat more complete. Grief, despondency, and despair spread over the whole Maharatta people. The wreck of the army retired beyond the river Nerbudda, evacuating all their acquisitions in Hindoostan.[52]

The battle lasted about nine hours. Besides the loss in slain and wounded, 40,000 were taken prisoners, and the plunder was enormous. In front of the door of each tent, except that of the Shah and those of his principal officers, an immense pile of heads was placed as a trophy.

Ibrahim Khan Gardee, the Mussulman General of the Maharattas, having, on one occasion during the action, ordered his men and musketry to cease firing, advanced with seven battalions of disciplined Sepoys, to attack Doondy Khan and Hafiz Rahmut Khan's divisions with fixed bayonets. The Rohillas received the charge with great resolution, and fought hand to hand. About 8,000 Rohillas were killed or wounded; and the attack told so severely upon them that a few only remained with their chiefs. Their force originally consisted of 15,000 foot and 4,000 horse. In this action, however, six of the seven battalions of Ibrahim Khan were entirely cut to pieces. This gallant general was covered with wounds, and being taken prisoner, afterwards fell a sacrifice to Ahmed Shah's vengeance, for fighting against his own faith.

Nearly all the great chiefs were either killed or wounded. Malhar Rao Holcar, who was accused of too early a retreat, was wounded. Sindiah, afterwards the founder of a great state, was lamed for life; and Nana Furnavese, who long averted the downfall of the Peishwah's government, narrowly escaped by flight.

The confederacy of the Mahomedan powers dissolved on the cessation of these common dangers. Ahmed Shah returned to Cabool without attempting to profit by his victory; nor did he ever afterwards take any share in the affairs of India. This victory, however, put an end to the Mogul empire.

"Most of the Maharatta conquests," says Mr. Elphinstone, "were recovered at a subsequent period; but it was by independent chiefs, with the aid of European officers and disciplined Sepoys."

The Mogul empire, which had now received its death-blow, had been in a tottering state for more than half a century; for its decline commenced with the death of Aurungzebe, in 1707. Having been viceroy in the Deccan, which he left to proceed to Agra, for the purpose of dethroning his father, Shah Jehan, he assumed the royal authority in 1661, with the arrogant title of "Alumgeer," or "Conqueror of the World." From the death of this crafty and cruel man, in 1707, till 1760, no less than six emperors of Delhi had been dethroned, assassinated, or poisoned, besides two children, who reigned only a few months. This proves the state of the Delhi empire at that period; and it was this internal weakness which allured Nadir Shah, in 1739, to advance to the capital and plunder Delhi. Elphinstone[53] says, "The divided government would have fallen an easy prey to the Maharattas, had not circumstances procured it a respite from the encroachments of these invaders."

The Maharattas, whose early history is involved in much obscurity, were a warlike race, inhabiting the mountain provinces as far as Guzerat and the Nerbudda, a large tract of country on the west coast, between Surat and Canara. In 1720, they were invited by the governor of the Deccan, who aimed at the establishment of an independent monarchy in India, to ravage the territories of the Mogul, and attack the city of Delhi. This predatory race gladly undertook a task which offered such a prospect of booty. They committed great ravages throughout the country, and finally attacked the city of Delhi. Although they sustained a defeat, they so far succeeded in spreading the terror of their name, that the generals of the Mogul army, concluded a dishonourable treaty with them. The Governor of the Deccan, disappointed in his expectations, readily found cause for a quarrel with the Court of Delhi, and induced the disaffected nobles, who were disgusted at the treaty concluded with the Maharattas, to call in the aid of Nadir Shah, the usurper of the throne of Persia.

Nadir Shah, one of the most distinguished, but at the same time most atrocious, men recorded in history, was born in 1687. While General of the Persian forces, he quitted the military service, and became leader of a formidable band of robbers. His military talents, however, were so distinguished, that the king of Persia, not only pardoned this audacious step, but took him again into his service, and gradually raised him to the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Persian forces, with the title of Khan, being the highest dignity he could bestow.

By his intrigues, Nadir Shah soon succeeded in gaining the whole army, and when the Shah of Persia concluded a peace with the Turks without his advice, Nadir basely dethroned his sovereign, seized the regency in the name of the infant prince, who was still in his cradle, and, after a sanguinary victory over the Turks, he was, on the death of his Ward, chosen king of Persia, in 1735. From that day he adopted the name of Nadir Shah. His arms were everywhere victorious; but he shed torrents of blood, and inflicted even upon his own subjects, the most unheard-of cruelties. His soldiers, whom he had enriched with the splendid spoils of many a victory, were so devoted to him, that none of his disaffected subjects, durst place himself at their head. Even the priests, who were incensed at his oppression and cruelty to their own body, and at his attempt to establish the Soonie creed instead of the Shiah form of Mahomedanism, which was the national religion, were utterly powerless, and every conspiracy that was formed to hurl the usurper from the throne, was crushed in its birth. His greatest, but at the same time his most cruel, campaign, was that against the Great Mogul, in 1739, of which we have already spoken.

Being invited by the Grand Vizier, and by those nobles who were indignant at the ignominious treaty concluded by their sovereign with the Maharattas, whom he had induced by a large bribe to retire from the capital, and the promise of an annual tribute in money and treasure, on condition of their not renewing their assault, or plundering the territories of the Great Mogul, Nadir Shah, who was bent upon revenge for the protection afforded to some of his Affghan enemies, lost no time in obeying the summons. He placed himself at the head of his army, and crossed the Indus before Mahomed Shah, the emperor of Delhi, had even heard of his impending approach. Mahomed immediately collected his army, and fortified his camp, near Paniput, but hearing of Nadir's approach, he went out to meet him, and offered him battle in open field. It was a bloody contest. Both sides fought with desperate valour, but Mahomed Shah was beaten; 20,000 of his valiant men were wounded or slain, and Mahomed, to stop the sanguinary strife, went with his chief men, and offered himself and his treasures to appease the conqueror.

Nadir received his fallen foe, with more compassion than might have been expected. He promised to reinstate him in his dominions, on condition that he should give up his treasures and jewels, and that his nobles and people should pay an enormous sum, as some indemnity for the expenses incurred in this inglorious war. The dejected sovereign, glad to be reinstated in his kingly power, had neither the heart nor the means to resist the dictates of the conqueror, and returned with him to his capital. Little did he anticipate the horrible scenes about to be enacted there, in levying the cruel exactions of Nadir, whereby he lost thousands of his subjects, and his already shattered power received a blow which prevented it from ever rallying again. Victor by the power of arms, and by the treachery of Mahomed's nobles, Nadir Shah, sacked and devastated the conquered empire, fired and destroyed the city of Delhi, and slew 200,000 inhabitants. This fearful slaughter was occasioned by a false report of the death of Nadir, which caused the inhabitants to rise _en masse_, and fall upon the soldiery. Nadir immediately gave orders for a general massacre, which were instantly obeyed. The carnage commenced at sunrise, and lasted till noon, when it was at length put a stop to at the earnest entreaty of the Emperor of Delhi. Nadir Shah carried off the imperial treasures which had been accumulated by the Mogul rulers for upwards of two centuries.

Thus the arrival of Nadir Shah, preserved for a short time longer the existence of the Mogul Empire, by the restoration of Mahomed Shah to the imperial dignity; otherwise it must have succumbed to the Maharattas. When Ahmed Shah first invaded India in 1748, the Vizier of the Emperor of Delhi had recourse, as I have already remarked, to the humiliating expedient of calling in the Maharattas. The state of the Mogul Empire in 1756, was much the same as that of Calcutta when it was attacked by Suraj-ud-Dowlah, the Subahdar of Bengal, in June of the same year. No mandate of the Emperor was obeyed: the Nawab of Oude, the actual Vizier of the Empire, had raised the standard of independence: the power of the Maharattas was at its zenith, and that of the Mogul Empire at its lowest ebb.

Now the proper country of the Maharattas is the south of India. When Aurungzebe left the Deccan about 1658, he appointed a deputy, who, however, was unable to control the Maharattas. Even Aurungzebe himself when he went in pursuit of Sevajee, the founder of the Maharatta Empire, was often baffled by the wily chief who would suddenly retire into his hills and mountain fastnesses.

On the decline of the Delhi power at the death of Aurungzebe, the Maharattas began to extend their operations to the north of the Nerbudda; they gradually threatened all parts of Hindoostan, and even visited Calcutta. At that time, what is called the Maharatta ditch was thrown up to protect the city against these invaders, an ingenious device of the Calcutta factory, and well enough for a body of merchants. The origin of the term "ditchers," as applied to them, is derived from this Maharatta ditch; though it would be as difficult to determine its locality, except on paper, as that of the Black Hole.

The number of elephants and camels with the two armies, is not stated. Elphinstone says, "that the force ascribed to the Indian kings is probably exaggerated. Porus, one of the princes who occupied the Punjaub, is said to have had 200 elephants, 300 chariots, 4,000 horse, and 30,000 efficient infantry, which, as observed by Sir Alexander Burnes, is, substituting guns for chariots--exactly the establishment of Runjeet Singh, who is master of the whole Punjaub, and several other territories." Burnes must have referred to the year 1831, when he was in the Punjaub; in 1848 Runjeet Singh's force was supposed to be 50,000 men, besides irregulars for garrisons. Neither Polybius nor Arrian's history of Alexander's expedition, mentions the number of elephants or cattle with any of the armies. Humboldt in his "Cosmos"[54] writes: "According to the testimony of Polybius, when African and Indian elephants were opposed to each other in fields of battle, the sight, smell, and cries of the larger and stronger Indian elephants drove the African ones to flight. The latter were probably never employed as war elephants in such large numbers as in Asiatic expeditions, when Chundragupta had assembled 9,000, the powerful King of the Prasii 6,000, and Akbar an equally large number. These armies must have been much larger than those engaged at the battle of Paniput in 1761."

We read that the elephants were placed in the front of the army, and that they often turned back and killed more friends than foes. Now 9,000 elephants in a single line, allowing each to take up 12 feet would reach 20 miles, and 6,000 elephants would extend 13 miles and 1,120 yards. It is said there were 50,000 camels with the army of the Indus[55] in 1838 and 1839.

It may be interesting to the reader, to see the following statement of the native armies in the time of Akbar, in 1582, as given in the Ayeen Akbaree, by Abul Fazel, Prime Minister:--

Province of Cavalry. Infantry. Elephants. Boats. Agra 50,600 477,570 221 - Allahabad 11,375 237,870 323 - Bahar 11,415 149,350 - 100 Delhi 18,275 125,400 - - Oude 1,340 31,900 - 23 Ajmere 8,000 38,000 - - Bengal 1,100 142,920 1,100 - -------- ---------- ------ ---- Total 102,105 1,203,010 1,644 123

Thus we find that the cavalry and infantry in the seven Soobahs of Agra, Ajmere, Allahabad, Bahar, Bengal, Delhi, and Oude amounted to 1,305,115; and if to these we add two others, viz., Lahore and Mooltan, the number of men will be increased to 1,965,116, or of cavalry alone, to 170,370, for

Province of Cavalry. Infantry. Lahore 54,480 426,086 Mooltan 13,785 165,650 ------ -------- Total 68,265 591,736

Making about 2,000,000 of fighting men from Lahore to Bengal: and if we estimate the population at that time (1582) at 35,000,000, there would have been one soldier out of every seventeen inhabitants.[56]

At present the population of the

North Western Provinces is 23,199,668 Punjaub 1,750,000 Bahar and Bengal 24,000,000 ---------- Total 48,949,668

According to Diodorus, Alexander heard that he was to be opposed on the banks of the Ganges by 20,000 cavalry, 200,000 infantry, 2,000 chariots and 4,000 elephants. Megasthenes mentions Alexander's visit to Sandrocottus, monarch of the Prasii, when encamped with an army of 400,000 men. When Aurungzebe died, in 1707, two of his sons took the field with 300,000 men each, which appear to have been the largest armies assembled within the last 150 years in India.

Sultan Baber, as I have before observed, in 1525, with 12,000 men and guns, defeated Ibrahim Lodi, the emperor of Delhi, who had 100,000 men and no guns. In the battle of Paniput, in 1761, when the Maharattas strove for the ascendancy over the Mahomedans, there were not above 150,000 men on either side. The infantry in Akbar's time were very indifferent soldiers. Elphinstone says:[57] "that it is mentioned in the Akbarnama that the chiefs of Scinde employed Portuguese soldiers in this war; and had also 200 natives dressed as Europeans." These were, therefore, the first Sepoys in India. The same learned author states,[58] under the year 1692, only about fifteen years prior to the death of Aurungzebe, that: "In spite of all Aurungzebe's boasted vigilance, the grossest abuses had crept into the military department. Many officers only kept up half the number of their men, and others filled their ranks with their menials and slaves."

Whatever credit, therefore, may be due to the statement of the number of troops in each Province in 1582, it is evident that in the year 1692, we should, by the like reasoning, have to reduce the royal standing army from 2,000,000 to 1,000,000 men. The cavalry was the most efficient force. The infantry, though ten times more numerous, yet we may reckon that not one-fourth were of much use in action. The cavalry in Akbar's time amounted to 170,000 men, and the infantry to about 1,800,000: but if 500,000 could take the field, it was probably the maximum; wherefore, if we were even to allow 700,000 men for all Hindoostan, from Cabool (for it had been made a Province) to Cape Comorin, the force would not greatly exceed many of the Continental armies. The East India Company's armies at one period numbered 302,797 men, including the royal regiments.[59]

Folard, and many other judicious writers observe, that in proportion as infantry is bad, and the military art declines, the number of horse increases in our modern armies; because, say they, "An able general at the head of a good infantry, can do anything, and wants but a small cavalry." It is certain that when the infantry is good, much may be done with it; and if it is bad you must increase your cavalry to keep the enemy at a distance, as you must have a great quantity of heavy artillery for the same purpose.

I must now take leave of Paniput with the remark, that formerly a treasury was established there, Kurnaul furnishing the necessary guards.

About this time there was a considerable change in the weather. The days for the most part were hot and oppressive, and towards noon even sultry. On the 5th of April I rode to Sunput, about seventeen miles. On the 6th I started, at half past two in the morning, in the midst of a complete hurricane, and proceeded to Barah Duree, a Chokey, or Police Station, near Alepore. The road was excessively sandy and fatiguing, the distance being sixteen miles and a half. On the 7th I rode to Delhi, eleven miles and a half, and encamped outside the walls of this famous royal city of the Moguls, close to the Cashmere gate.

I had now travelled 313 miles and a half, since I quitted Lahore, a distance which I accomplished in twenty-two marches.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 42: Thanadar, keeper of a public station. The word likewise means commandant of a military post.]

[Footnote 43: Francklin's Life of George Thomas, p. 66.]

[Footnote 44: Grant Duff, in his History of the Maharattas, agrees with Casi Rai in making the paid horse and infantry as in the text, and estimates the predatory horse and followers at 200,000. Casi Rai makes the whole number to have been 500,000. _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii. p. 123.]

[Footnote 45: Roh means a hill; the Rohillas are the Affghans, who settled in Rohilkund on the return of Ahmed Shah to Cabool.]

[Footnote 46: The Dooranees were so called from Ahmed Shah Abdallah, who assumed the name of Dooree Dooraun, "Pearl of the age," when after seizing the sovereignty of Affghanistan, he was crowned king at Candahar, in the year 1747.]

[Footnote 47: A day kept as a holiday by Hindoo Princes, when, if war be intended, the campaign is opened.]

[Footnote 48:

Ἁμφἱ δἁρ ωμοισιν βἁλετο ξἱφος ἁργυρὁηλον, ----αὑτἁρ ἑπειτα σἁκος μἑγα τε στιβαρὁν τε. _Homer's Iliad_, ii. 204, 205.]

[Footnote 49: The British used rockets on a small scale in 1817, against the Fort of Hattrass; but they have never tried them against troops.]

[Footnote 50: See Appendix XIX.]

[Footnote 51: Chiefs often ride on war elephants to be better seen by their troops. An Indian queen has thus led her van in the battle field. Should the elephant be struck down, or the chief fall wounded from his elephant, the fortune of the day is generally decided.]

[Footnote 52: Hindoostan commences north of the Nerbudda; south of that river the country is called the "South of India," and "The Deccan."--See _Malcolm's Malwa_. vol. i. pp. 120, 121.]

[Footnote 53: Vol. ii. p. 598.]

[Footnote 54: Vol. ii. p. 540, note.]

[Footnote 55: The return of those lost was 30,000: one commanding officer said 50,000. Lieutenant-Colonel Burlton discredits the amount, but one of his own departmental officers gave in that number. The Government bought fresh camels in the room of those which died or were lost.]

[Footnote 56: The population of Great Britain and Ireland during the late war, was about 18,000,000; out of which number 1,000,000 were employed in the army, navy, marines, militia, volunteers and yeomanry.]

[Footnote 57: Vol. ii. p. 261.]

[Footnote 58: Vol. ii. p. 494.]

[Footnote 59: Captain Walter Badernach, p. 4, table 1, 1826.]