CHAPTER VIII.

Review of the Army--Eastern Mode of Adoption--Cashmere assigned to Goolab Singh--Defeat of Affghan Cavalry--Major John Cameron Campbell--Security of the North-west Frontier--Fertility of the Punjaub--Infantry introduced into the East--Hyder Ali's Notion of English Power--Runjeet's Craftiness--Improvement in the Punjaub--Dhuleep Singh professes Christianity--Dr. Login--Dhuleep baptized by the Rev. W.J. Jay--Dhuleep Singh's Sincerity.

ON the 10th of March, the whole army was reviewed by the Governor-General, the Commander-in-Chief, the Governor of Scinde (the late Lieutenant-General Sir Charles J. Napier, G.C.B.), the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, Goolab Singh, and many of the Sikh Sirdars. The troops formed line in masses of brigades; the second Brigade of Cavalry, being on the extreme left in open column of squadrons, at quarter distance: there were about 22,000 men on the ground. The conqueror of Scinde, having left behind his 16,500 men and fifty guns, had joined the head-quarters of the army, and was present at this review. The Sikh chiefs also were present, more humble than in former days. They, poor men, with few exceptions, were only the forced actors in the late drama. The Punts and Punchees[37] having decided upon fighting, the chiefs and Sirdars were constrained to gird up their loins for action.

The Governor-General, Sir Henry (now Viscount Hardinge, G.C.B.), was well aware that there were 20,000 Khalsa troops under arms in another part of the Punjaub. Conversing with a field officer, and looking at our European troops, the Governor-General remarked, "See those men, there are only 3,200 fit for duty;" which observation was at the time interpreted somewhat thus: "Out of 7,000 or 8,000 Europeans at first employed in this army, see the reduced remnant; had I not made the treaty, I could not at this season have continued the war."

The young and handsome Maharajah gazed upon the magnificent spectacle before him, with a kind of childish indifference, little concerned about the slice carved out by our swords from the dominions of his putative father; he is ignorant of his paternity, neither does he know whether he can legally call the Maharannee his mother. The Eastern mode of adoption is a very easy mode of providing a successor, for if a Rannee has no sons, others have, who may supply the place. Child-stealing, moreover, is very common in the Punjaub. Report assigns Jummoo as the place of his Highness' birth. The Rajah had a brother. I must leave the unravelling of the mystery, however, to those of my readers who feel an interest in tracing genealogies, with as much likelihood of success, at least, as the Sikh chiefs who tried the puzzle.

On the 10th of March I was on escort duty with my regiment, from half-past two to six in the afternoon, accompanying the Governor-General to and from a visit to the Maharajah, in the palace at Lahore.

On the 12th of March, the army of the Sutlej was broken up, and our kind-hearted Commander-in-chief bade it farewell.

Let us consider our position at the present time, with respect to our late enemy. A treaty has been concluded: we garrison Lahore with our troops, and form a government of Sikh chiefs, superintended by a British officer, namely, Sir Henry Lawrence. We declare that we must withdraw our force from Lahore by the end of the year. The Sikh chiefs entreat us to remain, which we at last agree to, and enter into another treaty to govern until Dhuleep Singh shall be of age, which will be in September, 1854.[38] This period was fixed, because as the Company's charter expires on the 30th of April, 1854, an act of indemnity would otherwise have been required from Parliament.

We first of all take possession of the Jullundur Doab; assign to Goolab Singh the rich and fertile valley of Cashmere,[39] whose productions are those of the temperate zone. The Sikhs are to disband their present army and organize a new one, which is not to exceed 32,000 men, 20,000 of which shall be infantry; and furthermore, we compel them to pay to the British government 22 lakhs of rupees, or £220,000 sterling per annum. Next, a deep conspiracy is discovered at Lahore, and two British officers are murdered at Mooltan. The Sikhs, under Moolraj, Chutter Singh and Shere Singh, raise large armies. The Maharannee is at the bottom of this conspiracy. We send troops in December, 1848, and take Mooltan in February, 1849. We fight at Ramnuggur, and fall into a trap. At Chillianwallah, we take the bull by the horns, but at Goojerat, on the 21st of February, 1849, with eighty-four guns against the enemy's fifty-nine, we gain a victory complete in every point, the Sikhs being battered by our overwhelming force of artillery for three hours. The Affghan Horse, under the command of a son of Dost Mahomed Khan, of Cabool, are routed after a noble charge, by a squadron of the 9th Lancers, and a party of the Scinde Irregular Horse, under the command of Captain J.C. Campbell,[40] of the Lancers, in which he was ably supported by Lieutenant F.J. M'Farlane, of the same corps, a stalwarth and powerful officer; and the whole army of the enemy having been put to flight and pursued for many miles, we finally annex the Punjaub to the British dominions.[41]

Now how would the leader of the British Anti-War Association have acted? The Sikhs cross the Sutlej and attack us. Would that gentleman have reasoned with them, or would he have attacked them? Whatever he may make of Europe, we cannot at present rule India otherwise than by the sword. India has to look to a possible invasion from the North, but none from the South. It is true, Admiral Suffrien did, in 1783, tell the King of France that the French might invade India from the Burmese territory; and he was right. But in 1826, we secured ourselves against such an event by Treaties. The Queen of England is ruler of the Mauritius, and the Cape is subject to her sway. On our North-West lie Scinde and the Punjaub, which two countries protect us against invasion from Candahar direct; and from an attack by the circuitous route of Cabool, we can always secure the Bolan and Khyber Passes; and those of Dhera Ghazee Khan and Dhera Ismael Khan are in our hands whenever we choose, for Mooltan would cover the operation.

Thus has the last Sikh campaign rendered our North-West frontier as safe as we could desire. Time will make the conquest valuable, and it must be our aim to conciliate a new people. Francklin (p. 66) says: "The Punjaub yields to no part of India in fertility of soil; it produces in the greatest abundance, sugar-cane, wheat, barley, rice, pulse of all sorts, tobacco, and various fruits, and it is also well supplied with cattle. The principal manufactures of this country are swords, matchlocks, cotton-cloths, and silks, both fine and coarse."

This description was written in 1802: it is useful to compare the past with the present. The Punjaub still (1854) supplies all the necessaries of life, and the district between the Indus and the Jelum contains salt-mines. In regard to commerce, as well as to manufactures, such as those of cotton-cloths, various stuffs, curious carpets, etc., the Sikhs are behind the other nations of India; yet, considering they are a military people, they shew less contempt for the occupations and amusements of civil life, and the peaceful cultivation of the soil, than might have been expected.

There can be no doubt that this country will become very flourishing under British rule. European art and science will be applied to the improvement of trade and agriculture, and above all, afford that greatest of incentives to industry, the certainty that, "what a man soweth, that shall he also reap." The Sikhs were more anxious to acquire other lands than to improve those which they already held; besides, in the constant scenes of anarchy and warfare, which have desolated this fine country, no man could ever feel certain that he should gather all his produce. Francklin, speaking of the Sikh army, in 1802, says (p. 67): "It has been remarked, that the Sikhs are able to collect from 50 to 60,000 horse; but to render this number effective, those who do not take the field, or who remain at home to guard their possessions, must be included."

The following is Francklin's statement, which comprehended the districts from the Attock to Sirhind:

Cavalry. The districts South of the Sutlej 15,000

The Doab, or country between the Sutlej and the Beyah (Beas) 8,000

Between the Beyah and Rowee (Ravee) 11,000

Force of Buyheel Singh, Chief of Pattiala 12,000

The countries above Lahore, the inhabitants of which are chiefly under the influence of Runjeet Singh 11,000

The Force of Nizam-ud-deen Khan 5,000

Ditto of Roy Elias 1,300

Ditto of other Pathan Chiefs in pay of the Sikhs 800 ------ Grand total 64,100

The Chief of most consequence was Runjeet Singh. If we suppose that two-thirds of this force might take the field, there would be 42,730 horsemen.

The above writer also says, that the repeated invasion of the Punjaub by small armies, of late years, affords a convincing proof, "that the national force of the Sikhs cannot be so formidable as has been represented." "It was successfully invaded by the Maharatta armies of Ambajee, Bala Row and Nana Furkiah, who drove the Sikhs repeatedly before them." No mention is made of the Sikh artillery.

It is to be remarked of the Sikhs, as of other native states (indeed, it is an old remark, and has been made by some of the best informed natives themselves), that Hyder Ali Khan, and Tippoo Sultan, of Mysore, Sindiah, Holcar, in fact, all the native Chiefs of India, were victorious over their native enemies by means of large masses of horse. Infantry of some description they had; but the regular battalions, drilled by Europeans, were only introduced as a system about 60 years ago, by French, German, and Italian officers.

The principal use of Infantry was to defend their forts. Seeing the advantage of regular and well-disciplined Infantry, under the British and French, the leading princes and chiefs adopted the same plan, and at length resolved to have Brigades of Infantry; as, for example, Sindiah's Brigades, under Duboignie, and the Nizam's, etc., etc.

Before this period and until the chiefs had regular corps, the British marched over the country for hundreds of miles, the enemy flying before them. But, in 1803, Sindiah brought many disciplined brigades of infantry into the field, perhaps 8,000, 10,000, or even 12,000 infantry, and seventy, eighty, or one hundred guns, besides horse. Our losses were sustained in taking the guns. Thorn, in his "History of the Maharatta War, 1803," says; "the Maharatta armies in three of their greatest battles were as follow:--

Infantry. Cavalry. Guns. At Delhi 8,000 6,000 68 Assaye 10,500 30,000 100 Leswarree 7,000 4,500 72."

It will be seen that except at Assaye, they had more infantry than cavalry. While the enemy mustered the above numbers, and always had about one fourth of their guns of large calibre, the British only brought seventeen, twenty-five, and thirty small guns into the field. Runjeet Singh's views were different from those of the native princes. Captain Meadows Taylor, in his "Life of Hyder Ali," says; "In December, 1782, just before his death, Hyder Ali Khan of Mysore, called for his confidential adviser and said, 'What signifies the loss of Colonel Baillie's detachment of 3,000 or 4,000 troops? The English can get more by sea; unless I can build a navy to compete with the Feringhees, and stop them from landing, I cannot destroy them. They come as fast as you cut them down.'"

The Maharatta Chiefs thought differently. The power of the English, whose ascendancy in India dates from about the year 1803, had supplanted that of France. The French having rejected the application for European troops, made by Tippoo Sultan in 1799, a brief pause followed upon Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, but on the renewal of the war with England in 1803, Napoleon, in his projected invasion of India, engaged the assistance of the powerful Maharatta chiefs, who entered warmly into the war, and Sindiah's troops were placed under the direction of French officers sent out for the purpose.

M. Perron, in 1803, had 43,000 Infantry and a powerful Artillery, with which he held Allygurh, Agra, and Delhi. He designed, moreover, by degrees, to supersede Sindiah's authority, but Lord Lake's and Sir Arthur Wellesley's battles defeated the scheme. The Maharattas, or rather their troops under French officers, governed Delhi at this time, the Emperor Shah Allum being a captive prince and blind. Runjeet Singh, although a young man, knew all these facts, he therefore, caused his troops to be disciplined by European officers, for the purpose of fighting his battles against the Affghans, and other native enemies; but he never desired to lead them against the English, nor did he much like to entrust his European officers with commands in his wars. General Avitabile had charge of Peshawur, as civil, not as military, governor.

In 1825, when the British attacked Bhurtpore, the Rajah wished Runjeet to aid him, but the crafty fox refused. Some time after, asking Captain Wade (now Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Claudius M. Wade, C.B.) "what the English would have done had he joined the Rajah:" Captain Wade replied, "We should have attacked you first, and then have gone to undertake the siege." "Indeed!" said Runjeet, "I thought so. I shall not quarrel with the English; they are my friends."

Thus the Punjaub, which had been for centuries the tempting lure of a succession of invading hordes, and a prey to anarchy, rapine, and oppression, has passed, like its far-famed "Mountain of Light," into the possession of Queen Victoria; and from the marvellous success which has already crowned the efforts of the British Government to improve this new domain, I have no doubt that it will soon shed as much lustre on the British name, as this brilliant jewel over the royal brow.

When the Punjaub, paralysed and withered under the military authority of Runjeet Singh, first became ours, it never entered into the imagination of the most sanguine, to conceive the change which a few short years of wise and enlightened rule would produce in the outward face of the country. Whole tracts of forest and jungle have been cleared and brought under cultivation; canals, hundreds of miles in extent, and at an outlay of millions of rupees, are in course of excavation; commerce and agriculture are encouraged, and every possible facility is afforded to the native mind to develop the resources which nature has placed within the reach of its inhabitants.

We cannot but feel that it is only a Christian power, which could have exercised this happy influence; for Christianity has been in all ages, and under all circumstances, the pioneer of enlightenment and civilization. Circumstanced as the British government were, they could not well make any direct efforts to establish Christianity among the Sikhs, and indeed their usual caution and feeling rather lean to the reverse. And yet without any such efforts or encouragement on their part, and no one can tell exactly how, the first fruit of the Gospel among the native sovereigns of India, is the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, the son and successor of the mighty Runjeet Singh.

As this event, so important and significant under any circumstances, but doubly so under the present shaking and waning attachment of the Sikh population to their own religious rites, is deeply interesting to the British public, I will here give an extract from a speech delivered by Archdeacon Pratt, in Calcutta:

"The baptism of Dhuleep Singh is an encouraging event, and although perhaps the less said about it the better, for the young convert's own mind, yet as so many false accounts have gone abroad regarding him, it is well briefly to state the circumstances which led him to seek baptism. His desire to become a Christian has generally been attributed to the influence of Dr. Login, who has charge of the young prince. But this is altogether a mistake. Dr. Login has acted the part of a wise and consistent Christian, in the delicate and responsible charge committed to him, but no overtures were made by him to induce the youth to become a Christian. It is believed that an early disgust of his own countrymen, was created in his mind by the horrible assassinations which he witnessed as a child at the Court of Lahore; and the personal kindness which he afterwards met with from Lord Dalhousie and the officials, up to the time of his quitting the Punjaub, gave him a favourable impression of the English.

"But the first impulse in his mind in favour of Christianity, was occasioned by his Brahmin attendant reading the Scriptures to him, during Dr. Login's absence in Calcutta.

"The Brahmin had learnt English in a missionary school, and like many of his countrymen, was himself convinced of the truth of the Word of God, but had not courage to stem the torrent of opposition, which an open avowal of his convictions would have created. His reading, however, awakened the young prince's mind to the value of the Bible; and Dhuleep Singh wrote to Dr. Login that he must have a copy of the Scriptures; and also, that he intended forthwith to break his caste. From this last step he was wisely dissuaded, till he should be better informed.

"The whole matter was made known to the Governor-General and to the Court. It was determined, that if he finally desired to become a Christian, no impediment should be placed in his way, when he was perfectly prepared for the rite. The chaplain of the Station was directed to give him the necessary instruction, should the prince desire it; and his mind has been growing and maturing under the wise superintendence of Dr. Login, and the instructions of his English tutor and the chaplain; but no more progress in advance has been made without his own desire. His attending divine service, both in private and afterwards in public, in the Mussouree church, was of his own seeking and urging.

"I have seen a good deal of the youth, and feel persuaded that he has been led by a higher hand than human, and that the work is of God. He is only a youth; but his character in every respect is a most interesting one; more especially when we remember who he is, and the darkness out of which he has come. If God keep him steadfast, and to this we should direct our prayers, his conversion may have an important influence on missionary prospects."

After a careful examination into his knowledge of those truths which he professed to believe, the Maharajah was formally admitted into the Christian church by baptism, on the 8th of March, 1853, by the Rev. W.J. Jay, Chaplain of Futtyghur. At this interesting ceremony, which took place in the Maharajah's own house at the station, were present all the civil and military authorities, and the American missionaries, as well as a number of his own attendants, on whom the solemnity of the occasion appeared to make a deep impression.

The "Friend of India," in its notice of this event, remarks:--

"It will, of course, be observed, particularly in England, that it would have been more advisable to postpone this irrevocable renunciation of Hindooism, until matured age should have given the young Maharajah the knowledge and experience necessary to enable him to make a permanent decision; but according to Major Smyth's 'Reigning Family of Lahore,' Dhuleep Singh was born in 1837, and he is therefore already sixteen. A lad of this age in India is a man, with as great a capacity for estimating the merits of different creeds, as he is ever likely to possess. From the time that he was placed under the charge of Dr. Login, his education has been most carefully provided for; and the boy who, when rescued from Lahore, could not even read, is now almost English in language, ideas, and feelings. His conduct, with reference to the ceremonial salutes, and his visit to the Governor-General, are sufficient proofs that his judgment is not beneath his acquirements, and that he has been fairly rescued from those influences which warp the minds of the _Porphyrogeniti_ of the East. Sixteen is the age at which the Law Courts acknowledge the right of a native youth to judge for himself; and this last act of the Maharajah has been performed entirely of his own free will. He has been neither coaxed nor frightened into Christianity. Indeed, the Government had every motive for retaining him in his old creed. An Asiatic Christian prince, with £40,000 a year, might excite an interest in England, which it has hitherto been the policy of the home authorities to avoid, but they doubtless felt that it was not for them to interpose obstacles in his way. He was simply left to his own discretion; and that he has chosen rightly will, we think, be allowed even by those who are not given to 'Missionary fanaticism.' His conversion, will, at least, save the palace of Futtyghur from becoming like that of Delhi, a place where all evil naturally seeks shelter; and a native Christian noble, with his vast wealth, may accomplish far more good than a hundred ordinary converts.

"With the exception of 'Prester John,' in whom, despite Marco Polo, our faith is exceedingly limited, and a Roman Catholic Ziogoon of Japan, Dhuleep Singh is the first of his rank in Asia who has become a Christian. His example may, perhaps, give confidence to many who remain in Hindooism, rather from a vague dread of the consequences of abandoning it, than from any belief in its tenets; and we may see Christianity reverse its ordinary course, and descend from the highest to the lowest ranks. We have little hope of such a result; but it requires no religious belief to prove that it would be of the highest advantage to themselves and the people. The mere fact that there then would exist oaths by which they could be bound, and principles which they would scruple to violate, would bind their subjects to them, with a chain stronger than any which the ablest of their number have yet been able to forge."

The editor of the "Oriental Christian Spectator," observes: "From the persuasion which we have of the Christian judgment and prudence of Dr. Login, whose instructions have been blessed to this great result, we have every confidence that this conversion is of the most satisfactory character.

"The Sikh Prince, in the path he has pursued, appears before us, as no inappropriate specimen of his nation, and of what may be expected from them, if only at the present juncture suitable opportunities be presented. Their national discomfiture has been the overthrow of that fanaticism, under the standard of which they hoped to find themselves invariably the conquerors, and progressing rapidly to universal dominion. It has disappointed them; its prestige is gone; it has lost all hold upon them. If we neglect to meet adequately the present crisis, they will become rapidly absorbed in Hindooism, or Mahomedanism, and infusing a new and energetic element into those decayed systems, may re-invigorate them, and prolong their existence for a season. But if we go forward on a liberal and comprehensive scale of action, to the improvement of the remarkable opportunities now presented to us, there is hope that, as a nation, they may follow the example of the young ex-Maharajah, whose profession of Christianity, at the present moment, is calculated to exercise upon them a very important influence."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 37: See Appendix XV.]

[Footnote 38: See Appendix XVI.]

[Footnote 39: See Appendix XVII.]

[Footnote 40: For this gallant charge, Captain Campbell obtained the brevet rank of Major, since which time he has, however, retired from the army, by the sale of his commission, after a long period of service.]

[Footnote 41: See Appendix XVIII.]