Part 3

[17] See Pilling's Algonquian Bibliography (pp. 396, 397), for a brief sketch of Thos. Stanton's career as an Interpreter to the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England.

[18] The root _kuhkoo_ or _kehkoo_, has simply the idea of "mark" or a "sign," which in Algonquian polysynthesis is modified according to its grammatical affixes, and the sense of the passage used, when translated into an alien tongue. But it must be remembered, however, that its primary meaning was never lost to an Indian--a fact well known to all students of Indian linguistics.

[19] Compare the various derivates from the Nipissing (Cuoq) _kikina_ and _kikino_; Otchipwe (Baraga) _kikino_; Cree (Lacomb) _okiskino_; Delaware (Zeisberger) _kikino_, etc.

[20] Book of Deeds, vol. ii. p. 210, office of the Secretary of State, Albany, N. Y. A copy of this deed, from a contemporary copy made by Richard Terry, then on sale at Dodd & Mead's, New York, was contributed to the Greenport Watchman by Wm. S. Pelletreau, June 6, 1891.

[21] Hall's Norwalk, p. 35.

[22] Hall's Norwalk, p. 62.

[23] Another island of this group bears the personal name of an Indian who was called _Mamachimin_ (Hall's Norwalk, pp. 30, 93, 97. He joined in the Indian deed to Roger Ludlow of Norwalk, February 26, 1640, corresponding to March 8, 1641). The name still survives, abbreviated to "_Chimons_ Island."

[24] Colonial Records of Connecticut, vol. iv. p. 476.

[25] East Hampton Records, vol. i. pp. 96-97.

[26] _Manhansick ahaquazuwamuck = Manhan-es-et-ahaquazuOOamuck_, "at or about the island sheltered their fishing-place," or "their sheltered fishing-place at or about the island," see Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1895, p. 55, "Some Indian Fishing Stations upon Long Island."

[27] Compare Delaware (Zeisberger) _Anhuktonheen_, "interpreter," _Ekhikuweet_, "talker"; Lenâpé (Brinton) _Anhoktonhen_, "to interpret"; Otchipwe (Baraga) _Ânikanotagewin_, "interpreter," or "his work as an interpreter," _Anikanotage_, "I repeat what another says."

[28] Southold Records, vol. i. p. 158.

[29] The late David Gardiner in his Chronicles of East Hampton, p. 33, and other Long Island historians following him, place this event in the year 1651; but as _Yoco_, as he is more often called, united with the chief men of his tribe in the deed to Captain Middleton and associates on the 27th of December, 1652, a date which was, in accordance with our present mode of computing time, January 6, 1653, would indicate beyond question the error of our historians in assigning his death previous.

[30] East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 31: "It is ordered noe Indian shall Come to the Towne unles it be upon special occasion and none to come armed because that the Dutch hath hired Indians agst the English and we not knowing Indians by face and because the Indians hath cast of their sachem, and if any of the Indians or other by night will come in to the towne in despit of eyther watch or ward upon the third stand to shoote him or if thay rune away to shoote him" (April 26, 1653).

[31] Southampton Records, vol. i. p. 90 (April 25, 1653): "At a generall court Liberty is given to any Inhabitant to sell unto ye Sachem any manner of vituals for the supply of his family for a month's time from the date hereof, Mr. Odell haveing promised to use his best endeavors to see that the said Sachem buy not for other Indians but for his particular use as aforesaid." It is probable from the following note that this Sachem was Cockenoe.

[32] East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 261 (Munsill's History of Suffolk County, East Hampton Town, see Facsimile, p. 13), Extract: "and the Shinokut Indians had the drowned Deere as theirs one this side the sayd River and one Beare Some years since; And the old squaw Said by the token shee eat some of it Poynting to her teeth; And that the skin and flesh was brought to _Shinnocut_ as acknowledging their right to it to a saunk squaw then living there who was the old _Mantaukut_ Sachems sister; And first wife to _Chekkanow_." In the trial November 1, 1667 (Colonial History of New York, vol. xiv. p. 601), an Indian testified: "It was about fourteen yeares agoe since the beare was kill'd," which indicates the year 1653 as the time the Saunk Squaw was living at Shinnecock.

[33] Hazard's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 359. As this record has never been quoted in full in our Long Island histories, and Hazard's work is quite rare, it would be well to print it at this time, viz.: "Upon a complaint made by _Ninnegrates_ messenger to the Generall Court of the Massachusetts in May last against the _Montackett_ Sachem for murthering Mr Drake and some other Englishmen upon ours near the Long Island shore and seiseing theire goods many years since and for Trecherously assaulting _Ninnegrett_ upon block Island and killing many of his men after a peace concluded betwixt them certifyed to Newhaven by the Massachusetts Commissioners by a Complaints made by _Awsuntawney_ the Indian Sagamore near Milford and two other western Indians against the said _Montackett_ Sachem for hiering a witch to kill _Uncas_ with the said Milford Sachem and his son giveing eight fathom of wampam in hand promising a hundred or a hundred and twenty more when the said murthers were committed; Notice whereof being given to the said _Montackett_ Sachem and hee Required to attend the Commissioners att this meeting att Plymouth The said Sachem with five of his men came over from longe Island towards the latter part of August in Captaine Younges Barque whoe was to carry the Newhave Commissioners to Plymouth but the Wind being contrary they first putt in att Milford. The Sachem then desiring to Improve the season sent to speake with _Ausuntawey_ or any of the western Indians to see whoe or what Could bee charged upon him but none came but such as professed they had nothing against him; The Commissioners being mett att Plymouth; The said Sachem presented himselfe to answare but neither _Ninnegrett_ nor _Uncas_ nor the Milford Sachem appeared, only _Newcom_ a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian sent by _Ninnegrett_ as his Messinger or deputy charged the long Island Sachem first with the murther of Mr Drake and other Englishmen affeirming that one Wampeag had before severall Indians confessed that hee hiering under the _Montackett_ Sachem did it being thereunto hiered by the said Sachem which said Sachem absolutly deneyinge and Capt Young professing that both English and Indians in those partes thought him Innocent: _Necom_ was asked why himselfe from _Ninnegrett_ haveing layed such charges upon the long Island Sachem before the Massachusetts Court hee had not brought his Proffe; hee answared that Wampeage was absent but some other Indians were present whoe Could speak to the case; wherupon an Indian afeirmed that hee had heard the said Wampeage confesse that being hiered as above hee had murthered the said Englishmen; though after the said murther with himselfe that now spake the _Muntackett_ Sachem and some other Indians being att Newhaven hee deneyed itt to Mr Goodyer and one hundred fathome of Wampam being tendered and delivered to Mr Eaton the matter ended; Mr Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam, Nor did hee believe that any at all was tendered him; wherupon the Commissioners caled to the Indian for Proffe Mr Eaton being present and deneying it the Indian answered there were two other Indians present that could speak to it; they were called forth but both of them professed that through themselves and from other Indians where then att Newhaven yett the former afermined Indian was not there and that there was noe wawpam att all either Received or tendered soe that the long Island Sachem for what yett appeered stood free from this foule Charge; 2 Cond, The said _Newcome_ charged the _Montackett_ Sachem with breach of Covenant in asaulting _Ninnegrett_ and killing divers of his men att Block Island after a conclusion of peace, the Treaty whereof was begun by a Squaw sent by _Ninnigrett_ to the said Sachem to tender him peace and the Prisoners which the said _Ninnigrett_ had taken from the long Island sachem upon condition the said sachem did wholly submitt the said message, but afeirmed hee Refused to accept the Conditions which hee said hee could not without advising with the English whereupon the Squaw Returned and came backe from _Ninnigrett_ with an offer of the prisoners for Ransom of wampam which hee saith hee sent and had his prisoners Relieved, _Newcome_ affeirmed the agreement between the said Sachems was made att _Pesacus_ his house by two long Island Indians deligates to the _Montackett_ Sachem in presence of _Pesacus_ and his brother and others, two Englishmen being present one whereof was Robert Westcott; Pesacus his brother testifyed the agreement as aforesaid. The _Muntackett_ acknowlidged hee sent the said Delligatts but never heard of any such agreement and deneyed hee gave any such commission to his men, _Newcome_ afeirming Robert Wescott would Testify the agreement aforsaid and desiring a writing from the commissioners to Lycence the said Wescott to come and give in his Testimony which was granted and _Newcome_ departed pretending to fetch Wescott but Returned Not: The Commissioners finding much Difficulty to bring theire thoughts to a certaine Determination on Satisfying grounds yett concidering how Proudly _Ninnigrett_ and how peaceably the _Montackett_ Sachem hath carryed it towards the English ordered that a message the contents whereof heerafter followeth bee by Tho Stanton delivered to _Ninnigrett_ and that for the cecuritie of the English plantations on long Island and for an Incurragement to the Montackett Sachem the two first particulars of the order to hinder Ninnigretts attempts on long Island; made last year att New Haven bee continued; Notwithstanding the said English are Required to Improve those orders with all moderation and not by any Rashness or unadvisednes to begin a broil unless they bee Nessesitated thereunto; The _Montackett_ Sachem being questioned by the Commissioners concerning the Painment of his Tribute Professed that hee had Payd it att hartford for ten yeares but acknowlidged there was four yeares behind which the Commissioners thought meet to respett in respect of his present Troubles; Plymouth Sept 17th 1656."

[34] Thompson's Long Island, vol. ii. p. 9.

[35] This protectorship was agreed upon and confirmed May 29, 1645, by _Rochkouw_ [_Yoco_] the greatest Sachem of _Cotsjewaminck_ (= _Ahaquazuwamuck_). See Colonial History of New York, vol. xiv. p. 60. See also Plymouth Colonial Records, vol. ix. p. 18.

[36] Thompson's Long Island, vol. ii. p. 10.

[37] _Ibid._, p. 9.

[38] P. 145.

[39] Pp. 416, 417.

[40] Indian Tribes of Hudson's River, Ruttenber, p. 73; Munsill's History of Queens County, p. 19.

[41] East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 48.

[42] Huntington Records, vol. i. pp. 16, 17.

[43] East Hampton Records, vol 1. p. 156.

[44] _Ibid._, p. 66.

[45] Book of Deeds, vol. ii. pp. 118-19, Office of the Secretary of State, Albany. The original is now in the possession of the Long Island Historical Society: "Bee it knowne unto all men, both English and Indians, especially the inhabitants of Long Island: that I _Wyandance_ Sachame, of _Pamanack_, with my wife and son _Wiancombone_, my only sonn and heire, haveinge delyberately considered how this twenty-foure years wee have bene not only acquainted with Lion: Gardiner, but from time to time have reseived much kindness of him and from him, not onely by counsell and advise in our prosperitie, but in our great extremytie, when wee wee were almost swallowed upp of our enemies, then wee say he apeared to us not onely as a friend, but as a father, in giveinge us his monie and goods, wherby wee defended ourselves, and ransomd my daughter and friends, and wee say and know that by his meanes we had great comfort and reliefe from the most honarable of the English nation heare about us; soe that seinge wee yet live, and both of us beinge now ould, and not that wee at any time have given him any thinge to gratifie his fatherly love, care and charge, we haveinge nothing left that is worth his acceptance but a small tract of land which we desire him to Accept of for himselfe, his heires, executors and assignes forever; now that it may bee knowne how and where that land lieth on Long Island, we say it lieth betwene Huntington and Seatacut, the westerne bounds being Cowharbor, easterly Arhata-a-munt, and southerly crosse the Island to the end of the great hollow or valley, or more, then half through the Island southerly, and that this gift is our free act and deede, doth appeare by our hand martcs under writ." Wayandance's mark represents an Indian and a white shaking hands.

[46] These two chief men of the Montauk tribe were frequently sent together by _Wyandanch_, and were possibly the Delegates sent to _Pesacus_ at Rhode Island as stated in Note 33. _Sakkataka_ or _Sasachatoko_ was at one time chief counselor of the Sachem of the tribe. He was still living in 1702-03, as the Montauk conveyance of that date bears witness.

[47] See Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1895, p. 55.

[48] Brookhaven Records, vol. i. p. 16.

[49] "The Name of the Neck aboves'd; is _Cataconocke_, March 8 1666" (Brookhaven Records, vol. i. p. 16). The Indian name, of which "great neck" is probably a popular translation, signifies "a great field," _Kehte-Konuk_.

[50] Huntington Records, vol. i. p. 20.

[51] Book of Deeds, vol. ii. p. 118, office of the Secretary of State, Albany, N. Y.; George R. Howell in Southside Signal, Babylon, June 30, 1883.

[52] East Hampton Records, vol. i. 172.

[53] "The Signification of the name Montauk," Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1896, pp. 54, 55.

[54] East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 175; Southold Records, vol. i. p. 363.

[55] Southampton Records, vol. ii. pp. 14, 20, 209.

[56] Southampton Records, vol. ii. pp. 15, 16.

[57] See Mamaroneck, by Edward Floyd DeLancey, Esq.; chap. 23, pp. 850, 851.

[58] See Note 18.

[59] Southampton Records, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, _et seq._

[60] East Hampton Records, vol. i. pp. 159, 160, _et seq._

[61] From the original in possession of the owner of Montauk, Frank Sherman Benson, Esq.

[62] _Quaunontowounk_ = _QuaneuntOOunk_ (Eliot), "where the fence is," and refers to the "sufficient fence upon the north side of the pond." Compare "the Indian fence at _Quahquetong_," Trumbull's Names in Connecticut, p. 58; _Konkhonganik_ "at the boundary place," _Kuhkunhunkganash_, "bounds" (Eliot), Acts xvii. 26. The agreement, Book of Deeds, vol. ii. p. 123, office of Secretary of State, Albany, N. Y., dated October 4, 1665, says: "That the bounds of East Hampton to the East shall be ffort Pond, the North ffence from the pond to the sea shall be kept by the Towne. The South ffence to the sea by the Indyans." _Askikotantup_, daughter of the Sachem Wyandanch, was Sachem Squaw of Montauk at the date of this agreement.

[63] This passage reads: "The cruel opposition and violence of our deadly enemy Ninecraft Sachem of Narragansett, whose cruelty hath proceeded so far as to take away the lives of many of our dear friends and relations, so that we were forced to flee from the said Montauk for shelter to our beloved friends and neighbors of East Hampton, whom we found to be friendly in our distress, and whom we must ever own and acknowledge as instruments under God, for the preservation of our lives and the lives of our wives and children to this day."

[64] East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 199.

[65] Huntington Records, vol. i. p. 58.

[66] Huntington Records, vol. i. p. 58.

[67] _Ibid._, p. 90.

[68] Huntington Records, vol. i. pp. 91, 92.

[69] Colonial History of New York, vol. xiv. Index, under Tackapousha.

[70] _Ibid._, p. 627.

[71] East Hampton Records, vol. ii. p. 33.

[72] The date of this gift to Gardiner and James was November 13, 1658. See East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 150.

[73] From the original deed in possession of Frank Sherman Benson, Esq. There is an imperfect copy in Ranger's Deeds of Montauk, 1851.

[74] These boundaries are as follows: "bounded by us, the aforesaid parties [_i. e._, the Indians] _Wuchebehsuck_, a place by the Fort pond, being a valley southward from the fort hills pond, _Shahchippitchuge_ being on the north side, the said land, midway between the great pond and fort, so on a straight line to _Chabiakinnauhsuk_ from thence to a swamp where the haystacks stood called _Mahchongitchuge_, and so through the swampe to the great pond, then straight from the haystacks to the great pond, so along by the said pond to a place called _Manunkquiaug_, on furthest side the woods, growing on the end of the great pond eastward, and so along to the sea side southward, to a place called _Coppauhshapaugausuk_, so straight from thence to the south sea," etc. See Indian Names in the Town of East Hampton, Tooker, East Hampton Records, vol. iv. p. i-x.

[75] East Hampton Records, vol. i. p. 379.

[76] Colonial History of New York, vol. xiv. pp. 699, 700.

[77] James wrote: "The lines upon the other side I wrote upon the desire of the Sachem & his men, they were their owne words & the substance thereof they also had expressed before Mr Backer, but since my writeing of them wch was almost a week since, I perceive that delivering up the armes to the Indians doth not relish well with the English, especially since of late we heard of the great slaughter, they haue made upon the English in other parts of the country; I perceive att Southampton ye English are much troubled ye Indians haue their armes & I thinke it doth much disturbe ye spirits of these haue them not; as for these Indians for my owne part I doe thinke they are as Cordiale freinds to the English as any in ye Country & what is written by ym is knowne to many to be ye truth, though God knows their hearts," etc.

[78] Colonial History of New York, vol. xiv. p. 728.

[79] East Hampton Records, vol. ii. p. 109.

[80] _Ibid._, p. 111.

[81] The originals of the Montauk Indian deeds are in the possession of Frank Sherman Benson of Brooklyn.

[82] As his name does not appear among the grantors on the confirmation deed for Montauk, dated March 3, 1702-03, we must accept it as sufficient evidence that he had passed away before that date; although his associate and companion _Sasachatoko_ was still living, an aged man. Rev. Thomas James died June 16, 1696, after a ministry of about forty-five years.

[83] It is to be regretted that we have left us so little relating to the Rev. Thomas James and his knowledge of the Indians of Montauk. The few depositions and letters he left show that his knowledge of Indian traditions and customs must have been quite extensive. In September, 1660, he informed the Commissioners of the United Colonies, then in session at New Haven, that he was "willing to apply himself, to instruct the Indians" of Long Island, "in the knowledge of the true God." An allowance of £10 was therefore made for him "towards the hiering of an Interpreter and other Charges." In 1662 he was paid £20 "for Instructing the Indians on Long Island," and the same allowance was continued for the two following years. In a letter from Governor Lovelace to Mr. James (Colonial History of New York, vol. xiv. pp. 610-11), we find: "I very much approve of yor composure of a Catechisme.... That wch I shall desire from you at p'sent is the Catachisme with some few select chapters & Lauditory Psalms fairly transcribed in the Indian Language wch I will send over to England & have quantityes of them printed & if you thinke it necessary I conceive a small book such as shal only seme to the instructing ye Indians to read may likewise be compiled & sent with them," etc. The Catechism referred to above was probably never printed (Pilling's Algonquian Bibliography, p. 569). It cannot be possible that James neglected to avail himself of _Cockenoe's_ knowledge. The facts presented in this paper would indicate, from James' reference to him, that he found him a valuable assistant for many years.

[84] The numerous valleys and hilly slopes of the "North Neck," to the northeast of Fort Pond, are dotted in many places by Indian graves. The pedestrian will meet with them in the most isolated spots; but generally near swamps and ponds in proximity to wigwam or cabin sites. The two principal are located at "Burial Place Point," on the eastern shore of Great Pond, and on the top of Fort Hill. The outlines of the Fort still visible (which was yet standing in 1662) now inclose forty graves, each marked by cobblestones laid thickly along the tops. The tramping of cattle has obliterated all traces of mounds, and the stones are generally on a level with the surface. On the outside, in close proximity to the others, are ten more, while on the slope of the hill to the northwest--the hill not being so abrupt in its descent at this point--are eighty-six more graves; making a total of one hundred and thirty-six buried on this hill. All are marked in the same manner, the last being covered by a thick growth of blackberry vines and bayberry bushes, and would not be noticed by the careless observer. One of the graves, inside the outlines of the Fort, has an irregular fragment of granite for a headstone; on it is carved very rudely 1817/BR. This is evidence that the graves on this hill were all subsequent to the erection of the Fort, and are not very ancient. Those at "Burial Place Point" look much older, and some of the graves there are simply depressions not marked by any stones. In the "Indian Field," to the northwest of Great Pond, are many more.

[85] I would suggest placing this at the top of Fort Hill, and thus preserving the hill and graves forever as a memorial.

* * * * *

[Transcriber's Notes:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies.

The transcriber noted the following issues and made changes as indicated to the text to correct obvious errors:

1. p. 17, Footnote #8, Alqonquian --> Algonquian 2. p. 27, Footnote #26, Manhan-es-et-ahaquazuOOamuck: OO appears as infinity symbol in text 3. p. 37, pounds of poudar --> pounds of poudar, 4. p. 46, Footnote #62, QuaneuntOOunk: OO appears as infinity symbol in text 5. p. 51, satisfy his demands, --> satisfy his demands. 6. p. 58, Footnote #83, pp. 610-11, --> pp. 610-11), 7. p. 59, Footnote #84, 1817/BR appears in text at 1817 directly over the BR with a horizontal line between them.

End of Transcriber's Notes]