PART II

THE REHABILITATION

_In the following Enquiries and Depositions, it has been considered advisable, in order to avoid unnecessary repetitions, to give extracts only from certain of the Depositions. The names of all witnesses are given in full, and no evidence of importance is omitted._

_In the Original, the whole of the first Enquiry is in French, the second and third are in Latin._

_An Introductory Note to the Rehabilitation will be found in the Appendix on p. 371._

THE FIRST ENQUIRY: 1449.

[_The King’s Rescript, being a Letter of Commission to Maître Guillaume Bouillé, was granted by Charles VII., for an Enquiry into the case of Jeanne d’Arc._]

EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.

BROTHER JEAN TOUTMOUILLÉ, _of the Order of Saint Dominic, (Examined, 5th day of March), 1449_.[105]

As to the feeling of the Judges and those who conducted the Trial of the said Jeanne, I neither assisted nor was I present at the Trial. I can say nothing, therefore, as to what I saw; but the common report was, that they persecuted her from desire of perverse vengeance, and of this they gave sign and appearance. For, before her death, the English proposed to lay siege to Louviers; soon, however, they changed their purpose, saying they would not besiege the said town until the Maid had been examined. What followed was evident proof of this; for, immediately after she was burnt, they went to besiege Louviers, considering that during her life they could have neither glory nor success in deeds of war.

The day when Jeanne was delivered up to be burned, I was in the prison during the morning with Brother Martin Ladvenu, whom the Bishop of Beauvais had sent to her to announce her approaching death, and to induce in her true contrition and penitence, and also to hear her in confession. This the said Ladvenu did most carefully and charitably; and when he announced to the poor woman the death she must die that day, as the Judge had ordained, and she heard of the hard and cruel death which was approaching, she began, in a sad and pitiful manner, as one distraught, tearing her hair, to cry out: “Alas! am I to be so horribly and cruelly treated? Alas! that my body, whole and entire, which has never been corrupted, should to-day be consumed and burned to ashes! Ah! I would far rather have my head cut off, seven times over, than be thus burned! Alas! had I been in the ecclesiastical prison, to which I submitted myself, and guarded by the Clergy instead of by my enemies, it would not have fallen out so unhappily for me. I appeal to God, the Great Judge, for the great evils and injustice done to me!”

After these complaints, the aforesaid Bishop arrived, to whom she at once said: “Bishop, I die through you.” And he began to explain to her, saying: “Ah! Jeanne, have patience; you die because you have not kept to what you promised us, and for having returned to your first evil-doing.” And the poor Maid answered him: “Alas, if you had put me in the prisons of the Church Courts, and given me into the hands of competent and suitable ecclesiastical guardians, this would not have happened: for this I summon you before God.”

This done, I went out, and heard no more.

BROTHER YSAMBARD DE LA PIERRE, _of the Order of Saint Dominic, of the Convent at Rouen_.

On one occasion, I, with many others, admonished and besought Jeanne to submit to the Church. To which she replied that she would willingly submit to the Holy Father, requesting to be taken before him, and to be no more submitted to the judgment of her enemies. And when, at this time, I counselled her to submit to the Council of Bâle, Jeanne asked what a General Council was. I answered her, that it was an assembly of the whole Church Universal and of Christendom, and that in this Council there were some of her side as well as of the English side. Having heard and understood this, she began to cry: “Oh! if in that place there are any of our side, I am quite willing to give myself up and to submit to the Council of Bâle.” And immediately, in great rage and indignation, the Bishop of Beauvais began to call out: “Hold your tongue, in the devil’s name!” and told the Notary, he was to be careful to make no note of the submission she had made to the General Council of Bâle. On account of these things and many others, the English and their officers threatened me terribly, so that, had I not kept silence, they would have thrown me into the Seine.

After she had recanted and abjured, and had resumed the dress of a man, I and many others were present when Jeanne excused herself for having dressed again as a man, saying and affirming publicly, that the English had done or caused to be done to her great wrong and violence, when she was wearing a woman’s dress; and, in truth, I saw her weeping, her face covered with tears, disfigured and outraged in such sort that I was full of pity and compassion.

When Jeanne was proclaimed an obstinate and relapsed heretic, she replied publicly before all who were present: “If you, my Lords of the Church, had placed me and kept me in your prisons, perchance I should not have been in this way.”

After the conclusion and end of this session and trial, the Lord Bishop of Beauvais said to the English who were waiting outside: “Farewell![106] be of good cheer: it is done.”

Such difficult, subtle, and crafty questions were asked of and propounded to poor Jeanne, that the great clerics and learned people present would have found it hard to reply; and at [these questions] many of those present murmured.

I was there myself with the Bishop of Avranches,[107] an aged and good ecclesiastic, who, like the others, had been requested and prayed to give his opinion on this Case. For this, the Bishop summoned me before him, and asked me what Saint Thomas said touching submission to the Church. I sent the decision of Saint Thomas in writing to the Bishop: “In doubtful things, touching the Faith, recourse should always be had to the Pope or a General Council.” The good Bishop was of this opinion, and seemed to be far from content with the deliberations that had been made on this subject. His deliberation was not put into writing: it was left out, with bad intent.

After Jeanne had confessed and partaken of the Sacrament of the Altar, sentence was given against her, and she was declared heretic and excommunicate.

I saw and clearly perceived, because I was there all the time, helping at the whole deduction and conclusion of the Case, that the secular Judge did not condemn her, either to death or to burning; and although the lay and secular Judge had appeared and was present in the same place where she was last preached to and given over to the secular authority, she was, entirely without judgment or conclusion of the said Judge, delivered into the hands of the executioner, and burnt—it being said to the executioner, simply and without other sentence: “Do thy duty.”

Jeanne had, at the end, so great contrition and such beautiful penitence that it was a thing to be admired, saying such pitiful, devout, and Catholic words, that those who saw her in great numbers wept, and that the Cardinal of England and many other English were forced to weep and to feel compassion.

As I was near her at the end, the poor woman besought and humbly begged me to go into the Church near by and bring her the Cross, to hold it upright on high before her eyes until the moment of death, so that the Cross on which God was hanging might be in life continually before her eyes.

Being in the flames, she ceased not to call in a loud voice the Holy Name of Jesus, imploring and invoking without ceasing the aid of the Saints in Paradise; again, what is more, in giving up the ghost and bending her head, she uttered the Name of Jesus as a sign that she was fervent in the Faith of God, just as we read of Saint Ignatius and of many other Martyrs.

Immediately after the execution, the executioner came to me and to my companion, Brother Martin Ladvenu, stricken and moved with a marvellous repentance and terrible contrition, quite desperate and fearing never to obtain pardon and indulgence from God for what he had done to this holy woman. And the executioner said and affirmed that, notwithstanding the oil, the sulphur, and the charcoal which he had applied to the entrails and heart of the said Jeanne, in no way had he been able to burn them up, nor reduce to cinders either the entrails or the heart, at which he was much astonished, as a most evident miracle.

BROTHER MARTIN LADVENU, _of the Order of Saint Dominic, and of the Convent of Saint-Jacques at Rouen_.

Many of those who appeared in the Court did so more from love of the English and the favour they bore them than on account of true zeal for justice and the Catholic Faith. In the extreme prejudice of Messire Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, there were, I assert, two proofs of ill-feeling: the first, when the Bishop, acting as Judge, commanded Jeanne to be kept in the secular prison and in the hands of her mortal enemies; and although he might easily have had her detained and guarded in an ecclesiastical prison, yet he allowed her, from the beginning of the trial to the end, to be tormented and cruelly treated in a secular prison. Moreover, at the first session or meeting, the Bishop aforesaid asked and required the opinion of all present, as to whether it was more suitable to detain her in the secular ward or in the prisons of the Church. It was decided as more correct that she be kept in ecclesiastical prisons rather than in the secular; but this the Bishop said he would not do for fear of displeasing the English. The second proof was that on the day when the Bishop and several others declared her a heretic, relapsed, and returned to her evil deeds, because, in prison, she had resumed a man’s dress, the Bishop, coming out of the prison, met the Earl of Warwick and a great many English with him, to whom he said, laughing, in a loud and clear voice: “Farewell! farewell! it is done; be of good cheer,” or such-like words.

The Maid revealed to me that, after her abjuration and recantation, she was violently treated in the prison, molested, beaten, and ill-used; and that an English lord had insulted her. She also said, publicly, that on this account she had resumed a man’s dress; and, towards the end, she said to the Bishop of Beauvais: “Alas! I die through you, for had you given me over to be kept in the prisons of the Church, I should not have been here!”

When she had been finally preached to in the Old Market-Place and abandoned to the secular authority, although the secular Judges were seated on the platform, in no way was she condemned by any of these Judges; but, without being condemned, she was forced by two sergeants to come down from the platform and was taken by the said sergeants to the place where she was to be burned, and by them delivered into the hands of the executioner.

And in proof of this, a short time after, one called Georges Folenfant was apprehended on account of the Faith and for the crime of heresy, and was in the same way handed over to the secular justice. In this case, the Judges—to wit, Messire Louis de Luxembourg, Archbishop of Rouen, and Brother Guillaume Duval, Deputy of the Inquisitor of the Faith—sent me to the Bailly of Rouen to warn him that the said Georges should not be treated as was the Maid, who, without final sentence or definite judgment, had been burned in the fire.

The executioner, about four hours after the burning, said that he had never been so afraid in executing any criminal as in the burning of the Maid, and for many reasons: first, for her great fame and renown; secondly, for the cruel manner of fastening her to the stake—for the English had caused a high scaffold to be made of plaster, and, as the said executioner reported, he could not well or easily hasten matters nor reach her, at which he was much vexed and had great compassion for the cruel manner in which she was put to death.

I can testify to her great and admirable contrition, repentance, and continual confession, calling always on the Name of Jesus, and devoutly invoking the Saints in Paradise, as also Brother Ysambard hath already deposed, who was with her to the end, and confirmed her in the way of salvation.

BROTHER GUILLAUME DUVAL, _of the Order of Saint Dominic, and of the Convent of Saint-Jacques at Rouen_.

When the trial of the said Jeanne took place, I was present at one session with Brother Ysambard de la Pierre; and, although we could find no room for ourselves in the consistory, we seated ourselves at the middle of the table, near to Jeanne. When she was questioned or examined, the said Brother Ysambard advised her as to what she should say, nudging her or making some other sign. After the session was over, I and Brother Ysambard, with Maître Jean Delafontaine, were deputed to visit her in prison the same day after dinner and give her counsel; we went together to the Castle of Rouen, to visit and admonish her; and there we found the Earl of Warwick, who attacked the said Brother Ysambard with great anger and indignation, biting insults, and harsh epithets, saying to him: “Why didst thou touch that wicked person this morning, making so many signs? Mort Bleu! villain! if I see thee again taking trouble to deliver her and to advise her for her good, I will have thee thrown into the Seine.” At which I and the other companion of the said Ysambard fled for fear to the Convent.

I heard no more, for I was not present at the Trial.

MAÎTRE GUILLAUME MANCHON, _Canon of the Collegiate Church of Notre Dame d’Audely; Curé of the Parish Church of Sainte-Nicolas-le-Peinteur at Rouen, and Notary of the Ecclesiastical Court; Notary of the Trial of Jeanne, from the beginning up to the end, and with him Maître Guillaume Colles, called Bois-Guillaume_.

In my opinion, not only those who had charge of instituting and conducting the Trial—to wit, My Lord of Beauvais and the Masters sent for from Paris for this Case—but also the English, at whose instance the Trial was undertaken, proceeded rather from hatred and anger on account of the quarrel with the King of France, than owing to her support of his party, and for the following reasons:

First, one named Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, a familiar of my Lord of Beauvais, who held altogether to the English side—for, formerly the King being before Chartres, he went to fetch the King of England to raise the Siege—pretended that he belonged to the Maid’s country; by this means he found a way to have speech and familiar converse with her, telling her news of her country that would please her. He asked to be her confessor, and of what she told him privately he found means to inform the Notaries: indeed, at the beginning of the Trial, I and Boisguillaume, with witnesses, were put secretly in an adjoining room, where there was a hole through which we could hear, in order that we might report what she said to Loyseleur. As I think, what the Maid said or stated familiarly to Loyseleur he reported to the Notaries; and from this were made memoranda for questions in the Trial, to find some way of catching her unawares.

When the Trial had begun, Maître Jean Lohier, a grave Norman Clerk, came to this Town of Rouen, and communication was made to him of what the Bishop of Beauvais had written hereon; and the said Lohier asked for two or three days’ delay to look into it. To which he received answer that he should give his opinion that afternoon; and this he was obliged to do. And Maître Jean Lohier, when he had seen the Process, said it was of no value, for several reasons: first, because it had not the form of an ordinary Process; then, it was carried on in an enclosed and shut-up place, where those concerned were not in full and perfect liberty to say their full will; then, that this matter dealt with the honour of the King of France, whose side she [the Maid] supported, and that he had not been called, nor any who were for him; then, neither legal document nor articles had been forthcoming, and so there was no guide for this simple girl to answer the Masters and Doctors on great matters, and especially those, as she said, which related to her revelations. For these things, the Process was, in his opinion, of no value. At which my Lord of Beauvais was very indignant against the said Lohier; and although my Lord of Beauvais told him that he might remain to see the carrying out of the Trial, Lohier replied that he would not do so. And immediately my Lord of Beauvais, then lodging in the house where now lives Maître Jean Bidaut, near Saint Nicolas-le-Peinteur, came to the Masters—to wit, Maître Jean Beaupère, Maître Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Thomas de Courcelles, and Loyseleur—and said to them: “This Lohier wants to put fine questions into our Process: he would find fault with everything, and says it is of no value. If we were to believe him, everything must be begun again, and all we have done would be worth nothing!” And, after stating the grounds on which Lohier found fault, my Lord of Beauvais added: “It is clear enough on which foot he limps. By Saint John! we will do nothing in the matter, but will go on with our Process as it is begun!” This was on a Saturday afternoon in Lent; and the next morning I spoke with the said Lohier at the Church of Notre Dame at Rouen, and asked him what he thought of the said Trial and of Jeanne? He replied: “You see the way they are proceeding. They will take her, if they can, in her words—as in assertions where she says, ‘_I know for certain_,’ as regards the apparitions; but if she said, ‘_I think_’ instead of the words ‘_I know for certain_’ it is my opinion that no man could condemn her. It seems they act rather from hate than otherwise; and for that reason, I will not stay here, for I have no desire to be in it.” And in truth he thenceforward lived always at the Court of Rome, where he died Dean of Appeals.[108]

At the beginning of the Trial, because I was putting in writing for five or six days the answers and excuses of the said Maid, the Judges several times wished to compel me, speaking in Latin, to put them in other terms, by changing the sense of her words or in other ways such as I had not heard. By command of the Bishop of Beauvais, two men were placed at a window near where the Judges sat, with a curtain across the window, so that they could not be seen. These two men wrote and reported what there was in the charge against Jeanne, keeping silence as to her excuses; and, in my opinion, this was Loyseleur. After the sitting was over, in the afternoon, while comparing notes of what had been written, the two others reported differently from me, and had put in none of the excuses; at which my Lord of Beauvais was greatly angry with me. [109]Where _Nota_ is written in the Process there was disagreement, and questions had to be made upon it; and it was found that what I had written was true.

In writing the said Process, I was often opposed by my Lord of Beauvais and the Masters, who wanted to compel me to write according to their fancy, and against what I had myself heard. And when there was something which did not please them, they forbade it to be written, saying that it did not serve the Process; but I nevertheless wrote only according to my hearing and knowledge.

Maître Jean Delafontaine, from the beginning of the Trial up to the week after Easter, 1431, took the place of my Lord of Beauvais, to interrogate her, in the absence of the Bishop; and was always present with the Bishop in the conduct of the said Trial. And when the time came that the Maid was summoned to submit herself to the Church by this same Delafontaine, and by Brothers Ysambard de la Pierre and Martin Ladvenu, they advised her that she should believe in, and rely on, our Lord the Pope and those who preside in the Church Militant; and that she should make no question about submitting to our Holy Father the Pope and to the Holy Council; for that there were among them as many of her own side as of the other, many of them notable Clerics, and that if she did not do this, she would put herself in great danger. The day after she had been thus advised, she said that she wished certainly to submit to our Holy Father the Pope and to the Holy Council. When my Lord of Beauvais heard this, he asked who had spoken with the Maid. The Guard replied that it was Maître Delafontaine, his lieutenant, and the two Friars. And at this, in the absence of the said Delafontaine and the Friars, the Bishop was much enraged against Maître Jean Lemaître, the Deputy Inquisitor, and threatened to do him an injury. And when Delafontaine knew that he was threatened for this reason, he departed from Rouen, and did not again return. And as for the Friars, they would have been in peril of death, but for the said Lemaître, who excused them and besought for them, saying that if any harm were done to them, he would never again come to the Trial. And, from that time, the Earl of Warwick forbade any one to visit the Maid, except the Bishop of Beauvais or those sent by him; and the Deputy Inquisitor was not allowed to go without him.

At the end of the sermon at Saint Ouen, after the abjuration of the Maid, because Loyseleur said to her, “Jeanne, you have done a good day’s work, if it please God, and have saved your soul,” she demanded, “Now, some among you people of the Church, lead me to your prisons, that I may no longer be in the hands of the English.” To which my Lord of Beauvais replied, “Lead her back whence she was taken!” For this reason she was taken back to the Castle which she had left. The following Sunday, which was Trinity Sunday, the Masters, Notaries, and others concerned in this Trial were summoned; and we were told that she had resumed her man’s dress and had relapsed; and when we came to the Castle, in the absence of my Lord of Beauvais, there came upon us eighty or a hundred English soldiers, or thereabouts, who spoke to us in the courtyard of the Castle, telling us that all of us Clergy were deceitful, traitorous Armagnacs and false counsellors; so that we had great trouble to escape and get out of the Castle, and did nothing for that day. The following day I was summoned; but I replied that I would not go if I had not a surety, on account of the fright I had had the day before; and I would not have gone back if one of the followers of my Lord of Warwick had not been sent as a surety. And thus I returned, and was at the continuation of the Trial, up to the end—except that I was not at a certain examination made by people who had spoken with her privately,[110] as privileged persons; nevertheless, the Bishop of Beauvais wanted to compel me to sign, and this I would not do.

I saw Jeanne led to the scaffold;[111] and there were seven or eight hundred soldiers around her, bearing swords and staves; so that no one was so bold as to speak to her except Brother Martin Ladvenu and Maître Jean Massieu.

Patiently did she hear the sermon right through; afterwards she repeated her thanksgiving, prayers, and lamentations most notably and devoutly, in such manner that the Judges, Prelates, and all present were provoked to much weeping, seeing her make these pitiful regrets and sad complaints. Never did I weep more for anything that happened to me; and, for a month afterwards, I could not feel at peace. For which reason, with a part of the money I had for my services I bought a little Missal, so that I might have it and might pray for her. In regard to final repentance, I never saw greater signs of a Christian.

I remember that at the sermon given at Saint Ouen by Maître Guillaume Érard, among other words were said and uttered these: “Ah! noble House of France, which hath always been the protectress of the Faith, hast thou been so abused that thou dost adhere to a heretic and schismatic? It is indeed a great misfortune.” To which the Maid made answer, what I do not remember, except that she gave great praise to her King, saying that he was the best and wisest Christian in the world. At which Érard and my Lord of Beauvais ordered Massieu, “Make her keep silence.”

MAÎTRE JEAN MASSIEU, _Priest, Curé of one of the Divisions of the Parish Church of Saint-Caudres at Rouen, formerly Dean of the Christendom of Rouen_.

I was at the Trial of the said Jeanne on every occasion when she was present before the Judges and Clerics; and, on account of my office, I was appointed a Clerk to Maître Jean Benedicite,[112] Promoter in this Action. I believe, from what I saw, that the proceedings were taken out of hatred and in order to abase the honour of the King of France whom she served, and to wreak vengeance and bring her to death, not according to reason and for the honour of God and of the Catholic Faith. I say this, because when my Lord of Beauvais, who was Judge in the Case, accompanied by six Clerics—namely, Beaupère, Midi, Maurice, Touraine, Courcelles, and Feuillet, or some other in his place—first questioned her, before she had answered one of them, another of those present would interpose another question, by which she was often hurried and troubled in her answers. And, besides, as I was leading Jeanne many times from her prison to the Court, and passed before the Chapel of the Castle, at Jeanne’s request, I suffered her to make her devotions in passing; and I was often reproved by the said Benedicite, the Promoter, who said to me: “Traitor! what makes thee so bold as to permit this Excommunicate to approach without permission? I will have thee put in a tower where thou shalt see neither sun nor moon for a month, if thou dost so again.” And when the Promoter saw that I did not obey him, the said Benedicite placed himself many times before the door of the Chapel, between me and Jeanne, to prevent her saying her prayers before the Chapel, and asked expressly of Jeanne: “Is this the Body of Christ?” When I was taking her back to prison, the fourth or fifth day, a priest named Maître Eustace Turquetil, asked me: “What dost thou think of her answers? will she be burned? what will happen?” and I replied: “Up to this time I have seen in her only good and honour; but I do not know what will happen in the end, God knows!” Which answer was reported by the said priest to the King’s people; and it was said that I was opposed to the King. On this account, I was summoned, in the afternoon, by the Lord of Beauvais, the Judge, and was spoken to of these things and told to be careful to make no mistake, or I should be made to drink more than was good for me. I think that, unless the Notary Manchon had made excuses for me, I should not have escaped.

When Jeanne was taken to Saint-Ouen to be preached to by Maître Guillaume Érard, at about the middle of the sermon, after she had been admonished by the words of the preacher, he began to cry out, in a loud voice, saying, “Ah! France, thou art much abused, thou hast always been the most Christian country; and Charles, who calls himself thy King and Governor, hath joined himself, as a heretic and schismatic, which he is, to the words and deeds of a worthless woman, defamed and full of dishonour; and not only he, but all the Clergy within his jurisdiction and lordship, by whom she hath been examined and not reproved, as she hath said.” Two or three times he repeated these words about the King; and, at last, addressing himself to Jeanne he said, raising his finger: “It is to thee, Jeanne, that I speak, I tell thee that thy King is a heretic and schismatic!” To which she replied: “By my faith! sir, saving your reverence, I dare say and swear, on pain of death, that he is the most noble of all Christians, and the one who most loves the Faith of the Church, and he is not what you say.” And then the preacher said to me: “Make her keep silence.”

Jeanne never had any Counsel.[113] I remember that Loyseleur was one appointed to counsel her. He was against her, rather deceiving than helping her.

The said Érard, at the end of his sermon, read a schedule containing the Articles which he was inciting Jeanne to abjure and revoke. To which Jeanne replied, that she did not understand what abjuring was, and that she asked advice about it. Then Érard told me to give her counsel about it. After excusing myself for doing this, I told her it meant that, if she opposed any of the said Articles, she would be burned. I advised her to refer to the Church Universal as to whether she should abjure the said Articles or not. And this she did, saying in a loud voice to Érard: “I refer me to the Church Universal, as to whether I shall abjure or not.” To this the said Érard replied: “You shall abjure at once, or you shall be burned.” And, indeed, before she left the Square, she abjured, and made a cross with a pen which I handed to her.

At the end of the sermon, I advised Jeanne to ask that she might be taken to the prisons of the Church: and it was right she should be taken to the Church prisons, because the Church had condemned her. And this thing was asked of the Bishop of Beauvais by some of those present, whose names I do not know. To which the Bishop replied: “Take her to the Castle whence she came.” And so it was done. That day, after dinner, in the presence of the Counsel of the Church, she took off her man’s dress and put on a woman’s dress, as she was commanded. This was on the Thursday or Friday after Pentecost; and the man’s dress was put in a bag in the same room where she was kept prisoner, while she remained guarded in this place, in the hands of five of the English, three of whom stayed all night in the room, and two outside the door of the room. I know of a surety that at night she slept chained by the legs with two pairs of iron chains, and fastened closely to a chain going across the foot of her bed, held to a great piece of wood, five or six feet long, and closed with a key, so that she could not move from her place. When the following Sunday came, being Trinity Sunday, and when it was time to rise, as she reported and said to me, she asked the English guards: “Take off my irons that I may get up.” Then one of the English took away from her the woman’s garments which she had on her, and they emptied the bag in which was her man’s dress, and threw the said dress at her, saying to her: “Get up, and put the woman’s dress in the bag.” And, in accordance with what he said, she dressed herself in the man’s dress they had given her, saying: “Sirs, you know it is forbidden me; without fail, I will not take it again.” Nevertheless, they would not give her the other, insomuch that the contention lasted till mid-day, and, finally, she was compelled to take the said dress; afterwards, they would not give up the other, whatever supplications or prayers she might make.

This she told me on the Tuesday following, before dinner, on which day the Promoter had departed in company with the Earl of Warwick, and I was alone with her. Immediately I asked her why she had resumed a man’s dress, and she told me what I have just related.

I was not at the Castle on the Sunday, but I met near the Castle those who had been summoned, much overwhelmed and affrighted. They said they had been furiously driven back by the English with axes and swords, and called traitors, and otherwise insulted. On the following Wednesday, the day she was condemned, and before she left the Castle, the Body of Christ was borne to her irreverently, without stole and lights, at which Brother Martin, who had confessed her, was ill-content, and so a stole and lights were sent for, and thus Brother Martin administered It to her. And this done, she was led to the Old Market-Place, and by her side were Brother Martin and myself, accompanied by more than 800 soldiers, with axes and swords. And being in the Old Market-Place, after the sermon, during which she showed great patience and listened most quietly, she evinced many evidences and clear proofs of her contrition, penitence, and fervent faith, if only by her pitiful and devout lamentations and invocations of the Blessed Trinity and the Blessed and Glorious Virgin Mary, and all the Blessed Saints in Paradise—naming specially certain of these Saints: in which devotions, lamentations, and true confession of faith, she besought mercy also, most humbly, from all manner of people of whatever condition or estate they might be, of her own party as well as of the other, begging them to pray for her, forgiving them the harm they had done her, [and thus] she persevered and continued as long a space of time as half-an-hour, and up to the very end.

When she was given over by the Church, I was still with her; and with great devotion she asked to have a Cross: and, hearing this, an Englishman, who was there present, made a little cross of wood with the ends of a stick, which he gave her, and devoutly she received and kissed it, making piteous lamentations and acknowledgments to God, Our Redeemer, Who had suffered on the Cross for our Redemption, of Whose Cross she had the sign and symbol; and she put the said Cross in her bosom, between her person and her clothing. And, besides, she asked me humbly that I would get for her the Church Cross, so that she might see it continually until death. And I got the Clerk of the Parish of Saint-Sauveur to bring it to her; the which, being brought, she embraced closely and long, and kept it till she was fastened to the stake. While she was making these devotions and pious lamentations, I was much hurried by the English and even by some of their Captains, who wished me to leave her in their hands, that she might be put to death the sooner, saying to me, when I was trying to console her on the scaffold: “What, Priest! will you have us dine here?” And immediately, without any form or proof of judgment, they sent her to the fire, saying to the executioner: “Do thine office!” And thus she was led and fastened [to the stake], continuing her praises and devout lamentations to God and His Saints, and with her last word, in dying, she cried, with a loud voice: “Jesus!”

MAÎTRE JEAN BEAUPÈRE, _Master in Theology, Canon of Rouen_.

With regard to the apparitions mentioned in the Trial of the said Jeanne, I held, and still hold, the opinion that they rose more from natural causes and human intent than from anything supernatural; but I would refer principally to the Process.

Before she was taken to Saint-Ouen, to be preached to in the morning, I went alone, by permission, into Jeanne’s prison, and warned her that she would soon be led to the scaffold to be preached to, telling her that, if she were a good Christian, she would say on the scaffold that she placed all her deeds and words in the ordering of Our Holy Mother Church, and especially of the Ecclesiastical Judges. And this did she say on the scaffold, being thereto requested by Maître Nicolas Midi. This being noted and considered, she was for a time sent back, after her abjuration; although some of the English accused the Bishop of Beauvais and the Delegates from Paris of favouring Jeanne’s errors.

After this abjuration, and after taking her woman’s dress which she received in prison, it was reported to the Judges on the Friday or Saturday following that Jeanne had repented of having put off a man’s dress and had taken a woman’s dress. On this account, my Lord of Beauvais sent me and Maître Nicolas Midi to her, hoping that we should speak to Jeanne and induce and admonish her to persevere in the good intent she had on the scaffold, and that she should be careful not to relapse. But we could not find the keeper of the prison key,[114] and, while we were waiting for the prison guard, several of the English, who were in the courtyard of the Castle, spoke threatening words, as Maître Nicolas Midi told me, to the effect that he who would throw both of us into the water would be well employed. And, hearing these words, we returned; and, on the bridge of the Castle, Midi heard, as he reported to me, like words used by others of the English; at which we were much frightened, and went away without speaking to Jeanne.

As to her innocence, Jeanne was very subtle with the subtlety of a woman, as I consider. I did not understand from any words of hers that she had been violated.

As to her final penitence, I do not know what to say, for, on the Monday after[115] the abjuration, I left Rouen to go to Basle,[116] on the part of the University of Paris. Through this I knew nothing of her condemnation until I heard it spoken of at Lisle in Flanders.

THE SECOND ENQUIRY[117]: 1452, AND THIRD ENQUIRY: 1455–6.

[_A Rescript was issued by Pope Calixtus III. ordering the Procedure of Revision for the Enquiry of 1455–6._]

EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.

MANCHON: _Second Examination, 2nd May, 1452._ [_Additional statements_:]

I have heard that after Jeanne was taken captive by one of the company of the Count de Ligny, she was taken to the Castle of Beaurevoir and detained there three months; and then, by letters from the King of England to my Lord of Beauvais, she was taken to Rouen and put in prison.

The Bishop of Beauvais held with the English; and, before he took cognizance of the Case, Jeanne was put in irons: after he had informed himself, Jeanne, thus fettered, was given over to the custody of four English, although the Bishop and the Inquisitor had stated and sworn that they would themselves faithfully keep her. Jeanne was treated with cruelty, and, towards the end of the Trial, was shown the torture.

And thus she put on man’s clothing and lamented that she did not dare to doff these, fearing that at night the guards might attempt some violence; and once or twice complaint was made to the Bishop of Beauvais, to the Sub-Inquisitor, and to Maître Nicolas Loyseleur that some of these guards had attempted to assault her. The Earl of Warwick, at the statement of the Bishop, the Inquisitor, and Loyseleur, uttered strong threats should they again presume to attempt this; and two other guards were appointed.

I, as notary, wrote Jeanne’s answers and defence. Two or three writers, who were secretly ensconced near, omitted, in their writing, all that was in her favour.

The Judges desired me to write also in such wise, but I refused.

_Third Examination, 8th May, 1452._ [_Additional statements_:]

I acted as notary in the Process, by compulsion of the Great Council of the King of England, not daring to contradict their order. The Bishop of Beauvais was not compelled to take up the Process against Jeanne. He did it of free-will. The Inquisitor was summoned and dared not refuse. The Process was carried out by the English at their expense. The Promoter also was not compelled, but came of free-will. The Assessors and Doctors were summoned and dared not refuse.

[With regard to the comparison of the writing of the concealed clerks and the notaries, he adds that] the comparison of notes was made in the house of the Bishop.

Jeanne answered prudently and with simplicity, as might be seen in the Process. She could not have defended herself before such great Doctors had she not been inspired. The examination lasted for two or three hours in the morning, and sometimes as long again in the afternoon of the same day. She was much fatigued by the examination, for the examiners put to her the most subtle questions they possibly could.

The original Process was written by me faithfully, in French, after the first session. Later, I believe it was faithfully translated into Latin. During the Process, and almost up to the close, Jeanne had no Counsel. I do not remember if she asked for one; but, towards the end, she had Maître Pierre Maurice and a Carmelite to direct and instruct her.

On the day of her death, before the sermon and ere she left the Castle, she received the Body of the Lord by the order of the Judges, at her own request.

She was taken to the place of execution by a large number of soldiers—nearly four score. After the ecclesiastical sentence had been pronounced, and Jeanne given up, she was taken over to the Bailly, there present, who, without any consultation or sentence, made a sign with his hand, saying: “Take her away! Take her away!”

_Fourth Examination, 17th December, 1455._ [_Additional statements_:]

The sum of a thousand pounds, or crowns, was given by the King of England for the surrender of the Maid; and an annuity of 300 pounds to the soldier of the Duke of Burgundy who had captured her.

I was appointed notary in the Trial, together with a certain Guillaume Boisguillaume.

The copy of the Process shewn to me is the true Copy made. I acknowledge my own and my companion’s signatures, and that it is the truth. Two other copies were made. One was given to the Inquisitor, one to the King of England, and one to the Bishop of Beauvais. This Process was made from a certain Minute written in French, by my own hand, which was given up to the Judges, and was afterwards translated from the French into Latin by Monsieur Thomas de Courcelles and myself, in the form in which it now stands, as well and as faithfully as possible, long after the death and execution of Jeanne. As for the Act of Accusation and other parts of the Process, Maître Thomas de Courcelles had very little to do with these, nor did he greatly interfere with them.

With regard to the word _Nota_, written above certain Articles in the Minute, there was, on the first day of the Enquiry, a great tumult in the Chapel of the Castle at Rouen, where, that day, the interrogation was held, so that Jeanne was interrupted at almost every word, whilst she was speaking of her apparitions: Certain secretaries were there—two or three—of the King of England, who registered, as they chose, her words and depositions, omitting all her defence and all which tended to exonerate her. I complained of this, saying it was irregular, and that I would not be responsible, as clerk, in this matter: and, therefore, on the morrow, the place of meeting was changed and convened in a certain hall of the Castle, near the Great Hall, while two English were placed to keep order. When there were difficulties as to Jeanne’s answers, and some said she had not replied as I had written, I wrote _Nota_ at the top, in order that the questions might be repeated and the difficulties removed. Although it is mentioned in the Process that the Judges stated they had received preliminary evidence, I do not remember to have seen or heard of it; but I know that, if it had been produced, it would have been inserted in the Process.

Jeanne was brought to Rouen and not to Paris, because, as I think, the King of England and the principal people of his Council were there.

At the beginning of the Process, I was sent for to attend a meeting held at a certain house near the Castle, at which were present the Bishop of Beauvais, the Abbé of Fécamp, Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, and many others. The Bishop told me it was necessary that I should serve the King: that they meant to bring a fine case against this said Jeanne, and that I was to recommend another _greffier_ to assist me. I therefore nominated Boisguillaume.

I met Lohier in the Church, on the day after the Bishop had asked him to give an opinion on the Process, and enquired what he thought of it. He replied, that the Process was of no value, and could not be maintained, because it was conducted in the Castle and not in a legal court; that it concerned many who were not summoned; that Jeanne had no Counsel: and for many other reasons. He added that, in his opinion, it was their intention to put her to death.

A certain Maître Nicolas de Houppeville was summoned to attend the Trial; and was in great danger, because he refused. Maître Jean Lemaitre, Sub-Inquisitor, delayed as long as possible his attendance at the Trial, and was much vexed at being compelled to attend.

One day, when Jeanne was being questioned, Jean de Châtillon spoke in her favour, saying that she was not compelled to reply to the question put to her, or to that effect. This much displeased the Bishop of Beauvais and his following, and there was a great tumult at his words. The Bishop ordered him to be quiet, and to let the Judges speak.

On another occasion, when some one was advising and directing Jeanne on the question of submission to the Church, the Bishop said, “Hold your tongue, in the devil’s name!” I do not remember the name of him who was thus spoken to.

One day, some one, whose name I do not remember, having spoken of Jeanne in a way which did not please the Earl of Stafford, the latter followed him, sword in hand, to some place of sanctuary; and, if they had not told Stafford that that place was sacred, he would have slain him.

Those who seemed to me most affected [against Jeanne] were Beaupère, Midi, and de Touraine.

One day, I went with the Bishop of Beauvais and the Earl of Warwick to the prison where Jeanne was, and we found her in irons. It was said that at night she was fastened with iron chains; but I did not see her so fastened. There was, in the prison, neither bed nor any kind of couch. There were four or five guards of the lowest kind.

[Manchon supplies a fuller account of the story given in 1450 as to the clerks having overheard Jeanne’s confession to Loyseleur:]

After I and Boisguillaume had been appointed notaries, the Earl of Warwick, the Bishop of Beauvais, and Maître Nicolas Loyseleur told us that Jeanne had spoken strange things in regard to her visions, and in order the better to know the truth about them, it was agreed that Maître Nicolas Loyseleur should pretend to be from the Marches of Lorraine—Jeanne’s own country—and in the following of the King of France; that he should enter her prison in a layman’s habit, and that the guards should retire and leave him alone with her: there was, in a room adjoining the prison, a hole, specially made for the purpose, in order that I and my companion might be there, and hear what was said by Jeanne. Thither we went, unseen by her. Then Loyseleur, pretending to have news, began to question Jeanne of the King’s estate and of her revelations. Jeanne replied, believing him to be in fact of her own country and party: and the Bishop and the Earl desired us to put in writing what we had heard. I replied, that this ought not to be, that it was not honest to carry on the Trial by such means, but that, if she spoke thus in open Court, we would willingly register the words. And, ever afterwards, Jeanne had great confidence in this Loyseleur, who often heard her in confession, and would generally have private speech with her before she was taken before the Judges.

The interrogations sometimes lasted three or four hours in the morning; and sometimes difficult and subtle questions arose on the answers, on which she was further examined after dinner for two or three hours. Often they turned from one question to another, changing about, but, notwithstanding this, she answered prudently, and evinced a wonderful memory, saying often, “I have already answered you on this,” and adding, “I refer to the clerks.”

Long before the [Seventy] Articles were included in the Process, Jeanne had been many times examined, and had given many answers; and from these questions and answers the Articles were drawn up, with the advice of the Assessors. This was done by the Promoter, in order that the material, which was diffuse, might be put in order. Afterwards, she was examined on the whole; and it was concluded by the counsellors—principally those who came from Paris—that it would be well, and according to custom, to reduce these Articles and answers to shorter Articles, bringing together the principal points, in order to have the material in brief, for better and more prompt discussion. On this, there were drawn up the Twelve Articles; but I had no hand in them, nor do I know who composed or extracted them.

[With regard to a Note, dated April 4th, 1431, written in French and contained in the Process, concerning these Twelve Articles, the other two Notaries—Guillaume Colles or Boisguillaume, and Nicolas Taquel—were summoned and questioned, together with deponent. They testified that:]

The Note is in the handwriting of Manchon, but as to who drew up the Twelve Articles we do not know. It was said to be customary that such Articles should be made and drawn up from the confessions of one accused of Heresy, even as in a matter of Faith was usually done, in Paris, by the Doctors and Masters in Theology. The corrections of these Articles were, we believe, put down as appears in the copy before us; but, whether these corrections were added or not to the copy of the Articles sent to Paris and to those invited to submit an opinion, we do not know. We believe not: for a note, in the handwriting of Maître Guillaume d’Estivet, the Promoter, shews that they were sent by him on the following day without correction.

[Manchon was then asked, if he believed the Articles to be truthfully composed, and if there were not a great difference between them and Jeanne’s answers. He replied that, what was in his Process was true. The Articles were not his doing.]

I believe that deliberation was not made on the whole Process, because it was not then in shape. It was brought into its present form only after Jeanne’s death. Opinions were given on the Twelve Articles. The Twelve Articles were not read to Jeanne. [Asked again, if he had ever perceived a difference between these Articles and Jeanne’s confessions, he said he did not remember. Those to whom they were shown said, that it was the custom to draw up such Articles; but that he had not given his attention to it, and that he should not have dared to argue with such great men.]

During the Trial I was seated at the feet of the Judges with Guillaume Colles and the clerk of Maître Guillaume Beaupère, who was also writing; but there was a great difference in what we had written, and from this arose much contention.

When the Process was complete, opinions were asked for, and from these it was decided that Jeanne should be exhorted; she was left to the counsel of Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, who said to her: “Jeanne, believe me: if you will, you may be saved. Take the dress of your sex, and do all that you are told; otherwise you are in peril of death. If you do what I tell you, you will be saved, and will have much good and not much ill, and you will be given up to the Church.” And then she was taken to a scaffold or platform. Two sentences had been prepared, one of abjuration, the other of condemnation: both were in the hands of the Bishop, and, while he was reading the sentence of condemnation, Maître Nicolas Loyseleur continued to press Jeanne to do what he had advised, and to accept the woman’s dress. There was a short interval, in which an Englishman addressed the Bishop as a traitor, to which he answered that he lied. At this instant, Jeanne declared herself ready to obey the Church; and then the abjuration was read to her. I do not know if she repeated it, or if, after it was read, she said that she agreed. But she certainly smiled. The executioner was there, with the cart, waiting to take her to the burning.

On Trinity Sunday, I and the other notaries were commanded by the Bishop and Lord Warwick to come to the Castle, because it was said that Jeanne had relapsed and had resumed her man’s dress.

When we reached the Court, the English, who were there to the number of about fifty, assaulted us, calling us traitors, and saying that we had mismanaged the Trial. We escaped their hands with great difficulty and fear. I believe they were angry that, at the first preaching and sentence, she had not been burnt.

What she had said in the abjuration she said she had not understood, and that what she had done was from fear of the fire, seeing the executioner ready with his cart.

[Asked, why they had administered the Sacrament to one declared excommunicate and heretic, and if she had been absolved by the forms of the Church, Manchon answered:] There had been much discussion among the Judges and their Counsellors, whether they should offer her the Holy Sacrament, and whether she should be absolved at the place of execution; but I did not see any absolution granted to her. I was so disturbed that for a month I remained terrified.

She never revoked her revelations, but maintained them up to the end.

BROTHER PIERRE MIGIER, _Prior of Longueville, in the diocese of Rouen, S.T.P., First examination, May 2nd, 1452_, [_evidence of no special value._]

_Second Examination, May 9th, 1452._ [_Additional evidence:_]

At the end of the first sermon at Saint-Ouen, when Jeanne was admonished to recant and she hesitated, one of the English ecclesiastics told the Bishop that he was favouring Jeanne, to which the Bishop replied, “You lie! It is my duty, on account of my profession, to seek the salvation of the soul and body of this Jeanne.”

I was accused before the Cardinal of England as a partisan of Jeanne, but I excused myself to the Cardinal, being in fear of my life.

I think the notaries were truthful, and that they wrote with fidelity.

I do not know whether she asked for Counsel, but I think no one would have dared to counsel or defend her, nor would they have been permitted.

She was taken to execution, with great anger, by the English soldiers. When she was given up to the secular authorities by the Church, she began to weep and call upon “Jesus.” Then I went away, having so great compassion that I could not witness her death.

_Third Examination, December 16th, 1455._ [_Additional evidence_:]

I heard that, during the Trial, there were certain men hidden behind curtains, who, it was said, were writing down the words and confessions of Jeanne; but I do not know if this is the fact. This I heard from Maître Guillaume Manchon, one of the three Registrars of the Case. I complained of it to the Judges, saying that it did not seem to me to be a good way of acting. But whatever may be the truth of these hidden clerks, I believe truly that the Registrars who signed the Process were trustworthy, and that they faithfully reported what was done in the Trial.

As to the act of recantation, I know it was performed by her; it was in writing, and was about the length of a _Pater Noster_.

In an old book, in which are the sayings of Merlin the prophet, it is written that a maiden should come from an Oak-wood in the country of Lorraine.

BROTHER YSAMBARD DE LA PIERRE: _Second Examination, May 3rd, 1452_. [_He makes the following additions_:]

The room in which Jeanne was confined was rather dark.

I was at the sermon of Maître Guillaume Érard, who took as his theme, “A branch cannot bear fruit except it abide in the Vine,” saying that in France there was no monster such as this Jeanne: she was a witch, heretic, and schismatic; and that the King who favoured her was of like sort for wishing to recover his kingdom by means of such an heretical woman.

The Bishop of Beauvais held with the English. I believe it was he who, at the beginning of the Process, ordered her to be kept in irons, and deputed the English as her keepers, forbidding any to speak with her unless by leave from him, or from the Promoter, Benedicite.

When I was holding the Cross before her, she begged me to descend, as the fire was mounting.

When she spoke of the kingdom and the war, I thought she was moved by the Holy Spirit; but when she spoke of herself she feigned many things: nevertheless, I think she should not have been condemned as a heretic. When the Bishop asked if she would submit to the Church, she enquired, “What is the Church? So far as it is you, I will not submit to your judgment, because you are my deadly enemy.” She complained that the Bishop would not allow them to write anything in her excuse, but only what was against her. When she was asked whether she would submit to the judgment of the Pope, she replied that, if they would take her to him, she would be content.

She was adjudged relapsed because she had resumed her man’s dress. After she had recanted, she resumed a woman’s dress, and begged to be taken to the ecclesiastical prisons; but it was not permitted. I heard from Jeanne, herself, that she had been assaulted by a great lord; and for that reason she had resumed her man’s dress, which had been perfidiously left near her. After her resumption of this dress, I heard the Bishop, with some of the English, exulting, and saying publicly to the Earl of Warwick and others: “She is caught this time!”

_Third Examination, May 9th, 1452._

Some of the Assessors, such as the Bishop of Beauvais, proceeded of their own pleasure; some—to wit, the English Doctors—out of malicious spite; some, Doctors of Paris, from desire of gain; some were induced by fear, as the aforesaid Sub-Inquisitor and others whom I do not remember.

The Process was instituted by the King of England, the Cardinal of Winchester, the Earl of Warwick, and other English, who paid all the expenses. I remember well that Jean, Bishop of Avranches, for having refused to give his advice in the Process, was threatened by the Promoter d’Estivet; and Maître Nicolas de Houppeville, who would not attend the Trial nor give an opinion, was in danger of exile. After the first sermon, at which Jeanne recanted, I, Jean Delafontaine, and Maître Guillaume Vallée, of the Order of Saint Dominic, went to the Castle by order of the Judges to counsel Jeanne that she should persevere in her good purpose. Seeing this, the infuriate English threw themselves upon us, with swords and sticks, and violently drove us out of the Castle; on this occasion, Jean Delafontaine escaped, and left the town and did not return; also I suffered many reproaches from the Earl of Warwick, because I had told Jeanne she should submit to the General Council. [On the day that she said she would submit] Messire Guillaume Manchon, the notary, asked whether he should write down the submission? The Bishop replied, No, it was not necessary. Then Jeanne said to the Bishop: “Ah! you will certainly write what is against me, and will write nothing that is for me.” This submission was not registered, and there ensued in the assembly a great murmur.

The examination of Jeanne sometimes lasted three hours in the morning; and sometimes she was examined in the afternoon as well as in the morning; I heard her often complain of over-much questioning.

During the greater part of the Process, when she was asked to submit to the Church, she understood by that term the assembly of Judges and Assessors there present. It was then expounded to her by Maître Pierre Maurice; and, after she knew, she always declared that she wished to submit to the Pope and to be conducted to him.

She was brought in a cart to the cemetery of Saint-Ouen. After the preaching [at the Old Market] there was a long waiting, and then the King’s clerks conducted her to the stake, I and Brother Martin Ladvenu accompanying her up to the end.

On this same occasion, the Bishop of Beauvais wept. A certain Englishman, a soldier, who hated her greatly, had sworn to bring a faggot for the stake. When he did so, and heard Jeanne calling on the name of Jesus in her last moments, he was stupefied, and, as it were, in an ecstasy at the spectacle: his companions took him and led him away to a neighbouring tavern. After refreshment, he revived. In the afternoon, the same Englishman confessed, in my presence, to a Brother of the Order of Saint Dominic, that he had gravely erred, and that he repented of what he had done against Jeanne. He held her to be a good woman, for he had seen the spirit departing from her, as it were a white dove, going away from France.

In the afternoon of the same day, the executioner came to the Convent of the Dominicans, saying to them and to Brother Martin Ladvenu, that he feared he was damned because he had burnt a saint.

MAÎTRE PIERRE CUSQUEL, _Citizen of Rouen_. _First Examination, before Cardinal d’Estouteville, May 3rd, 1452._

I saw Jeanne brought in by the English.

I did not see her taken to prison, but I saw her two or three times in a chamber in the Castle of Rouen, near the back entrance.

At the time of the Trial, I was in the habit of entering the Castle, thanks to Johnson, master of the masons. Twice I entered her prison and saw her, with her legs shackled and fastened by a long chain to a beam. In my master’s house was hung a great cage of iron, in which, it was said, she was to be shut up; but I never saw her in this cage.

I heard that Jeanne was made prisoner in the diocese of Beauvais, and on this account the Bishop undertook the Process against her.

_Second Examination, May 9th, 1452._ [_He adds to his evidence_:]

The room [where Jeanne was imprisoned] was situated under the stairs, towards the fields.

Maître André Marguérie, or another, said he had enquired as to Jeanne’s change of dress, and by some one—I know not whom—was told that he was to hold his tongue, in the devil’s name.

I twice entered Jeanne’s prison and spoke with her, warning her to speak prudently, and that there was question of her death. The iron cage, which I saw, was intended to detain her in an upright position.

I was not present at the last preaching and condemnation and execution of Jeanne, because my heart could not bear it, for pity of her; but I heard that she received the Body of the Lord before her condemnation.

Maître Jean Tressart, when he returned from the execution, groaning and weeping sadly, lamented to me what he had seen at this place, saying to me: “We are all lost; we have burnt a Saint”; adding, that he believed her soul was in the hands of God because, when she was in the midst of the flames, she constantly called on the name of the Lord Jesus.

_Third Examination, May 11th, 1456._ [_Additional evidence_:]

I had heard of the visitation ordered by the Duchess of Bedford, but did not know if it were true.

After her death, the English had her ashes collected and thrown into the Seine, because they feared that some might believe she had escaped.

LADVENU: _Second Examination, May 3rd, 1452._ [_He adds the following to his earlier testimony_:]

I often saw her in the Castle of Rouen, under the custody of the English, ironed and in prison.

I heard Jeanne, by license of the Judges, in confession; I administered to her the Body of Christ; she received it with great devotion and tears which I cannot describe.

The resumption of her man’s dress was one of the causes of her condemnation.

_Third Examination, May 9th, 1452._ [_Additional evidence_:]

I was present at the greater part of the Process, with Brother Jean Lemaître, then Sub-Inquisitor. I saw Maître Nicolas de Houppeville—he who would not assist in the Process—taken to prison. I know well that Jeanne had no director, counsel, nor defender, up to the end of the Process, and that no one would have dared to offer himself as her Counsel, director, or defender, for fear of the English. I have heard that those who went to the Castle to counsel and direct Jeanne, by order of the Judges, were harshly repulsed and threatened.

Directly Jeanne was abandoned by the Church, she was seized by the English soldiers, who were present in large numbers, without any sentence from the secular authority, although the Bailly of Rouen and the Counsels of the Secular Court were present. I know this because I was with her, from the Castle to her last breath.

The executioner, in my presence, gave his testimony that she had been unjustly put to death.

Maître Guillaume Érard, at the sermon which he pronounced at the Cemetery of Saint-Ouen, exclaimed: “Oh, House of France! thou hast never till now nourished a monster in thy bosom; but now thou art disgraced by thy adhesion to this witch, this heretic! this superstitious one!”

_Fourth Examination, December 19th, 1455, and May 13th, 1456._ [_Additional statements_:]

I have heard it said that the Bishop, and others concerned in the Process, wished to have letters of guarantee from the King of England, and received them; and these are the letters now shewn, signed with the sign manual of Maître Laurence Calot, whose signature I know well. Maître Jean Lemaitre, Sub-Inquisitor, who was concerned in the Trial and who often went with me, was compelled to attend. Brother Ysambard de la Pierre, who was a friend of the Inquisitor, desired on one occasion to direct Jeanne, but was told to hold his tongue, and that, if he did not henceforward abstain from such interference, he would be thrown into the Seine.

On the day of her death I was with her until her last breath. One present said he wished his soul might be where he believed Jeanne’s soul was. After the reading of the sentence, she came down from the platform on which the preaching had been, and was led by the executioner, without any sentence from the secular Judges, to the place where the pile was prepared for her burning. The pile was on a scaffold, and the executioner lighted it from below. When Jeanne perceived the fire, she told me to descend and to hold up the Cross of the Lord on high before her that she might see it.

When I was with her, and exhorting her on her salvation, the Bishop of Beauvais and some of the Canons of Rouen came over to see her; and, when Jeanne perceived the Bishop, she told him that he was the cause of her death; that he had promised to place her in the hands of the Church, and had relinquished her to her mortal enemies.

Up to the end of her life she maintained and asserted that her Voices came from God, and that what she had done had been by God’s command. She did not believe that her Voices had deceived her: [but that] the revelations which she had received had come from God.

MESSIRE NICOLAS TAQUEL, _Priest, Rector of Basqueville, in the Diocese of Rouen: First Examination, May 8th, 1452._

About half-way through the Process I was called by the two notaries to assist them. I saw Jeanne in a prison in the Castle of Rouen, in a certain tower near the fields. I never perceived any kind of fear, nor did I know of prohibitions or coercion by the English. I do not remember that she asked to have Counsel, or that they were offered to her; I was not at the opening of the Case. I knew well that Jeanne was in prison. I saw her there, in irons, notwithstanding her weakness. There was an Englishman who had charge of her in the room, without whose leave no one, not even the Judges, might have access to her.

Jeanne was about twenty years of age; though she was as simple as any girl of her age, she could speak well on occasion, sometimes varying her answers, and sometimes not replying to the questions. I certainly heard in the town, that at night, the English, in the absence of the Judges, disturbed her much, saying sometimes that she would die, sometimes that they would kill her; but I do not know if it was true. I was present when some of the Judges put very difficult questions to her, to which she answered that it did not concern her to reply to them. Some of the Doctors present sometimes said to her, “You say well, Jeanne.” Sometimes Jeanne, wearied with so many questions, begged for delay till the morrow; and it was granted. Many heard the statement referred to, made by Jeanne, that she would say and do nothing against the Faith. I believe this is written in the Process. I do not remember to have seen any English at the Examinations of Jeanne, with the exception of the guards; nor do I remember any restrictions upon what was done in the Process, although the Judges said it was forbidden to write anything which was not contained in the Process. I do not know that the words of the Seventy Articles were inserted in the Process, nor do I remember that Jeanne, during the whole Trial, said she would not submit to the Ecclesiastical authority, although I occasionally saw her somewhat disturbed; then the Doctors who were present advised her, and sometimes postponed the matter till the morrow.

I saw nothing in Jeanne contrary to a good Catholic. She asked, in my presence, whether she might receive the Sacrament; but I was not permitted to be present at its reception. It was told me that, before she arrived at the place of execution, she made many and devout prayers to God, to the Blessed Mary and the Saints, so that many present were provoked to tears, and, among others, Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, Promoter[118] to the cause, who, leaving her in tears, met certain English in the court of the Castle: these took him to task, calling him traitor, which frightened him so much that, without more ado, he went to the Earl of Warwick to beg his protection; and, had it not been for the said Earl, I think that Loyseleur would have been killed.

After the sentence of the Church had been read, I with many other ecclesiastics retired. I was not present at the execution; but I heard that Jeanne died piously and as a Catholic, calling on the name of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

_Second Examination, May 11th, 1456._ [_Additional evidence_:]

I was one of the notaries, but not at the commencement. I was not there during the time when the Process was carried on in the Great Hall, but only when the sittings were held in the prison. I was first concerned in the Process on the 14th of March, 1430, as appears in my commission, to which I refer; and, from this time to the end of the Process, I was present as notary at the interrogations and answers of Jeanne: I was not permitted to write, but I listened and referred, for the writing, to the other two notaries, Boisguillaume and Manchon, both of whom wrote, especially Manchon.

The said Process was put into its present form a long time after the death of Jeanne, but at what time I do not know. For my labour and trouble I had ten francs, though I had been told I should have twenty; and these ten francs were handed over to me by a certain Benedicite [d’Estivet], but whence the money came I know not.

I heard it said among the notaries that certain Articles were to be made; but as to who drew them up I know not. They were sent to Paris; but whether they were signed or no, I do not remember: I think they were not signed, but, yet, I remember that once something was signed, which was neither Process nor sentence.

[A note of April 4th, 1431, was then shewed to Maître Taquel, containing the Twelve Articles in the form in which they were sent for correction.] He confirmed the handwriting of Manchon, and said he believed he was present on the occasion. He thought no corrections were made.

When the preaching was made at the Place Saint-Ouen, I was not upon the platform with the other notaries. But I was quite close, and could see and hear all that was said and done. I remember well seeing a schedule of abjuration read to Jeanne by Massieu. It was about six lines of large writing; and Jeanne repeated it after Massieu. This letter of abjuration was in French, beginning, “Je, Jeanne,” etc. After the abjuration, she was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and reconducted to the Castle; and after this I was commanded to attend another enquiry; but a tumult arose, and I do not know what happened afterwards. There was another sermon: on that day Jeanne died, and on the morning of the day Jeanne received the Body of Christ. At this last preaching I was present to the end of the sermon; and at its conclusion Jeanne was handed over to the secular authorities. This done, I retired.

MESSIRE PIERRE LEBOUCHIER, _Priest, Curé of the Parish of Bourgeauville: Examined May 8th, 1452._

An English clerk, Bachelor in Theology, Keeper of the Private Seal of the Cardinal of England, being at the sermon of Saint-Ouen, said these words, in my presence, to the Bishop of Beauvais: “Have done! You favour her overmuch!” Annoyed at these words, the Bishop threw the Process, which he had in his hand, to the ground, saying that he would do nothing more that day, being unwilling to act except according to his conscience.

Jeanne was alone, seated upon a chair; I heard her reply without Counsel. I do not know whether she asked for any or if it were denied her.

She was in prison in the Castle of Rouen. I do not know if she were in irons. No one might speak to her without leave from the English who had charge of her. I did not see her leave the Castle. There were with her certain Englishmen who, I believe, were shut up with her in the same room, to which there were three keys—one kept by the Lord Cardinal or the aforesaid secretary, another by the Inquisitor, and another by Messire Jean Benedicite, the Promoter: for the English feared greatly that she would escape them.

I was not present at the Process; but, after the preaching at Saint-Ouen, Jeanne, with her hands joined together, said in a loud voice that she submitted to the judgment of the Church, and prayed to Saint Michael that he would direct and counsel her.

As soon as the sentence had been read by the Ecclesiastical Judge, [at the Old Market,] she was conducted to the platform of the Bailly by the King’s followers, on which platform were the Bailly and other lay officers. She remained there some time with them; and what they did or said I know not, only that she was taken back and given over to the fire after they had departed.

While they were tying her to the stake she implored and specially invoked Saint Michael. She seemed to me a good Christian to the end; the greater number of those present, to the number of ten thousand, wept and lamented, saying that she was of great piety.

I think the English feared Jeanne more than the whole of the rest of the army of the King of France, and that this fear it was which moved them, in my opinion, to bring the Process against her.

MAÎTRE NICOLAS DE HOUPPEVILLE, _Bachelor in Theology, of the diocese of Rouen: First Examination, May 8th, 1452._

I never thought that zeal of the Faith, nor desire to bring her back to the right way, caused the English to act thus.

Jeanne was brought to the town of Rouen by the English and imprisoned in the Castle; and the Process was, I believe, instituted by them. As to the question of fear and pressure, I do not believe it, so far as it affected the Judges. They acted voluntarily,—principally the Bishop of Beauvais, for I saw him on his return from the negotiations about Jeanne speaking of it with the Regent and the Earl of Warwick: he was exulting and rejoicing in words which I did not understand. He went apart thereupon with the Earl of Warwick; but what was said I know not.

In my judgment, the Judges and Assessors were for the most part uncoerced; for the rest, I believe many were afraid. I heard from Maître Pierre Minier that he had tendered his opinion in writing, but it was not pleasing to the Bishop of Beauvais, who sent him away, telling him that, as a theologian, he was not to meddle any more in the matter, but to leave it to the lawyers.

I was once called at the beginning of the Process. I did not come, being prevented. The second day, when I came, I was not admitted. I was even driven away by the Bishop, because, talking one day with Maître Michel Colles, I had told him that it was dangerous for many reasons to take part in this Process. This was repeated to the Bishop; and for this cause he had me shut up in the King’s prison at Rouen, whence I was delivered only by the prayers of the Lord Abbot of Fécamp: and I heard that some, whom the Bishop summoned, advised that I should be exiled to England or elsewhere beyond the bounds of Rouen, had I not been delivered by the Abbot and his friends.

It was reported in the city of Rouen that some one, feigning to be a soldier of the King of France, was secretly introduced to her, persuading her not to submit to the authority of the Church. There were rumours that, on account of this persuasion, Jeanne afterwards wavered in her submission to the Church.

I saw her coming out of the Castle, weeping much, and led to the place of execution by a troop of soldiers, to the number of 120, some with swords and some with clubs. Touched with compassion at this sight I could go no further.

_Re-examined, May 13th, 1456._

At the beginning of the Process, I was at several consultations, in which I was of opinion that neither the Bishop nor those who wished to take part with him were in the position to act as Judges; I could not see how they could properly proceed, because those opposed to her were acting as Judges, and she had already been examined by the Clergy of Poitiers and the Archbishop of Rheims, the Metropolitan of the Bishop of Beauvais. Owing to this opinion I incurred the wrath of the Bishop, who cited me to appear before him. When I appeared, I told him that I was not his subject, nor was I under his jurisdiction, but in that of Rouen: and so I left him. But when, for this reason, I wished to appear in the Case and presented myself to the authorities of Rouen, I was arrested and taken to the Castle and to the King’s prisons. When I asked the cause of my arrest, I was told it was by order of the Bishop of Beauvais. Maître Jean Delafontaine, my friend, wrote to me that I was arrested in consequence of the opinion I had given in this Process; and he warned me, at the same time, of the anger of the Bishop. Thanks to the intervention of the Abbé of Fécamp, I ended by being set at liberty.

[He adds, to his previous statement, that the man who feigned to be a soldier on the side of the King of France was Nicolas Loyseleur.]

MASSIEU: _Second Examination, May 8th, 1452_. [_Additional evidence_:]

On one occasion, Maître Jean de Chatillon, Archdeacon of Evreux and Doctor in Theology, found that Jeanne was being asked questions too difficult for her, and complained of the mode of procedure, saying that they ought not to act in this manner. But the other Assessors told him to let them alone; to which he answered: “I must acquit my own conscience.” For this cause he was forbidden, by whom I do not remember, to attend further unless he was summoned.

On Trinity Sunday, in the afternoon, Maître André Marguérie, hearing that Jeanne had resumed her male attire, went to the Castle of Rouen, saying that he must find out why she had done so, and that it was not enough for him merely to see her in this dress. One of the English soldiers, lance in hand, called out to him, “Traitor! Armagnac!” and raised his lance against him, so that Marguérie fled, fearing to be slain, and was in consequence much upset and ill.

At the first sermon, I was on the platform with Jeanne, and read the Schedule of Abjuration to her; at her request and petition I instructed her, shewing her the danger that might arise from abjuration unless the Articles were first seen by the Church, to whom she should refer as to whether she should abjure or not.

Seeing this, Maître Guillaume Érard, the preacher, asked me what I was saying to her, and, when I replied, said: “Read her this schedule, and tell her to sign it.” Jeanne answered that she did not know how to sign; she desired that the Articles might be seen and deliberated upon by the Church; [she said] she ought not to abjure this schedule, and requested that she might be placed in the custody of the Church, and no longer be kept by the English. Érard replied that she had had long enough delay, and that, if she did not abjure this schedule, she should be immediately burned; and he forbade me to speak further with her or to give her more counsel.

I remember that incomplete questions were often put to Jeanne, and many and difficult interrogations were made together; then, before she could answer one, another would put a question; so that she was displeased, saying, “Speak one after the other.” I marvelled that she could so answer the subtle and captious questions put to her; no man of letters could have replied better.

The examinations lasted generally from eight o’clock to eleven.

I often heard Jeanne say that God would not permit her to say or do anything against the Catholic Faith. I heard her tell the Judges that, if she had ever said or done anything ill, she was willing to correct and amend according to their decision. I heard Jeanne saying to the Doctors who questioned her: “You ask me of the Church Triumphant and Militant. I do not understand these terms; but I am willing to submit to the Church as a good Christian should.”

I know that the whole Process was written in French. I believe it was afterwards translated into Latin. [To his account of her resumption of the man’s dress he adds:] On the morrow, after she had been seen in the resumed dress, her woman’s dress was restored to her.

At the beginning of the Process, Jeanne asked for Counsel in her replies, she said she was too unlearned to reply; but they answered, that she must speak for herself as best she could, for she should not have Counsel.

[He adds to his account of her last Communion the fact that he was himself present.]

_Further examined, December 17th, 1455, and May 12th, 1456._ [_Additional evidence_:]

Once, when I was conducting her before the Judges, she asked me, if there were not, on her way thither, any Chapel or Church in which was the Body of Christ. I replied, that there was a certain Chapel in the Castle. She then begged me to lead her by this Chapel, that she might do reverence to God and pray, which I willingly did, permitting her to kneel and pray before the Chapel; this she did with great devotion. The Bishop of Beauvais was much displeased at this, and forbade me in future to permit her to pray there.

Many [in the Trial] had a great hate against her, principally the English, who feared her greatly: for, before she was captured, they did not dare to appear where they believed her to be. I heard it said that the Bishop of Beauvais did everything at the instigation of the King of England and his Council, who were then in Rouen.

Among the Assessors there was complaint that Jeanne was in the hands of the English. Some of them said that she ought to be in the hands of the Church; but the Bishop did not care, and sent her away to the English.

Maître Jean Lefèvre, of the Order of the Hermit Friars of Saint Augustine, now Bishop of Démétriade, seeing Jeanne much fatigued with the questioning as to whether she were in a state of grace, and considering that, though her answers seemed sufficient, she was over-worried by many questioners, remarked that she was being too much troubled. Then the questioners ordered him to be silent: I do not remember who they were.

She was imprisoned in the Castle of Rouen in a room on the second floor, to which one ascended by eight steps. There was a bed in which she slept and a great piece of wood to which she was fastened by iron chains.

There were five English of wretched estate [_houcepailliers_] who kept guard over her; they much desired her death and often derided her, and with this she reproached them.

I learnt from Etienne Castille, locksmith, that he had constructed for her an iron cage in which she was held by the neck, hands and feet, and that she was in this state from the time she was first brought to the town of Rouen until the beginning of the Process. I never saw her in this cage, for, when I fetched her, she was always out of irons.

I know that, by the order of the Duchess of Bedford, a visitation was made by matrons and midwives, among whom were, notably, Anna Bavon and another matron whose name I do not remember. She was found to be virgin, as I have heard from the said Anna. The Duchess of Bedford forbade the guards to offer her any violence.

When Jeanne was questioned, there were with the Bishop six Assessors, who also questioned her in such wise that, when she was occupied in replying to one, another interrupted her answer, so that she often said to them: “Fair sirs, speak one after another.”

[To the story of the signing of the abjuration he adds:] Érard, holding the Schedule of Abjuration, said to Jeanne, “Thou shalt abjure and sign this schedule,” and passed it to me to read, and I read it in her presence. I remember well that in this schedule it was said that in future she should not bear arms or male attire or short hair, and many other things which I do not remember. I know that this schedule contained about eight lines and no more; and I know of a certainty that it was not that which is mentioned in the Process, for this is quite different from what I read and what was signed by Jeanne. While they were pressing Jeanne to sign her abjuration, there was a great murmur among those present. I heard that the Bishop said to one of them, “You shall pay me for this,” and added, that he would not go on unless satisfaction were done him. During this time I was constrained to warn Jeanne of the peril which threatened her if she signed this schedule. I saw clearly that she did not understand it, nor the danger in which she stood. Then Jeanne, pressed to sign, said: “Let the clerics of the Church examine this schedule. It is in their hands I ought to be. If they tell me to sign I will do it willingly.” Then Maître Guillaume Érard said: “Do it now, otherwise you will end in the fire to-day.” Jeanne replied that she would rather sign than burn; and there arose a great tumult among the people, and many stones were thrown, but by whom I know not. When the schedule was signed, Jeanne asked the Promoter whether she were to be placed in the hands of the Church and where she was to be taken. Then the Promoter replied, that she was to be reconducted to the Castle of Rouen, which in fact was done, and she was put into woman’s clothes.

On the morning of Wednesday, the day on which she died, Brother Martin Ladvenu heard her in confession, and afterwards sent me to the Bishop to tell him this fact and that she prayed the Sacrament of the Eucharist might be brought to her. Thereupon, the Bishop convoked some of the Assessors, and at the end of their deliberation he told me to inform Brother Martin that he might take her the Sacrament and whatsoever she desired. Then I returned to the Castle and told this to Brother Martin.

Afterwards, she came out dressed in woman’s clothing, and Brother Martin and I led her to the place of execution.

At the end of his sermon, Maître Nicolas Midi said to her: “Jeanne, go in peace; the Church can no longer defend thee; she leaves thee to the secular arm.”

She commended herself to God, to Saint Michael, Saint Catherine, and all the Saints.

I heard it said by Jean Fleury, Clerk to the Bailly, that the executioner related how, when her body was burnt and reduced to powder, her heart remained whole and bleeding. I was told that her ashes and all that remained of her were collected and thrown into the Seine.

MAÎTRE NICOLAS CAVAL, _Priest, Licentiate in Law, Canon of Rouen: First Examination, May 8th, 1452_. [_Agreed with previous statements._]

_Further examined, December 19th, 1455, and May 12th, 1456._ [_Additional evidence_:]

Jeanne had a good memory, for sometimes when she was asked a question she replied, “I have already answered in such a form,” and she insisted that it should be ascertained from the notaries on what day she so answered; on which it was found to be as she said, without addition or change: and at this was there much marvel, considering her youth.

MAÎTRE GUILLAUME DU DESERT, _Canon of Rouen: Examined May 8th, 1452_.

I was present at the first preaching at Saint-Ouen, where I saw and heard the recantation made by Jeanne, and that she submitted to the decisions, the judgments, and the commands of the Church. A certain English Doctor who was present, being much displeased that the abjuration was received—because Jeanne was laughing when she pronounced the words—said to the Bishop of Beauvais, the Judge, that he was doing wrong to admit this recantation, since it was a mere farce. The Bishop, irritated, told this person that he lied: for, as Judge in a cause of faith, he must seek rather her salvation than her death.

At this sermon, I heard Jeanne submit to the judgment of the Church.

MAÎTRE ANDRÉ MARGUÉRIE, _Archdeacon: First Examination, May 9th, 1452. Further examined, December 19th, 1455, and May 12th, 1456_.

I heard Jeanne say, that she would believe neither Prelate nor Pope nor any other in [contradiction to] what she had received from God. I think this was one of the reasons why she was proceeded against, so that she should recant.

I was present at the final preaching but not at the execution, for very pity of the deed. Many of those present wept, among others the Cardinal de Luxembourg, then Bishop of Thérouanne.

I know nothing about her devotions; but she said, “Rouen, Rouen, must I die here?”

I can well believe that some of the English acted from hate and fear, but of the more notable ecclesiastics I do not think this. A chaplain of the Cardinal of England, present at the first preaching, said to the Bishop of Beauvais, that he was showing too much favour to Jeanne; but the Bishop said to him, “You lie! For in such a case I would show favour to no one.” The Cardinal of England reproved his chaplain and told him to be silent.

MAÎTRE RICHARD GROUCHET, _Priest, Master of Arts, Bachelor of Theology, Canon of the Cathedral Church of La Saussaye in the diocese of Evreux: Examined, May 9th, 1452_.

Maîtres Jean Pigache, Pierre Minier, and I myself, who was with them, gave our opinion only under terror of threats. We stayed to the Trial, but had thoughts of flight. I many times heard from Pierre Maurice that, after the sermon at Saint-Ouen, he had warned Jeanne to hold to her good purpose; and the English, much displeased, threatened to strike him.

I think the notaries wrote with fidelity. I saw and heard that the Bishop of Beauvais bitterly upbraided them when they did not do as he wished: the whole affair, so far as I saw and heard, was carried on tumultuously. So far as I saw, no one was permitted to instruct or counsel Jeanne, nor did I see that she either asked for or was offered Counsel: but I am not sure of this. I do not know whether any one was in danger of losing his life by defending her, but I know well that when difficult questions were put to Jeanne, whoever wished to direct her was harshly reproved and accused of partiality, sometimes by the Bishop of Beauvais and sometimes by Maître Jean Beaupère, who said to those who wished to advise, that they should leave her to speak and that the business of interrogation was theirs.

Jeanne was in prison, in the Castle of Rouen, where she was guarded and brought backwards and forwards by the English; but as to fetters and chains I know nothing, though I have often heard that she was harshly and straitly bound.

I saw and heard at the Trial that when Jeanne was asked if she would submit to the Bishop of Beauvais and others of the Assessors then named, she replied that she would not, but she would submit to the Pope and the Catholic Church, praying that she might be conducted to the Pope. When she was told that the Process would be sent to the Pope for him to judge, she replied that she did not wish this, because she did not know what might be put in this Process, but that she wished to be taken herself and interrogated by the Pope.

I did not know, nor did I ever hear, that there was ever any secular sentence pronounced against Jeanne. I was not present, but the public voice and rumour said that she had been violently and unjustly done to death.

MESSIRE JEAN LEFEVRE, _Bishop of Démétriade, of the Order of Saint Augustin in the Convent at Rouen, S.T.P.: Examined, May 9th, 1452_.

When Jeanne was asked if she were in the Grace of God, I, who was present, said it was not a suitable question for such a girl. Then the Bishop of Beauvais said to me, “It will be better for you if you keep silent.”

Jeanne answered with great prudence the questions put to her, with the exception of the subject of her revelations from God: for the space of three weeks I believed her to be inspired. She was asked very profound questions, as to which she showed herself quite capable; sometimes they interrupted the enquiry, going from one subject to another, that they might make her change her purpose. The Examinations were very long, lasting sometimes two or three hours, so that the Doctors present were much fatigued.

MESSIRE THOMAS MARIE, _Priest, Bachelor in Theology, Prior of Saint Michael, near Rouen, of the Order of Saint Benedict: Examined, May 7th, 1452_.

Jeanne had done marvels in war: and, as the English are commonly superstitious, they thought there was a fate with her. Therefore, in my opinion, they, in all their counsels and elsewhere, desired her death.

[When asked how he knew the English were superstitious, he answered that it was commonly so reported, and was a popular proverb.]

I heard from a certain locksmith that he had made an iron cage high enough to allow her to stand upright. [When asked if she were ever put into it:] I believe so; I knew nothing of her keepers.

I have heard, that after the first preaching, when she was taken back to the prison of the Castle, she was the victim of so many oppressions that she said she would rather die than remain with these English.

Where the judgment is not free, neither Process nor sentence is of value; but whether in this Case the Judges and Assessors were free, I know not beyond what I have before stated.

I heard from many that they saw the name Jesus written in the flames of the fire in which she was burnt.

I can well believe that if the English had had such a woman, they would have honoured her much and not have treated her in this manner.

MAÎTRE JEAN DE FAVE, _Master of Arts, Licentiate in Law; living at Rouen; Commissary: Examined, May 9th, 1452_.

After the first preaching, when she was taken back to prison, some of the soldiers insulted her, and their chiefs allowed them to do so. Some of the leaders of the English—as I heard—were angry with the Bishop of Beauvais, the Doctors, and the other Assessors in the Trial, because she had not been convicted and condemned and taken to execution; and I heard it said that some of the English, in their indignation against the Bishop and the Doctors, would have drawn their swords to attack them, if not to slay them, saying that the King was wasting his money on such as they. I also heard that when the Earl of Warwick, after this first sermon, complained to the Bishop and the Doctors, saying that the King was in a bad way, for Jeanne had escaped them, one of them replied: “Take no heed to it, my lord; we shall soon have her again.”

The English were discontented with Maître Guillaume Manchon, the notary: they held him in suspicion as favourable to Jeanne, because he had not been willing to come to the Trial, and did not conduct himself to their liking.

MAÎTRE JEAN RICQUIER, _Priest, Curé of Hendicourt_ [_testimony of no importance_].

DEPOSITIONS AT DOMREMY: 1455.

_Twelve questions were prepared for information to be taken in the country of the late Jeanne, commonly called the Maid._

EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.

JEAN MOREL, _of Greux, labourer_.

Jeanne was born at Domremy and was baptised at the Parish Church of Saint Remy, in that place. Her father was named Jacques d’Arc, her mother Isabelle—both labourers living together at Domremy. They were, as I saw and knew, good and faithful Catholics, labourers of good repute and honest life. I lived much with them, I was one of the godfathers of Jeannette. She had three godmothers—the wife of Etienne Thévenin, Beatrix, Widow Estellin, both living at Domremy; and Jeannette, widow of Thiesselin of Viteaux, living at Neufchâteau. From her early youth, Jeannette was brought up with care in the Faith, and in good morals; she was so good that all the village of Domremy loved her. Jeannette knew her Belief and her _Pater_ and _Ave_ as well as any of her companions. She had modest ways, as beseemed one whose parents were not rich. Up to the time she left her parents she followed the plough and sometimes minded the cattle in the fields. Also she did the usual duties of women, such as spinning, and other things. I know she liked to go often to the Hermitage of the Blessed Marie of Bermont, near Domremy; I often saw her go there. She was there when her parents thought her with the plough or in the fields; and when she heard the Mass-bell, if she were in the fields, she would go back to the village and to the Church, in order to hear Mass. I have been witness of this many times. I have seen her confess at Easter-tide and other solemn Feasts. I saw her confess to Messire Guillaume Fronte, who was then Curé of the Parish of Saint Remy.

On the subject of the Fairies’ tree, I have heard that the Fairies came there long ago to dance; but, since the Gospel of Saint John has been read under the tree, they come no more. At the present day, on the Sunday when in the Holy Church of God the Introit to the Mass ‘Laetare Jerusalem’ is sung, called with us ‘the Sunday of the Wells,’ the young maidens and youths of Domremy are accustomed to go there, and also in the spring and summer and on festival days; they dance there and have a feast. On their return, they go dancing and playing to the Well of the Thorn, where they drink and amuse themselves, gathering flowers. Jeanne the Maid went there, like all the other girls at those times, and did as they did; but I never heard say that she went there alone, either to the tree or to the well—which is nearer to the village than the tree—or that she went for any other purpose than to walk about and play like her companions. When Jeanne left her father’s house, she went two or three times to Vaucouleurs to speak to the Bailly. I heard it said that the Lord Charles, then Duke of Lorraine, wished to see her, and gave her a black horse.

I have no more to say, except that in the month of July I was at Chalons, at the time when it was said that the King was going to Rheims to be anointed.[119] I found Jeanne at Chalons and she made me a present of a red dress she had been wearing. I know nothing of the enquiry made at Domremy. When Jeanne went to Neufchâteau on account of the soldiers, she was always in the company of her father and mother, who stayed there four days, and then returned to Domremy. I am sure of what I say, because I went with the rest to Neufchâteau and I saw Jeannette there with her parents.

MESSIRE DOMINIQUE JACOB, _Curé of the Parish Church of Montier-sur-Saulx_.

Jeanne was older than I. I knew her and remember her for the three or four years before her departure from home. She was a well-brought-up girl, and well-behaved; and she often attended Church. Sometimes, when the village bell rang for service, I saw her kneel down and pray with great devotion.

BEATRIX, _widow of Estellin, labourer, of Domremy_.

Jeannette was born, at Domremy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabelle, his wife, labourers, good and true Catholics, honest folk and worthy, according to their ability, but not rich. She was baptised at the Church of Saint Remy. She had as god-fathers, Jean Morel, Jean de Laxart, and the late Jean Raiguesson; and as god-mothers, Jeannette, widow Thiesselin, Jeannette Thévenin, and myself. Jeanne was suitably instructed in the Catholic Faith, like other young girls of her age. Up to her departure, she was properly brought up; she was a chaste maiden, and of modest habits. She frequented with great devotion, churches and holy places; and, after the village of Domremy was burned, she went on Feast Days to attend Mass at Greux. She confessed willingly at festivals, principally at the Feast of the most Holy Easter, the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. I do not think there was any one better than she in our two villages. She employed herself at home with many duties in the house, spinning hemp or wool, following the plough, or going to harvest, according to the season. When it was her father’s turn, she sometimes kept the cattle and the flocks of the village for him. When Jeannette went to Neufchâteau, all the village had fled. I saw her there, always with her father and mother. Up to her going into France, Jeannette had never obeyed any one or worked for any one but her father.

JEANNETTE, _wife of Thévenin, cartwright_ [_gave evidence similar to the preceding, as did_] JEAN MOEN, _of Domremy, cartwright, living at Coussey, near Neufchâteau_, [_and_] JACQUIER _of Saint Amance, near Nancy_.

MESSIRE ETIENNE OF SIONNE, _Curé of the Parish Church of Roncessey-sous-Neufchâteau_.

Many times I heard Messire Guillaume Fronte, in his lifetime Curé of Domremy, say that Jeanne the Maid was a simple and good girl, pious, well-brought-up, and God-fearing, and without her like in the whole village. Often did she confess her sins; and, if she had had money, she would have given it to him, he told me, to say Masses. Every day, when he celebrated Mass, she was there. I heard it said by a great number of persons that Jeannette, when she went to Neufchâteau, lived with a worthy woman named La Rousse; and that she always remained in the company of her father and the other inhabitants of Domremy, who had fled there.

JEANNETTE, _widow of Thiesselin of Viteaux, formerly clerk at Neufchâteau_.

I often saw her confess to Messire Guillaume Fronte, the Curé of the parish. She never swore, and, to affirm strongly, contented herself with saying, “Without fail!” She was no dancer; and, sometimes, when the others were singing and dancing, she went to prayer. Jeannette was fond of work, spinning, looking after the house, and, when necessary, taking her turn at minding her father’s cattle. There is a tree by us called the Ladies’ Tree, because, in ancient days, the Sieur Pierre Granier, Seigneur de Bourlement, and a lady called Fée met under this tree and conversed together: I have heard it read in a romance. The Seigneurs of Domremy and their ladies—at least, the Lady Beatrix, wife of Pierre de Bourlement, and the said Pierre—accompanied by their daughters, came sometimes to walk round this tree. In the same way, every year the young girls and youths of Domremy came to walk there, on the Laetare Sunday—called ‘the Sunday of the Wells’: they ate and danced there, and went to drink at the Well of the Thorn. But I do not remember if Jeanne were ever under this tree. I never heard anything evil said about her on account of this tree.

LOUIS DE MARTIGNY, _Squire, living at Martigny-les-Gerbonveaux, near Neufchâteau_.

I heard that Jeanne, when she wanted to go into France, went first to the Bailly of Chaumont, and afterwards to the Lord Duke de Lorraine, who gave her a horse and some money. Bertrand de Poulengey, Jean de Metz, Jean Dieu-le-Ward, and Colet de Vienne afterwards conducted her to the King.

THÉVENIN LE ROYER, _Cartwright, a native of Chermisey, near Neufchâteau, residing at Domremy, husband of one of Jeanne’s God-mothers_ [_evidence similar to the preceding_].

BERTRAND LACLOPPE, _thatcher, of Domremy_.

One day, a man[120] of Burey-le-Petit came to seek Jeanne at Domremy, and took her to speak with the Bailly of Vaucouleurs: I heard say that it was this Bailly who sent her to the King. The soldiers having come to Domremy, all the people of the village went to take refuge at Neufchâteau. Jeannette and her parents did as the others did: she stayed there about four days, always in their company.

PERRIN LE DRAPIER, _of Domremy, Churchwarden of the Parish Church and Bell-ringer_.

From her earliest years till her departure, Jeannette the Maid was a good girl, chaste, simple, modest, never blaspheming God nor the Saints, fearing God. She loved to go to Church and confessed often. I can attest what I say, for I was then attached to the Church of Saint Remy, and often I saw Jeanne come there to Mass and other Offices. When I forgot to ring for Service, Jeanne scolded me, saying I had done wrong; and she promised to give me some of the wool of her flock if I would ring more diligently. Often she went with her sister and others to the Church and Hermitage of Bermont. She was very charitable, and very industrious, employed herself in spinning and divers other works in her father’s house; sometimes she went to the plough, or took care of the flock when it was her turn. When Jeanne left her father’s house, she went with her uncle Durand Laxart to Vaucouleurs, to seek Robert de Baudricourt, who was then captain there.

GERARD GUILLEMETTE, _labourer, of Greux_.

When Jeanne left her father’s house, I saw her pass before my father’s house, with her uncle Durand Laxart. “Adieu,” she said to my father, “I am going to Vaucouleurs.” I heard afterwards that she had gone to France. I was at Neufchâteau with Jeanne and her parents. I saw her always with them, excepting that, for three or four days, she did, under their eyes, help the hostess at whose house they were lodging,—an honest woman named La Rousse. I know well that they only remained at Neufchâteau four or five days. When the soldiers had gone, Jeanne returned to Domremy with her parents.

HAUVIETTE, _wife of Gerard of Syonne, near Neufchâteau_.

She was a good girl, simple and gentle; she went willingly and often to Church, and Holy places. Often she was bashful when others reproached her with going too devotedly to Church. There was a tree in the neighbourhood that, from ancient days, had been called the Ladies’ Tree. It was said formerly that ladies, called Fairies, came under this tree; but I never heard any one say they had been seen there. The young people of the village were accustomed to go to this tree, taking food with them, and to the Well of the Thorn[121]

[_Ad fontem Rannorum_, or, “_ad Rannos_”] on the Sunday of ‘Laetare Jerusalem,’[122] called the Sunday of the Wells. I often went there with Jeanne, who was my friend, and with other young girls on the said Sunday of the Wells. We ate there, ran about, and played. Also, we took nuts to this tree and well. I did not know of Jeanne’s departure: I wept much; I loved her dearly for her goodness and because she was my friend. Jeanne was always with her father and mother at Neufchâteau. I also was at Neufchâteau, and saw her there all the time.

JEAN WATERIN, _labourer, of Greux_.

I saw Jeannette very often. In our childhood, we often followed together her father’s plough, and we went together with the other children of the village to the meadows or pastures. Often, when we were all at play, Jeannette would retire alone to “talk with God.” I and the others laughed at her for this. She was simple and good, frequenting the Church and Holy places. Often, when she was in the fields and heard the bells ring, she would drop on her knees.

GERARDIN, _labourer, of Epinal_.

Of her departure for Vaucouleurs I know nothing. But, at the time when she was thinking of leaving the village, she said to me, one day: “Gossip, if you were not a Burgundian, I would tell you something.” I thought it was on the subject of some marriage which she might have in her head. After her departure, I saw her at Chalons,—I and four other inhabitants of this place. She told us she feared nothing but treason.

SIMONIN MUSNIER, _labourer, of Domremy_.

I was brought up with Jeannette, close to her house. I know that she was good, simple and pious, and that she feared God and the Saints. She loved Church and Holy places; she was very charitable, and liked to take care of the sick. I know this of a surety, for, in my childhood, I fell ill, and it was she who nursed me. When the Church bells rang, I have seen her kneel down and make the sign of the Cross.

ISABELLETTE, _wife of Gerardin, labourer, of Epinal_.

From my childhood I knew the parents of Jeannette; as to Jeannette, herself, I knew her in my youth and as long as she remained with her parents. She was very hospitable to the poor, and would even sleep on the hearth in order that the poor might lie in her bed. She was not fond of playing, at which we, her companions, complained. She liked work; and would spin, labour with her father, look after the house, and sometimes mind the sheep. She was never seen idling in the roads; she was more often in Church at prayer.

I often saw her at confession, for she was my gossip, and god-mother to my son Nicolas. I was often with her, and saw her go to confession to Messire Guillaume, who was then our Curé. When all was well at the château, the Seigneurs and their ladies often came to walk beneath the Ladies’ Tree, on the Sunday of Laetare, which we call ‘the Sunday of the Wells’; and on certain other days, in fine weather, they brought with them the village boys and girls. The Seigneur Pierre de Bourlement and his lady, who was from France, took me there on the said Sunday of the Wells many times in my childhood, with other children. It was the custom to go every year, on this Sunday, to play and walk round this tree. Jeannette went with us, we each brought provisions, and, the meal ended, went to refresh ourselves at the Well. The same thing takes place now, with our children.

MENGETTE, _wife of Jean Joyart, labourer_.

My father’s house joined the house of Jacques d’Arc: so I knew her well. We often spun together, and together worked at the ordinary house-duties, whether by day or night. She was a good Christian, of good manners and well brought up. She loved the Church, and went there often, and gave alms from the goods of her father. She was a good girl, simple and pious—so much so that I and her companions told her she was too pious.

MESSIRE JEAN COLIN, _Curé of the Parish Church at Domremy and Canon of the Collegiate Church of Saint-Nicolas de Brixey, near Vaucouleurs_.

While Jeanne was at Vaucouleurs, she confessed to me two or three times. It seemed to me, to my knowledge, that she was an excellent girl, with all the signs of a perfect Christian and of a true Catholic; she was fond of going to Church. I saw her at Vaucouleurs, when she wanted to go into France, and saw her mount on horseback; with her were Bertrand de Poulengey, Jean de Metz, Colet de Vienne, horse-soldiers and servants of Robert de Baudricourt.

COLIN, _son of Jean Colin, labourer_.

I heard Durand Laxart say, that she told him he must conduct her to Vaucouleurs, that she wished to go into France, and that she would tell her father she was going to the house of the said Durand to nurse his wife. And this, Durand told me, was done; and then, with the consent of her father, she went to Vaucouleurs to seek Robert de Baudricourt.

JEAN DE NOVELEMPORT, _Knight, called Jean de Metz_.

When Jeannette was at Vaucouleurs, I saw her dressed in a red dress, poor and worn; she lived at the house of one named Henri Leroyer. “What are you doing here, my friend?” I said to her. “Must the King be driven from the kingdom; and are we to be English?” “I am come here,” she answered me, “to this royal town,[123] to speak to Robert de Baudricourt, to the end that he may conduct me or have me conducted to the King: but Robert cares neither for me nor for my words. Nevertheless, before the middle of Lent, I must be with the King—even if I have to wear down my feet to the knees! No one in the world—neither kings, nor dukes, nor the daughter of the King of Scotland,[124] nor any others—can recover the kingdom of France; there is no succour to be expected save from me; but, nevertheless, I would rather spin with my poor mother—for this is not my proper estate: it is, however, necessary that I should go, and do this, because my Lord wills that I should do it.” And when I asked her who this Lord was, she told me it was God. Then I pledged my faith to her, touching her hand, and promised that, with God’s guidance, I would conduct her to the King. I asked her when she wished to start. “Sooner at once than to-morrow, and sooner to-morrow than later,” she said. I asked her if she could make this journey, dressed as she was. She replied that she would willingly take a man’s dress. Then I gave her the dress and equipment of one of my men. Afterwards, the inhabitants of Vaucouleurs had a man’s dress made for her, with all the necessary requisites; I also procured for her a horse at the price of about sixteen francs. Thus dressed and mounted, and furnished with a safe-conduct from the Sieur Charles, Duke de Lorraine, she went to visit the said Lord Duke. I accompanied her as far as Toul. On the return to Vaucouleurs, the first Sunday in Lent,[125] which is called ‘Dimanche des Bures’—and it will be, if I mistake not, twenty-seven years from that day to the coming Lent[126]—I and Bertrand de Poulengey, with two of my men, Colet de Vienne, the King’s Messenger, and the Archer Richard, conducted the Maid to the King, who was then at Chinon. The journey was made at the expense of Bertrand de Poulengey and myself. We travelled for the most part at night, for fear of the Burgundians and the English, who were masters of the roads. We journeyed eleven days, always riding towards the said town of Chinon. On the way, I asked her many times if she would really do all she said. “Have no fear,” she answered us, “what I am commanded to do, I will do; my brothers in Paradise have told me how to act: it is four or five years since my brothers in Paradise and my Lord—that is, God—told me that I must go and fight in order to regain the kingdom of France.” On the way, Bertrand and I slept every night by her—Jeanne being at my side, fully dressed. She inspired me with such respect that for nothing in the world would I have dared to molest her; also, never did I feel towards her—I say it on oath—any carnal desire. On the way she always wished to hear Mass. She said to us: “If we can, we shall do well to hear Mass.” But, for fear of being recognized, we were only able to hear it twice. I had absolute faith in her. Her words and her ardent faith in God inflamed me. I believe she was sent from God; she never swore, she loved to attend Mass, she confessed often, and was zealous in giving alms. Many times was I obliged to hand out to her the money she gave for the love of God. While we were with her, we found her always good, simple, pious, an excellent Christian, well-behaved, and God-fearing. When we arrived at Chinon,[127] we presented ourselves to the King’s Court and Council. I know she had there to submit to long enquiries.

MICHAEL LEBUIN, _labourer, of Domremy_.

I knew Jeannette from my earliest youth. Of Jeanne’s departure for Vaucouleurs I knew nothing. But, one day—the Eve of Saint John the Baptist[128]—she said to me: “Between Coussy and Vaucouleurs there is a young girl, who, before the year is gone, will have the King of France consecrated.” And, in truth, the following year the King was crowned at Rheims.[129] When Jeanne was a prisoner I saw Nicolas Bailly, Notary of Andelot, coming to Domremy, one day, with several other persons. At the request of Jean de Torcenay, Bailly of Chaumont for the pretended King of France and England, he proceeded to make enquiries into the conduct and life of Jeanne. But he could not induce the inhabitants of Vaucouleurs to depose. I believe that they questioned Jean Begot, at whose house they were staying. Their enquiry revealed nothing against Jeanne.

GEOFFROY DE FAY.

I saw Jeanne the Maid when she came to Maxey-sur-Vays.[130] When Jeanne came to Maxey, she came sometimes to my house. I always thought her a good girl, simple and pious. Many times I heard her speak; she said that she wished to go into France.

DURAND LAXART, _of Burey-le-Petit_.

Jeanne was of the family of Jeanne, my wife. I knew Jacques d’Arc and Isabelle, his wife, the parents of Jeanne the Maid: they were good and faithful Catholics, and of good repute. She was a girl of good disposition, devout, patient, loving the Church, going often to confession, and giving to the poor all that she could. I can attest this, having been witness thereof, both at Domremy and at my own house at Burey, where she passed six weeks.[131] I went to fetch her from her father’s and brought her to my house; she told me she wished to go into France, to the Dauphin, to have him crowned. “Was it not foretold formerly,” she said to me, “that France should be desolated[132] by a woman, and should be restored by a maid?” She told me she wished to go, herself, and seek Robert de Baudricourt, in order that he might have her conducted to the place where the Dauphin was. But many times Robert told me to take her back to her father and to box her ears. When she saw that Robert would not do as she asked, she took some of my garments and said she would start. She departed, and I took her to Vaucouleurs [_i.e._ Saint-Nicolas[133]].—Thence she returned, and went with a safe-conduct to the Sieur Charles de Lorraine. The Duke saw her, spoke to her, and gave her four francs,[134] which Jeanne showed to me. She came back to Vaucouleurs; and the inhabitants bought for her a man’s garments and a complete warlike equipment. Alain de Vaucouleurs and I bought her a horse for the price of twelve francs, which we paid, and which was repaid to us later by the Sieur Robert de Baudricourt. This done, Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengey, Colet de Vienne, together with Richard the Archer and two men of the suite of Jean de Metz and Bertrand, conducted Jeanne to the place where the Dauphin was.

All this, as I now say it, I told to the King. I know no more, except that I saw her at Rheims at the King’s crowning.

CATHERINE, _wife of Leroyer_.

Jeanne, when she had left her parents, was brought to our house at Vaucouleurs by Durand Laxart, her uncle; she wished to go to the place where the Dauphin was. I had occasion to know her well; she was an excellent girl, simple, gentle, respectful, well-conducted, loving to go to Church.

She lived with us at Vaucouleurs, at different times about three weeks. She spoke to the Sieur Robert de Baudricourt, that he might have her conducted to the Dauphin, but Sieur Robert would not listen to her. One day, I saw Robert de Baudricourt—then captain of Vaucouleurs—and Messire Jean Fournier, our Curé, come in to our house to visit her. After they were gone, she told me that the Priest had his stole, and that, in presence of the said captain, he adjured her, saying: “If you are an evil spirit, avaunt! If you are a good spirit, approach!” Then Jeanne drew near the Priest and threw herself at his knees: she said he was wrong to act so, for he had heard her in confession. When she saw that Robert refused to conduct her to the King, she said to me that, nevertheless, she would go and seek the Dauphin. “Do you not know,” she said, “the prophecy which says that France, lost by a woman, shall be saved by a maiden from the Marches of Lorraine?” I did indeed remember the prophecy, and remained stupefied. Jacques Alain and Durand Laxart took her to Saint-Nicolas,[135] then came back with her to Vaucouleurs.

HENRI LEROYER, _cartwright, formerly of Vaucouleurs_.

Jeanne, when she came to Vaucouleurs, lodged in our house. She said to us, “It is necessary that I should go to the noble Dauphin; my Lord the King of Heaven wills that I should go; I go in the name of the King of Heaven; even if I have to drag myself thither on my knees, I shall go!” When she arrived at our house, she was wearing a woman’s dress, of a red colour. At Vaucouleurs she received the gift of a man’s dress and a complete equipment; then, mounted on a horse, she was conducted to the place where the Dauphin was, by Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengey, and two of their servants—Colet de Vienne, and Richard the Archer. I saw them depart, all six, and Jeanne with them. When she spoke of leaving, she was asked how she thought she could effect such a journey and escape the enemy. “I fear them not,” she answered, “I have a sure road: if the enemy are on my road, I have God with me, Who knows how to prepare the way to the Lord Dauphin. I was born to do this.”

ALBERT D’OURCHES, _Seigneur of Ourches, near Commerey_.

I saw Jeanne at Vaucouleurs when she arrived to be taken to the King. Many times I heard her then say that she wished to go to the King, and that some one would conduct her to him, for it would be to the great benefit of the Dauphin.

This maiden always seemed to me very well behaved. I should have been well pleased to have had a daughter as good as she.

NICOLAS BAILLY, _Tabellion (Notary) and Deputy Royal at Andelot_.

As Tabellion I was appointed by the Sieur Jean de Torcenay, Knight, then Bailly of Chaumont, by the authority of the pretended King of France and England, and, with me, the late Gerard Petit—then Provost of the said Andelot[136]—to proceed to an enquiry on the subject of Jeanne, at that time detained in prison at Rouen. Many times, in her youth, I saw Jeanne before she left her father’s house: she was a good girl, of pure life and good manners, a good Catholic who loved the Church and went often on pilgrimage to the Church of Bermont, and confessed nearly every month—as I learned from a number of the inhabitants of Domremy, whom I had to question on the subject at the time of the enquiry that I made with the Provost of Andelot. When I and the late Gerard made this enquiry, we examined twelve or fifteen witnesses. Afterwards, we certified the information before Simon de Thermes, Squire, Lieutenant of the Captain of Montclair.

GUILLOT JACQUIER, _of Andelot, King’s Sergeant_; [_evidence similar to the preceding_.]

BERTRAND DE POULENGEY, _Squire_.

After her departure from her father’s roof, I often saw Jeanne at Vaucouleurs and during the war. I remember often to have heard this Ladies’ Tree spoken of. I have even sat beneath it, but that was a dozen years before I saw Jeanne. Jeanne came to Vaucouleurs, I think, about Ascension Day.[137] I saw her speaking to the Captain, Robert de Baudricourt. She told him that “she came to him in the name of her Lord; that the Dauphin must be compelled to persevere and to give battle to his enemies, that the Lord would give him succour before the middle of Lent; that the kingdom belonged not to him, the Dauphin, but to her Lord; that her Lord would have the Dauphin King and hold the kingdom in trust; that she would make him King, in spite of his enemies, and would conduct him to his coronation.” “But who is this Lord of whom you speak?” asked Robert of her. “The King of Heaven,” she replied. That time she went back to her father’s house, accompanied by one of her uncles, named Durand Laxart. Later, towards the commencement of Lent, she came back to Vaucouleurs to seek companions, so as to go to the Dauphin. Then Jean de Metz and I offered to conduct her to the King—at that time Dauphin. After a pilgrimage to Saint-Nicolas, she went to seek the Lord Duke de Lorraine, who had sent her a safe-conduct and asked to see her. She then returned to Vaucouleurs and lodged in the house of Henry Leroyer. Then Jean de Metz and I, aided by many others of Vaucouleurs, so wrought that she put off her woman’s dress, which was of a red colour;[138] we procured for her a tunic and man’s dress—spurs, leggings, sword, and such-like—and a horse. Then we started with her to seek the Dauphin, together with Julian, my servant, Jean de Honecourt, servant of Jean de Metz, Colet de Vienne, and Richard the Archer. On starting, the first day, fearing to be taken by the Burgundians and the English, we travelled all night. Jeanne said to me and to Jean de Metz, while we were journeying, that it would be well for us to hear Mass; but while we were in the enemy’s country, we could not, for fear of being recognized. At night, Jeanne slept beside John de Metz and myself, fully dressed and armed. I was young then; nevertheless I never felt towards her any desire: I should never have dared to molest her, because of the great goodness which I saw in her. We were eleven days on the road, during which we had many anxieties. But Jeanne told us always that we had nothing to fear, and that, once arrived at Chinon, the noble Dauphin would show us good countenance. She entirely abstained from swearing. I felt myself inspired by her words, for I saw she was indeed a messenger of God; never did I see in her any evil, but always she was as good as if she had been a saint. We took our road thus, and, without many obstacles, gained Chinon, where the King—then Dauphin—was staying. There the said maid was presented to the nobles in the King’s suite, to whom I refer for the actions of the said Jeanne.

MESSIRE HENRI ARNOLIN, _of Gontrecourt-le-Château, near Commercy, Priest_; [_testimony of no importance_].

MESSIRE JEAN LEFUMEUX, _of Vaucouleurs, Canon of the Chapel of Saint Mary at Vaucouleurs, and Curé of the Parish Church of Ugny_.

I know that Jeanne came to Vaucouleurs, and said that she wished to go to the Dauphin. I was then young, and attached to the Chapel of the Blessed Mary at Vaucouleurs. I often saw Jeanne in this Chapel; she behaved with great piety, attended Mass in the morning, and remained a long time in prayer. I have also seen her[139] in the crypt of the Chapel on her knees before the Blessed Mary, her face sometimes bent to the ground, sometimes raised to heaven. She was a good and holy maiden.

JEAN JACQUARD, _labourer, of Greux; son of Jean, called_ GUILLEMETTE; [_evidence similar to the preceding_].

DEPOSITIONS AT ORLEANS: 1455.

JEAN,[140] _Bastard of Orleans, Count de Dunois_.

I think that Jeanne was sent by God, and that her behaviour in war was a fact divine rather than human. Many reasons make me think so.

I was at Orleans, then besieged by the English, when the report spread that a young girl, commonly called the Maid, had just passed through Gien, going to the noble Dauphin, with the avowed intention of raising the siege of Orleans and conducting the Dauphin to Rheims for his anointing. I was then entrusted with the care of the town of Orleans and was Lieutenant-General of the King in affairs of war. In order to be better informed on the subject of this young girl, I sent to the King the Sieur de Villars, Seneschal of Beaucaire, and Janet de Tilly,[141] who was afterwards Bailly of Vermandois.

They returned from the King, and reported to me publicly, in presence of all the people of Orleans [assembled] to know the truth, that they had seen the Maid arrive at Chinon. They said that the King at first had no wish to listen to her: she even remained two days, waiting, until she was permitted to present herself before him, although she persisted in saying that she was come to raise the siege of Orleans, and to conduct the Dauphin to Rheims, in order that he might be consecrated; she at once asked for men, arms and horses.

Three weeks or a month elapsed, during which the King had her examined by Clergy, Prelates, and Doctors in Theology, as to her words and deeds, in order to know if he might receive her with safety. Then the King assembled an army to conduct to Orleans a convoy of supplies.

Hearing the opinion of the Clergy and Prelates that there was no evil in this Maid, the King sent her with the Lord Archbishop of Rheims,[142] then Chancellor of France, and the Sieur de Gaucourt, then Grand Steward, to Blois, where those were who had the charge of escorting the convoy—that is, the Sieurs de Rais[143] and de Boussac, Marshals of France; de Coulent, Admiral of France; La Hire; and Ambroise de Loré, who was afterwards Governor of Paris. All, at the head of the army transporting the convoy, came, with Jeanne, in good order, by way of the Sologne, to the Loire, facing the Church of Saint Loup. But the English were there in great number: and the army escorting the convoy did not appear to me, nor to the other captains, in sufficient force to resist them and to ensure the entrance of the convoy on that side. It was necessary to load the convoy on boats, which were procured with difficulty. But to reach Orleans it was necessary to sail against the stream, and the wind was altogether contrary.

Then Jeanne said to me: “Are you the Bastard of Orleans?” “Yes,” I answered; “and I am very glad of your coming!” “Is it you who said I was to come on this side [of the river], and that I should not go direct to the side where Talbot and the English are?” “Yes, and those more wise than I are of the same opinion, for our greater success and safety.” “In God’s Name,” she then said, “the counsel of My Lord is safer and wiser than yours. You thought to deceive me, and it is yourselves who are deceived, for I bring you better succour than has ever come to any general or town whatsoever—the succour of the King of Heaven. This succour does not come from me, but from God Himself, Who, at the prayers of Saint Louis and Saint Charlemagne, has had compassion on the town of Orleans, and will not suffer the enemy to hold at the same time the Duke[144] and his town!”

At that moment, the wind, being contrary, and thereby preventing the boats going up the river and reaching Orleans, turned all at once and became favourable. They stretched the sails; and I ordered the boats to the town, which I entered with Brother Nicolas de Geresme, then Grand Prior in France of the Order of Rhodes. We passed before the Church of Saint Loup in spite of the English. From that time I put good hope in her, even more than before. I had begged her to cross the river and to enter the town, where many were longing for her. She had made a difficulty about it, not wishing, she said, to abandon her army or her followers who were duly confessed, penitent, and of good will; and on their account she refused to come. Thereupon, I went in search of the captains who had charge of the convoy and the army, and besought them, for the welfare of the King, to allow Jeanne to enter Orleans at once, and that they should go up the river—they and the army—to Blois, where they should cross the Loire so as to return to Orleans, for there was no nearer place of crossing. They consented; and Jeanne then came with me. She had in her hand a banner, white in colour, on which was an image of Our Lord holding in His Hand a lily. La Hire crossed the Loire at the same time as she, and entered the city with her and ourselves. All this was much more the work of God than of man: the sudden change of wind immediately Jeanne had announced it; the bringing in of the convoy of supplies in spite of the English, who were in much greater force than all the King’s army; and the statement of Jeanne that she had seen Saint Louis and Saint Charles the Great praying God for the safety of the King and of the City.

Another circumstance made me think these deeds were the work of God. I wished to go towards the army which had turned back on Blois and which was marching to the relief of Orleans; Jeanne would not wait for them nor consent that I should go to meet them: she wished to summon the English to raise the siege at once on pain of being themselves attacked. She did, in fact, summon them by a letter which she wrote to them in French, in which she told them, in very simple terms, that they were to retire from the siege and return to England, or else she would bring against them a great attack, which would force them to retreat. Her letter was sent to Lord Talbot. From that hour, the English—who, up to that time, could, I affirm, with two hundred of their men, have put to rout 800 or 1,000 of ours—were unable, with all their power, to resist 400 or 500 French; they had to be driven into their forts, where they took refuge, and from whence they dared not come forth.

There is another fact which made me believe she was from God. The 27th of May,[145] very early in the morning, we began the attack on the Boulevard[146] of the bridge. Jeanne was there wounded by an arrow which penetrated half-a-foot between the neck and the shoulder; but she continued none the less to fight, taking no remedy for her wound. The attack lasted throughout, from the morning until 8 o’clock in the evening, without hope of success for us: for which reason I was anxious that the army should retire into the town. The Maid then came to me, praying me to wait yet a little longer. Thereupon she mounted her horse, retired to a vineyard, all alone by herself, remained in prayer about half an hour, then, returning and seizing her banner by both hands, she placed herself on the edge of the trench. At sight of her the English trembled, and were seized with sudden fear; our people, on the contrary, took courage and began to mount and assail the Boulevard, not meeting any resistance. Thus was the Boulevard taken and the English therein put to flight: all were killed, among them Classidas[147] and the other principal English captains of the Bastille, who, thinking to gain the Bridge Tower, fell into the river, where they were drowned. This Classidas was he who had spoken of the Maid with the greatest contempt and insult.

The Bastille taken, we re-entered the town of Orleans—the Maid and all the army—where we were received with enthusiasm. Jeanne was taken to her house, to receive the care which her wound required. When the surgeon had dressed it, she began to eat, contenting herself with four or five slices of bread dipped in wine and water, without, on that day, having eaten or drunk anything else.

The next day, early in the morning, the English came out of their camp and placed themselves in order of battle. At this sight, Jeanne got up and put on a light coat of mail; she forbade the English to be attacked or in any way molested but [gave orders] that they should be allowed to depart, which they did, without any pursuit. From that moment the town was delivered.

After the deliverance of Orleans, the Maid, with myself and the other captains, went to seek the King at the Castle of Loches, praying him to attack immediately the towns and the camps on the Loire, Mehun, Beaugency, Jargeau, in order to make his consecration at Rheims more free and sure. This she besought the King often, in the most urgent manner, to hasten, without longer delay. The King used the greatest haste possible, and sent, for this purpose, the Duke d’Alençon, myself and other captains, as well as Jeanne, to reduce these towns and camps. All were reduced in a few days—thanks alone, as I believe, to the intervention of the Maid.

After the deliverance of Orleans, the English assembled together a numerous army, to defend the aforesaid towns, which they occupied. When we had invested the camp and bridge of Beaugency, the English army arrived at the camp of Meung-sur-Loire, which was still under their control. But this army could not come to the help of the English besieged in the camp of Beaugency. At the news of the taking of this camp, all the English divisions joined together into one complete army; and we thought they would offer us battle: we made our dispositions accordingly. In presence of the Constable, myself, and the other captains, the Duke d’Alençon asked Jeanne what was to be done. She answered thus, in a loud voice: “Have all of you good spurs?” “What do you mean?” asked those present of her; “are we, then, to turn our backs?” “Nay,” she replied, “it is the English who will not defend themselves, and will be beaten; and you must have good spurs to pursue them.” And it fell out thus, as she had predicted: the English took to flight, and of killed and prisoners there were more than 4,000.

At Loches, after the raising of the siege of Orleans, I remember that, one day, the King, being in his private room with the Sieur Christopher d’Harcourt, the Bishop of Castres,[148] his Confessor, and the Sieur de Trèves, who was formerly Chancellor of France,[149] Jeanne and I went to seek him. Before entering, she knocked at the door; as soon as she had entered, she knelt before the King, and, embracing his knees, said these words: “Noble Dauphin! hold no longer these many and long councils, but come quickly to Rheims to take the crown for which you are worthy!” “Is it your Counsel who told you this?” said Christopher d’Harcourt. “Yes,” she answered, “and my Counsel urges me to this most of all.” “Will you not say, here, in presence of the King,” added the Bishop, “what manner of Counsel it is which thus speaks to you?” “I think I understand,” she said, colouring, “what you want to know; and I will tell you willingly.” Then said the King: “Jeanne, will it please you to say, in presence of the persons who are listening to us, what has been asked you?” “Yes, Sire,” she answered. And then she said this, or something approaching it: “When I am vexed that faith is not readily placed in what I wish to say in God’s Name, I retire alone, and pray to God. I complain to Him that those whom I address do not believe me more readily; and, my prayer ended, I hear a Voice which says to me: ‘Daughter of God! go on! go on! go on! I will be thy Help: go on!’ And when I hear this Voice, I have great joy. I would I could always hear it thus.” And, in repeating to us this language of her Voice, she was—strange to say!—in a marvellous rapture, raising her eyes to Heaven.

After the victories of which I have just spoken, the nobles of the Blood Royal and the captains wished the King to go into Normandy, and not to Rheims. But the Maid was always of opinion that it was necessary to go to Rheims, that the King should be consecrated, giving as a reason that, if once the King were consecrated and crowned, the power of his adversaries would decline, and that in the end they would be past the power of doing any injury, either to him or to his kingdom. And all consented to her opinion. The place where the King first halted, with his army, was under the town of Troyes; he there took counsel with the nobles of the Blood, and the other captains, to decide whether they should remain before this town, in order to lay siege to it, or whether it would not better avail to pass on and march straight to Rheims, leaving Troyes alone. The Council were divided in opinion, and no one knew which course to pursue, when Jeanne suddenly arrived, and appeared in the Council. “Noble Dauphin,” she said, “order your people to come and besiege the town of Troyes, and lose no more time in such long councils. In God’s Name, before three days are gone, I will bring you into this town by favour or force, and greatly will the false Burgundy be astounded.” Then Jeanne, putting herself at the head of the army, had the tents placed right against the trenches of the town, and executed many marvellous manœuvres which had not been thought of by two or three accomplished generals working together. And so well did she work during the night, that, the next day, the Bishop[150] and citizens came all trembling and quaking to place their submission in the King’s hands. Afterwards, it was known that, at the moment when she had told the King’s Council not to pass by the town, the inhabitants had suddenly lost heart, and had occupied themselves only in seeking refuge in the Churches. The town of Troyes once reduced, the King went to Rheims, where he found complete submission, and where he was consecrated and crowned.

Jeanne was accustomed to repair daily to Church at the time of Vespers, or towards evening; she had the bells rung for half-an-hour, and collected together all the Mendicant Friars who were following the army. Then she began to pray, and had an anthem in honour of the Blessed Mary, Mother of God, sung by the Mendicant Friars.

When the King came to La Ferté and to Crespy-en-Valois, the people ran about him, crying “Noel!” The Maid was then riding between the Archbishop of Rheims and myself: “This is a good people,” she said to us; “I have seen none elsewhere who rejoiced as much at the coming of so noble a King. How happy should I be if, when my days are done, I might be buried here!” “Jeanne,” then said the Archbishop to her, “in what place do you hope to die?” “Where it shall please God,” she answered; “for I am not certain of either the time or the place, any more than you are yourself. Would it might please God, my Creator, that I might retire now, abandon arms and return to serve my father and mother and to take care of their sheep with my sister and my brothers, who would be so happy to see me again!”

There was never any one more sober. I often heard it said by the Sieur Jean d’Aulon, Knight, now Seneschal of Beaucaire, who had been appointed by the King to watch over her, as being the wisest and most worthy in the army, that he did not think there had ever been a more chaste woman. Neither I nor others, when we were with her, had ever an evil thought: there was in her something divine.

Fifteen days after the Earl of Suffolk[151] had been made prisoner at the taking of Jargeau, a writing was sent to him containing four lines, in which it was said that a Maid should come from the Oak-wood who would ride on the backs of the archers and against them.[152]

Although Jeanne sometimes spoke in jest of the affairs of war, and although, to encourage the soldiers, she may have foretold events which were not realized, nevertheless, when she spoke seriously of the war, and of her deeds and her mission, she only affirmed earnestly that she was sent to raise the siege of Orleans, and to succour the oppressed people of that town and the neighbouring places, and to conduct the King to Rheims that he might be consecrated.

SIEUR DE GAUCOURT.[153]

I was at the Castle of the town of Chinon when Jeanne arrived there, and I saw her when she presented herself before the King’s Majesty with great lowliness and simplicity; a poor little shepherdess! I heard her say these words: “Most noble Lord Dauphin, I am come and am sent to you from God to give succour to the kingdom and to you.”

After having seen and heard her, the King, so as to be better instructed about her, put her under the protection of Guillaume Bellier, his Major-Domo, my Lieutenant at Chinon, afterwards Bailly of Troyes,[154] whose wife was most devout and of the best reputation. Then he had her visited by the Clergy, by Doctors, and by Prelates, to know if he could lawfully put faith in her. Her deeds and words were examined during three weeks, not only at Chinon, but at Poitiers. The Examinations finished, the Clergy decided that there was nothing evil in her deeds nor in her words. After numerous interrogations, they ended by asking her what sign she could furnish, that her words might be believed? “The sign I have to shew,” she replied, “is to raise the siege of Orleans!” Afterwards, she took leave of the King, and came to Blois, where she armed herself for the first time, to conduct a convoy of supplies to Orleans and to succour the inhabitants.

[On the subject of the sudden change of wind and of the way in which the convoy of supplies was brought into Orleans, the witness deposed as the Sieur de Dunois. He added only this: Jeanne had expressly predicted that, before long, the weather and the wind would change; and it happened as she had foretold. She had, in like manner, stated that the convoy would enter freely into the town.

The declaration of the witness agrees equally with that of the Sieur de Dunois as to the taking of the Bastille, the raising of the siege, and the expulsion of the English.

On all the other points the Sieur de Gaucourt is also in perfect agreement, in matter and form, with the said Sieur de Dunois, as to all that concerns the setting free of Orleans, the taking of the camps and the towns on the borders of the Loire.

He agrees equally on all points with what concerns the journey of the King for the ceremony of his consecration at Rheims.

Jeanne, he adds, was abstemious in food and drink; nothing came from her lips but excellent words, which could serve only for edification and good example. No one could be more chaste, ... she had always at night a woman in her room. She confessed herself frequently, being often in prayer, hearing Mass every day, and constantly receiving the Sacrament of the Eucharist; she would not suffer any to use in her presence shameful or blasphemous words, and by her speech and actions she shewed how much she held such things in horror.]

MAÎTRE FRANÇOIS GARIVEL, _Councillor-General to the King_.

I remember that, at the time of the coming of Jeanne the Maid, the King sent her to Poitiers, where she lodged with Maître Jean Rabateau, then King’s Advocate in Parliament. In this town of Poitiers were deputed [to examine Jeanne], by the King’s Order, certain venerable Doctors and Masters,—to wit, Pierre de Versailles, then Abbot of Talmont, afterwards Bishop of Meaux; Jean Lambert; Guillaume Aimery, of the Order of Saint Dominic; Pierre Séguin, of the Carmelite Order, Doctors in Theology; Mathieu Message, and Guillaume Le Marie, Bachelors in Theology, with many others of the King’s Councillors, licentiates in Canon and Civil Laws. Many times and often, during the space of three weeks, they examined Jeanne, studying and considering her deeds and words; and finally, taking into consideration her condition and her answers, they said that she was a simple girl, who, when interrogated, persisted in her answer, that she was sent from the God of Heaven in favour of the noble Dauphin, to replace him in his kingdom, to raise the siege of Orleans, and to conduct the King to Rheims for his consecration; and that first she must write to the English and command them to retire, for such was the Will of God.

When I asked Jeanne why she called the King _Dauphin_, and not _King_, she replied that she should not call him King till he had been crowned and anointed at Rheims, to which city she meant to conduct him.

Afterwards, the Clergy told Jeanne she ought to shew them a sign by which it might be believed that she was sent from God; but she replied: “The sign given to me from God is to raise the siege of Orleans; I have no fear that it will be done, if the King will give me soldiers, as few as he may like.”

She was a simple shepherd-maiden, who confessed often; she was entirely devoted to God, and frequently received the Sacrament of the Eucharist.

At last, after long examinations made at great length by clerics of various faculties, all decided and concluded that the King might lawfully receive her, and might send a body of soldiers to the siege of Orleans, for that there was nothing found in her which was not Catholic and reasonable.

GUILLAUME DE RICARVILLE,[155] _Seigneur de Ricarville, Steward to the King._

I was in Orleans—then besieged by the English—with the Count de Dunois and many other captains, when news came that there had passed through the town of Gien a shepherdess, called the Maid, conducted by two or three gentlemen of Lorraine, from which country she came; that this Maid said she was come to raise the siege of Orleans, and that afterwards she would lead the King to his anointing; for thus had she been commanded by God.

Notwithstanding this, she was not readily received by the King, who desired that she should first be examined, and that he should know something of her life and estate, and if it were lawful for him to receive her. Therefore, the Maid, by the King’s order, was examined by many Prelates, Doctors, and Clergy, who found evidence in her of good life, honest estate, and praiseworthy repute; nor was there aught in her which should cause her to be repelled.

She lived honourably, most soberly as to food and drink, was chaste and devout, hearing Mass daily, and confessing often, communicating with fervent devotion every week. She reproved the soldiers when they blasphemed or took God’s Name in vain; also when they did any evil or violence. I never observed in her aught deserving reproof, and from her manner of life and actions I believe she was inspired by God.

MAÎTRE REGINALD THIERRY, _Dean of the Church of Meung-sur-Yèvre; Surgeon to the King_.

I saw Jeanne with the King at Chinon, and heard what she said; to wit, that she was sent from God to the noble Dauphin, to raise the Siege of Orleans, and to conduct the King to his anointing and coronation.

When the town of Saint-Pierre-le-Moustier was taken,[156] by assault, Jeanne being there, the soldiers wanted to pillage the Church and to seize the sacred vessels and other treasure there hidden; but Jeanne prohibited and forbade them with great energy, so that nothing was taken away.

JEAN LUILLIER, _Burgher of Orleans_.

Many of the inhabitants of Orleans desired the coming of the Maid, for they had heard the current rumour that she had told the King how she was sent from God to raise the siege then held against the town; the inhabitants were then in such straits, on account of the English, that they knew not where to turn, except to God.

I was in the town when Jeanne reached it. She was received with as much rejoicing and acclamation from old and young, of both sexes, as if she had been an Angel of God; because we hoped through her to be delivered from our enemies, which indeed was done later.

When Jeanne was come into the City, she exhorted us all to hope in God; saying that, if we had good hope and trust in God, we should escape from our enemies. She said, moreover, she would summon the English to leave the town, and drive them away before she permitted any attack to be made; and this she did, summoning the English by letter, in which she told them to retire from the siege and return to England, or else she would make them retreat by force. From that time the English were terrified, nor had they power to resist as before; so that a few of our people might often fight with a great number of the English, and in such manner that they no longer dared to come out of their forts.

On the 27th May,[157] 1429, I remember well that an assault was made on the enemy in the Fort of the Bridge, in which Jeanne was wounded by an arrow; the attack lasted from morning till evening, and in such manner that our men wished to retreat into the town. Then Jeanne appeared, her standard in her hand, and placed it on the edge of the trench; and immediately the English began to quake, and were seized with fear. The army of the King took courage, and once more began to assail the Boulevard; and thus was the Boulevard taken, and the English therein were all put to flight or slain. Classidas and the principal English captains, thinking to retreat into the Tower of the Bridge, fell into the river, and were drowned; and the fort being taken, all the King’s army retired into the city.

On the next day, very early in the morning, the English came out of their tents and ranged themselves in order of battle, as it seemed. Hearing this, the Maid rose from her bed and armed herself; but she would not allow any one to attack the English, nor to ask anything of them, but that they should be permitted to depart: and so, indeed, they did, no one pursuing them; and from that hour the town was free from the enemy.

I believed, like all in the town, that, had the Maid not come in God’s Name to our help, we should soon have been, both town and people, in the hands of the enemy: we did not believe it possible for the army then in the town to resist the power of the enemy who were in such force against us.

JEAN HILAIRE and GILLES DE SAINT MESNIN, [_Evidence of no importance_].

JACQUES L’ESBAHY.

I remember that two heralds were sent on the part of the Maid to Saint-Laurent, one named Ambeville, and the other Guienne, to Talbot, the Earl of Suffolk, and Lord Scales, telling the English in God’s name to return to England, or evil would come to them. The English detained one of these heralds, named Guienne, and sent back the other—Ambeville—to the Maid, who told her that the English were keeping back his companion Guienne to burn him. Then Jeanne answered Ambeville and assured him in God’s Name that no harm should happen to Guienne, and told him to return boldly to the English, that no evil should happen to him, but that he should bring back his comrade safe and sound. And so it was.

When Jeanne first entered Orleans, she went, before all else, to the Great Church, to do reverence to God, her Creator.

GUILLAUME LE CHARRON, _Burgher of Orleans_ [_testified to the same effect_].

COSMA DE COMMY, _Burgher of Orleans_.

I heard Maître Jean Maçon, a famous Doctor in Civil and Canon Law, say that he had many times examined Jeanne as to her deeds and words, and he had no doubt she was sent from God; that it was a wondrous thing to hear her speak and answer; and that he had found nothing in her life but what was holy and good.

MARTIN DE MAUBOUDET, JEAN VOLANT, GUILLAUME POSTIAU, DENIS ROGER, JACQUES DE THOU,[158] JEAN CARRELIER, AMIAN DE SAINT-MESMIN,[159] _all burghers of Orleans, gave witness to the same effect_.

JEAN DE CHAMPEAUX.

On a certain Sunday I saw those of Orleans preparing for a great conflict against the English, who were drawn up in order of battle. Seeing this, Jeanne went out to the soldiers; and then she was asked, if it were well to fight against the English on that day, being Sunday; to which she answered that she must hear Mass; and then she sent to fetch a table, and had the ornaments of the Church brought, and two Masses were celebrated, which she and the whole army heard with great devotion. Mass being ended, Jeanne asked if the English had their faces turned toward us; she was told no, that their faces were turned towards Meung. Hearing this, she said: “In God’s Name, they are going; let them depart; and let us give thanks to God and pursue them no further, because it is Sunday.”

_This story is confirmed by_ PIERRE JONGAULT, PIERRE HUE, JEAN AUBERT, GUILLAUME ROUILLART, GENTIAN CABU, PIERRE VAILLANT, _and_ JEAN COULON, _all burghers of Orleans_.

All agreed that they never perceived anything by which they could conjecture that Jeanne attributed to herself the glory of her wonderful deeds; but she ascribed all to God, and, so far as she could, resisted when the people sought to honour her or give her the glory; she preferred to be alone rather than in others’ society, except when she was engaged in warfare.

JEAN BEAUHARNAYS.[160]

I often saw Jeanne while in Orleans; there was nothing in her which could merit reproof; she was humble, simple, chaste, and devoted to God and the Church. I was always much comforted in talking with her.

MAÎTRE ROBERT DE FARCIAUX, _Priest, Licentiate in Law, Canon and Sub-Dean of the Church of Saint-Aignan at Orleans; testified to the same effect_.

MAÎTRE PIERRE COMPAING, _Priest, Licentiate in Law, Canon of Saint-Aignan_.

I have seen Jeanne, at the Elevation of the Host, weeping many tears. I remember well that she induced the soldiers to confess their sins; and I indeed saw that, by her instigation and advice, La Hire and many of his company came to confession.

The SIEURS PIERRE DE LA CENSURE, _Priest, Canon and Warden of Saint-Aignan_; RAOUL GODART, _Priest, Licentiate in Decrees, Prior of Saint Samson, and Canon of Saint-Aignan at Orleans_; HERVÉ BONART, _Prior of Saint-Magloire, of the Order of Saint-Augustine_; The SIEUR ANDRÉ BORDES, _Canon of Saint-Aignan; and_ JEANNE, _wife of_ GILLES DE SAINT-MESMIN. _All agreed with the preceding as to Jeanne’s life and morals._

JEANNE, _wife of_ GUY BOYLEAUD; GUILLEMETTE, _wife of_ JEAN DE COULONS; JEANNE, _widow of_ JEAN DE MOUCHY, _gave similar testimony._

CHARLOTTE,[161] _wife of_ GUILLAUME HAVET.

At night I slept alone with Jeanne; I never saw anything evil in her, either in word or deed, but always simplicity, humility and chastity. She was in the habit of confessing frequently and hearing Mass daily. She often told my mother, in whose house she lodged, that she must put trust in God, and that God would help the town of Orleans, and drive away the enemy.

She was accustomed, before going to an assault, to take account of her conscience, and to receive the Sacrament after hearing Mass.

REGINALDE, _widow of_ JEAN HURÉ.

I remember well to have seen and heard, one day, a great lord, walking along the street, begin to swear and blaspheme God; which, when Jeanne saw and heard, she was much perturbed, and went up to the lord who was swearing, and, taking him by the neck, said, “Ah! master, do you deny Our Lord and Master? In God’s Name, you shall unsay your words before I leave you.” And then, as I saw, the said lord repented and amended his ways, at the exhortation of the said Maid.

PETRONILLE, _wife of_ JEAN BEAUHARNAIS; _and_ MASSEA, _wife of_ HENRI FAGONE; _testified to the same effect_.

DEPOSITIONS IN PARIS: 1455–6.

[No questions for the Examinations at Paris and Rouen appear in the Rehabilitation Reports, but, as M. Jules Fabre was the first to point out, the numbers appended to the answers correspond with the first thirty-three of the hundred and one Articles of the Act of Accusation.]

EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.

MAÎTRE JEAN TIPHAINE, _Priest, Master in Arts and Medicine, Canon of the Sainte Chapelle, Paris_.

On the first four Articles, I declare that I knew nothing of Jeanne until she was brought to the town of Rouen for her trial. I was summoned to take part. At first I would not go; but I was commanded a second time, and was present and heard the enquiry and her answers: she made many beautiful answers. When I was present at this Trial, the Judges and the Assessors were in the small hall behind the Great Hall of the Castle; and she answered with much prudence and wisdom and with great bravery.

On the occasion when I was present, Maître Beaupère was the principal questioner; and Jacques de Touraine, of the Order of Friars Minor, also questioned her. I well remember that this Maître Jacques once asked her, if she was ever in a place in which the English were overcome; to which she answered: “In God’s name, surely. How mildly you put it! Why, have many not fled from France and gone back to their own country?”[162] And there was a great lord of England, whose name I do not remember, who said, hearing this: “Truly this is a brave woman! Would she were English!” And this he said to me and to Maître Guillaume Desjardins. No Doctor, however great and subtle he might be, had he been questioned by so many Doctors and before so great an assembly as was this Jeanne, but would have been perplexed and upset. With regard to the illness of Jeanne during the Trial, I was summoned by the Lords Judges to visit her, and was brought to her by one named d’Estivet; in presence of this d’Estivet, Maître Delachambre, and several others, I felt her pulse in order to know the cause of the malady, and asked what ailed her and from what she suffered. She replied that some carp had been sent her by the Bishop of Beauvais, and that she doubted this was the cause of her illness. Upon this, d’Estivet, who was present, found fault with her, saying she had spoken ill, and called her “paillarde,” saying: “Thou paillarde! thou hast been eating sprats and other unwholesomeness.” She answered that she had not; and then they—Jeanne and d’Estivet—exchanged many abusive words. Afterwards, I wished to know further as to the malady of Jeanne, and learnt that she had had severe vomiting. Except as to her malady, I gave no opinion.[163]

MAÎTRE GUILLAUME DELACHAMBRE, _Master in Arts and Medicine_.

I gave no opinion during the Trial, but allowed myself to affix my signature, under compulsion from the Bishop of Beauvais. I made excuses to him that in these matters it did not belong to my profession to give an opinion: however, finally, the Bishop forced me to subscribe as others had done, saying that otherwise some ill would befall me for having come to Rouen. I say, too, that threats were also used against Maître Jean Lohier and Maître Nicolas de Houppeville, who, not wishing to take part in the Trial, were threatened with the penalty of drowning.

Sometimes it was the Abbot of Fécamp who interrogated Jeanne. Once, I saw the Abbot of Fécamp interrogating Jeanne, and Maître Jean Beaupère interrupted with many and divers questions. Jeanne would not reply to them both at once, saying that they did her much harm by thus vexing her, and that she would reply presently. As to her illness, one day the Cardinal of England and the Earl of Warwick having sent for me, I found myself associated with Guillaume Desjardins and other doctors. The Earl of Warwick told us that Jeanne had been ill and that we had been sent for to give her all our attention, for the King would not, for anything, that she should die a natural death: he had bought her too dear for that, and he intended that she should die at the hands of justice, and should be burnt. For this, I and Guillaume Desjardins and others visited her. Desjardins and I felt her pulse on the right side, and found fever, from which we recommended she should be bled. “Away with your bleeding!” said Warwick, “she is artful, and might kill herself.” Nevertheless, we did bleed her, and she recovered. One day, after she had recovered, there arrived a certain Maître Guillaume d’Estivet, who used evil words against Jeanne, calling her ... and a _paillarde_. This abuse upset her to such a point that the fever returned, and she had a relapse. And this being brought to the notice of the Earl, he forbade d’Estivet to abuse Jeanne from that day forth.

I was present at a sermon of Maître Guillaume Érard. I do not remember the sermon, but I remember well the Abjuration made by Jeanne. She was long in doing this. Maître Guillaume Érard decided her by saying that, if she did what he advised her, she would be delivered from prison. She abjured on this condition and no other, and immediately read a small schedule containing six or seven lines on a piece of paper folded in two. I was so near her that, in all truth, I could see the lines and their form.

For the rest, I can only say that I was present at the last discourse made in the Old Market-Place of Rouen by Maître Nicolas Midi. As soon as the sermon was over, Jeanne was burnt, the stake being already prepared. Her pious lamentations and ejaculations made many weep; only some English were laughing. I heard her say these or like words: “Alas! Rouen, I fear me that thou wilt have to suffer for my death.” Shortly after she began to cry “Jesus” and to invoke St. Michael; and then she perished in the flame.

_The Reverend Father in God, the Lord_ JEAN DE MAILLY, _Bishop of Noyon_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne before she came to Rouen; and I saw her only two or three times. I do not remember either being present at the Trial or giving my opinion.

I remember that, the day before the discourse at St. Ouen, I was present at an Exhortation addressed to Jeanne; but what was said or done I do not remember. I was present also on the day after, when a sermon was given at St. Ouen by Maître Guillaume Érard. There were two galleries or scaffolds: on one were the Bishop of Beauvais, myself and others; and on the other the preacher, Maître Guillaume Érard, and Jeanne. The words of the preacher I do not remember; but I remember well that, either then or on the preceding day, Jeanne said that, if there had been aught evil in her words or deeds, whatever of either good or ill had been in her speech or action came from herself alone, and not from her King. After the sermon, I perceived that Jeanne was ordered to do or say something. I believe it was to abjure; they said to her: “Jeanne, do what you are advised. Would you cause your own death?” These words verily moved her to make her Abjuration. After this Abjuration, many said that it was a mere trick, and that she had acted only in derision.

I remember to have heard—from whom I cannot recall—that the man’s dress was returned to her by the window.

For the rest, I was present at the last sermon on the day she was burnt. There were three galleries or scaffolds: one where sat the Judges, one where many Bishops sat, myself among them, and one where wood was prepared for the burning of Jeanne. At the end of the sermon the sentence was pronounced which delivered Jeanne to secular justice. After this sentence was pronounced, Jeanne began to make many pious exclamations and lamentations; and among other things she said that nothing she had done, either good or ill had been suggested by the King. Thereupon I left, not wishing to see the burning of Jeanne. I saw many of the bystanders weeping.

As to certain letters of guarantee which the King of England gave to the Bishop of Beauvais and others concerned in this Trial, in which I, the Bishop of Noyon, am mentioned as having been present, I can well believe that it was so, though I do not remember much about it.

MAÎTRE THOMAS DE COURCELLES, _S.T.P., Canon of Paris_.

I believe that the Bishop of Beauvais undertook the Trial brought against Jeanne in the matter of the Faith because he was a Counsellor of the King of England, and also Bishop of Beauvais, in which territory Jeanne had been taken captive.

I have heard it said that money was given to the Inquisitor by a certain Surreau, receiver-general, for his participation in the said Trial; but I never heard that the Bishop received anything.

At the time when Jeanne was brought to Rouen, I, being in Paris, was summoned by the Bishop of Beauvais aforesaid to proceed to Rouen for the Trial. I went in the company of Maîtres Nicolas Midi, Jacques de Touraine, Jean de Rouel,[164] and others whom I do not remember, to the town of Rouen, at the expense of those who took us, among whom was Maître Jean de Reynel.[165]

About that time Maître Jean Lohier came to the town of Rouen, and order was given to put him in possession of the details of the Action. And when the said Lohier had seen the evidence, he told me that evidently they ought not to proceed against Jeanne in a matter of Faith without previous information as to the charges of guilt, and that the law required such information.

I remember well that in the first deliberation, I never held Jeanne to be a heretic, except in that she obstinately maintained she ought not to submit to the Church; and finally—as my conscience can bear me witness, before God—it seems to me that my words were: “Jeanne is now what she was. If she was heretic then, she is so now.” Yet I never positively gave an opinion that she was a heretic. I may add that in the first deliberations there was much discussion and difficulty among those consulted as to whether Jeanne should be reputed a heretic. I never gave an opinion as to her being put to the torture.[166]

Many of the Assessors were of opinion and advised that Jeanne should be put in the hands of the Church, into an ecclesiastical prison; but I do not remember that this subject formed a part of our discussions.

Certain Articles, to the number of twelve, were made and extracted from the confessions and answers of the said Jeanne. They were drawn up, I verily believe, by the late Maître Nicolas Midi. It was on these Twelve Articles, thus extracted, that all deliberations and opinions were made and given. I do not know if there was ever any question of correcting them, or if they were corrected.

I often heard from Maître Nicolas Loiseleur that he many times visited Jeanne in an assumed dress; but what he said I know not: and I always counselled him that he should reveal himself to Jeanne, and let her know that he was a priest. I believe he heard Jeanne in confession.

After the first preaching came word that Jeanne had resumed a man’s attire; and immediately the Bishop went to the prison, accompanied by myself, and questioned her as to her reasons for resuming this dress. She replied that she had resumed it because it seemed to her more suitable to wear man’s clothing, being with men, than a woman’s dress.

I was present at the last preaching made in the Old Market-Place, on the day of her death. I did not see her burnt, for, after the sermon and the reading of the sentence, I went away.

MAÎTRE JEAN MONNET, _S.T.P., Canon of Paris_.

Three or four times I went to the Trial and wrote out the questions put to Jeanne and her answers, not as notary but as clerk and servant to Maître Jean Beaupère. Among other things, I remember hearing Jeanne say to me and to the other notaries, that we were not writing properly; and often did she correct us. Often, in these questions and answers, when questioned on something which I could see she ought not to answer, she said that she would refer to the conscience of the questioner as to whether she ought to answer or not.

I was present at the preaching at Saint-Ouen, seated on the platform at the feet of Maître Jean Beaupère, my master. When the preaching was finished, and while the sentence was being read, Jeanne said that if she were advised by the clerics and if their consciences approved, she would willingly do as they recommended. Hearing this, the Bishop of Beauvais asked the Cardinal of England what he ought to do in face of this submission of Jeanne. To which the Cardinal answered the Bishop, that he should receive Jeanne to penitence. And therefore he laid on one side the sentence which he had begun to read, and admitted Jeanne to penitence. I saw the Schedule of Abjuration, which was then read; it was a short schedule, hardly six or seven lines in length. I remember well that Jeanne referred to the consciences of the Judges as to whether she ought to abjure or not. It was said that the executioner was already on the spot, expecting that she would be handed over to the secular power. I left Rouen on the Monday or Sunday before the death of Jeanne.

LOUIS DE CONTES.[167]

The year that Jeanne came to Chinon I was fourteen or fifteen years old. I was page to the Sieur de Gaucourt, Captain of the Castle. Jeanne arrived at Chinon in the company of two gentlemen, who conducted her to the King. I saw her many times going and coming to the King; there was given her for residence the Tower of Coudray, at Chinon. I resided and lived with her all the time that she stayed there, passing all the time with her, except at night, when she always had women with her. I remember well that while she was living at Coudray persons of great estate came many days to visit her there. I do not know what they did or said, because when I saw them coming I retired; nor do I know who they were. Very often while she lived in this town I saw her on her knees praying; but I did not understand what she was saying; sometimes also I saw her weep.

Shortly afterwards she was taken to Poitiers; then to Tours, where she resided with a woman called Lapau. In this place the Duke d’Alençon made her a present of a horse, which I saw at the house of the woman Lapau. At Tours I became her page; with me also was one named Raymond. From that time I remained with her, and was always with her as her page, at Blois, as well as at Orleans, and until she reached the walls of Paris.

While she was at Tours the King gave her a complete suit of armour and an entire military household. From Tours she went to Blois with the army, who had great faith in her. Jeanne remained some time with the army at Blois; how long I do not remember. Then it was decided that she should go to Orleans by the Sologne. She started fully armed, accompanied by her men-at-arms, to whom she said without ceasing that they were to put all their confidence in Our Lord and to confess their sins. On the way I saw her during this journey receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist.

Having arrived near Orleans on the side of the Sologne, Jeanne with many others and myself were conducted to the opposite side of the Loire, on which side is the city of Orleans; and from thence we entered the said town. In her journey from Blois to Orleans, Jeanne had been all bruised, because on the night of the start from Blois she had slept fully armed. At Orleans she lived at the house of the Treasurer[168] of the Town, facing the Bannier Gate; and in this house she received the Sacrament. The day after her arrival she went to seek the Sieur Bastard of Orleans, with whom she had an interview. On her return I saw she was quite vexed that, as she told me, the captains had decided not to attack the English on that day. She went nevertheless to a Boulevard which the French were occupying, opposite to one garrisoned by the English, and there she spoke with them, telling them to retire in God’s Name, or otherwise she would drive them away. One of them, called the Bastard of Granville, assailed her with many insults: “Do you wish us,” he said, “to surrender to a woman?” At the same time, he called the Frenchmen who were with her “maquereaux mescreans.” Then Jeanne returned to her lodging, and went up into her chamber: I thought she was going to sleep: shortly afterwards, there she was, coming down from her chamber; “Ah! bloodthirsty boy,” she said to me, “you did not tell me that the blood of France was being shed!”[169] And she ordered me to go and look for her horse. At the same time she was being armed by the lady of the house and her daughter. When I returned with her horse I found her already armed: she told me to go and seek her banner, which had been left in her chamber: I passed it to her through the window. Immediately she rode hastily towards the Burgundy gate, whither the lady with whom she lodged told me to follow her, which I did. The attack took place against the Fort of Saint Loup; and in this attack the Boulevard was taken. On the way Jeanne met several of the French wounded, at which she was much disturbed. The English were preparing to resist when Jeanne advanced against them in all haste. As soon as the French saw her they began to shout aloud; and thus was the Fort of Saint Loup taken. I heard it said that the English ecclesiastics had taken their ornaments, and had thus come before her; that Jeanne had received them without allowing any harm to be done them, and had had them conducted to her lodging; but that the other English had been killed by the people of Orleans.

In the evening Jeanne returned to supper in her lodging. She had always most sober habits: many times I saw her eat nothing during a whole day but a morsel of bread. I was astonished that she ate so little. When she was in her lodging she ate only twice a day.

The next day, towards 3 o’clock, the soldiers of the King crossed the Loire to attack the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, which they took, as also the Fort of the Augustins.[170] Jeanne crossed the river with them, and I accompanied her: then she re-entered Orleans, and went back to sleep at her lodging with some women, as she was in the habit of doing: for every night, as far as possible, she had a woman to sleep by her, and when she could not find one in war, or in camp, she slept fully dressed.

The following day, in spite of many Lords pretending that it was exposing the King’s followers to too great a danger, she had the Burgundy gate opened, and a small gate near the great tower: she then crossed the water with some of her followers to attack the Fort of the Bridge, which the English still held. The King’s troops remained there from morning to night, and Jeanne was wounded: it was necessary to take off her armour to dress the wound; but hardly was it dressed when she armed herself afresh and went to rejoin her followers at the attack and the assault, which had gone on from morning without ceasing. And when the Boulevard was taken Jeanne still continued the assault with her men, exhorting them to have a good heart and not to retire, because the fort would very soon be theirs. “When,” she told them, “you see the wind drive the banner towards the fort, it will be yours!” But the evening was drawing on, and her followers, seeing they made no way, despaired of success; yet Jeanne persisted always, assuring them they would take the fort that day. Then they prepared to attempt a last assault; and when the English saw this they made no resistance, but were seized with panic, and nearly all were drowned; nor did they during this attack even defend themselves. Those who survived retreated the next day to Beaugency and Meung. The King’s army followed them, Jeanne accompanying it. The English offered to surrender Beaugency by agreement, or to fight; but on the day of combat they retired again; and the army began afresh to pursue them. On this day La Hire commanded the vanguard, at which Jeanne was much vexed, for she liked much to have the command of the vanguard. La Hire threw himself on the English, and the King’s army was victorious: nearly all the English were slain.

Jeanne, who was very humane, had great compassion at such butchery. Seeing a Frenchman, who was charged with the convoy of certain English prisoners, strike one of them on the head in such manner that he was left for dead on the ground, she got down from her horse, had him confessed, supporting his head herself, and comforting him to the best of her power.

Afterwards she went with the army to Jargeau, which was taken by assault, with many English, among whom were Suffolk and de la Pole[171]. After the deliverance of Orleans, and all these victories, Jeanne went with the army to Tours, where the King was. There it was decided that the King should go to Rheims for his consecration. The King left with the army, accompanied by Jeanne, and marched first to Troyes, which submitted; then to Chalons, which did the same; and last to Rheims, where our King was crowned and anointed in my presence—for I was, as I have already said, page to Jeanne, and never left her. I remained with her until she arrived before Paris.

She was a good and modest woman, living as a Catholic, very pious, and, when she could, never failing to be present at the Mass. To hear blasphemies upon the Name of Our Lord vexed her. Many times when the Duke d’Alençon swore[172] or blasphemed before her, I heard her reprove him. As a rule, no one in the army dared swear or blaspheme before her, for fear of being reprimanded.

She would have no women in her army. One day, near Château-Thierry, seeing the mistress of one of her followers riding on horseback, she pursued her with her sword, without striking her at all; but with gentleness and charity she told her she must no longer be found amongst the soldiers, otherwise she would suffer for it.

I know nothing more, not having seen her after Paris.

GOBERT THIBAUT, _Squire to the King of France_.

I was at Chinon when Jeanne came to seek the King, who was then residing in that city. Before this, I knew nothing of her; but henceforward I had more acquaintance with her, for, when I went with the King to the town of Poitiers, Jeanne was also taken thither and lodged in the house of Jean Rabateau. I know that Jeanne was questioned and examined in the town of Poitiers by the late Maître Pierre de Versailles, S.T.P.,—then Abbot of Talmont and, at the time of his death, Bishop of Meaux,—and by Maître Jean Erault, S.T.P. I went with them by the command of the late Lord Bishop of Castres. As I have said, she was living in the house of Rabateau, in which house de Versailles and Erault talked with her in my presence. When we arrived at her house, Jeanne came to meet us, and striking me on the shoulder said to me that she would gladly have many men of such good-will as I. Then Maître Pierre de Versailles told Jeanne that he had been sent to her from the King. She replied: “I well believe that you have been sent to question me,” adding, “I know neither A nor B.”

Then she was asked by them for what she had come. She replied; “I am come from the King of Heaven to raise the siege of Orleans and to conduct the King to Rheims for his crowning and anointing.” And then she asked if they had paper and ink, saying to Maître Jean Erault: “Write what I say to you. You, Suffolk, Classidas, and La Poule, I summon you by order of the King of Heaven to go back to England.” Versailles and Erault did nothing more on this occasion, so far as I remember. Jeanne remained in the town of Poitiers as long as the King did.

Jeanne said that her Counsel had told her she should have gone more quickly to the King. I saw those who had brought her—Jean de Metz, Jean Coulon, and Bertrand Pollichon,[173] with whom I was very friendly and familiar. I was present one day when they told the late Bishop of Castres—then Confessor to the King—that they had travelled through Burgundy and places occupied by the enemy, yet had they always travelled without hindrance, at which they much marvelled.

I heard the aforesaid Confessor say that he had discovered in a writing that there should come a maiden who would aid the Kingdom of France.

I do not know whether Jeanne was examined otherwise than as aforesaid. I heard the said Lord Confessor and other Doctors say that they believed Jeanne to be sent from God, and that they believed it was she of whom the prophecies spoke; because, seeing her actions, her simplicity, and conduct, they thought the King might be delivered through her; for they had neither found nor perceived aught but good in her, nor could they see anything contrary to the Catholic faith.

On the day that the Lord Talbot, who had been taken at Patay, was brought to the town of Beaugency, I arrived at that town; and from thence Jeanne went with the men-at-arms to Jargeau, which was taken by assault, and the English were put to flight.

Jeanne assembled an army between Troyes and Auxerre, and found large numbers there, for every one followed her. The King and his people came without hindrance to Rheims. Nowhere was the King turned back, for the gates of all cities and towns opened themselves to him.

SIMON BAUCROIX, _Squire_.

It was Jeanne’s intention that the army should go towards the Fort or Bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc: but this was not done; and they went to a place between Orleans and Jargeau, whither the inhabitants of Orleans sent boats to receive the provisions and to take them into the town; and the said provisions were put into the boats and brought into the town. And because the army was not able to cross the Loire, it was decided to return and cross the river at Blois: for there was no bridge nearer within the King’s jurisdiction. At this Jeanne was very indignant, fearing they would not be willing to fall back, and so would leave the work unfinished. Neither could she go with them to Blois; but she crossed the river with about 200 lances in boats to the other bank, and entered Orleans by land. The Marshal de Boussac went that night to seek the King’s army which had gone to Blois; and I remember that shortly before the arrival of the said Marshal at Orleans, Jeanne said to Sieur Jean d’Aulon that the Marshal would arrive, and that she knew well he would come to no harm.

When Jeanne was in her lodging, she, being led by the Spirit, cried out: “In God’s Name! our people are hard pressed.” Then she sent for a horse; and, arming herself, she went to the Fort of Saint Loup, where there was an assault being made by the King’s people on the English: and no sooner had Jeanne joined in the attack, than the fort was taken.

The next day the French in company with Jeanne went to attack the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and drew near to the island; and when the English saw that the King’s army had crossed the water, they quitted the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and retreated to another fort near the Augustins. And there I saw the King’s army in great peril. “Let us advance boldly in God’s Name,” said Jeanne: and they advanced on the English, who, now in much danger, held their three forts.[174] At once, without much difficulty, this fort of the Augustins was taken; and the captains then advised Jeanne to re-enter Orleans; but this she would not do, saying, “Shall we leave our men?” The next day they attacked the fort at the end of the bridge, which was very strong and almost impregnable, so that the King’s army had much to do; and the attack lasted the whole day, up to nightfall. I saw the Seneschal of Beaucaire break up the bridge with a bombard. When evening came and they despaired of gaining the fort, orders were given that Jeanne’s standard should be brought to the fort; and this being done another attack was made on the fort, and thereupon without much difficulty the King’s army entered with the standard; and the English fled, in such manner that when they reached the end of the bridge it broke down beneath them, and many were drowned.

The next day the King’s army sallied out to give battle to the English; but they, on seeing the French, fled. When Jeanne saw them in flight and the French following after, she said to the French: “Let the English go, and slay them not; let them go; it is enough for me that they have retreated.” On that day, they escaped from the city of Orleans and turned back on Blois, which they reached the same day.

Jeanne stayed there two or three days; and from thence she went to Tours, and to Loches, where the King’s army was preparing to go to Jargeau; and from thence they went to attack that town.

In war time, she would not permit any of those in her company to steal anything; nor would she ever eat of food which she knew to be stolen. Once, a Scot told her that he had eaten of a stolen calf: she was very angry, and wanted to strike the Scot for so doing.

She would never permit women of ill-fame to follow the army; none of them dared to come into her presence; but, if any of them appeared, she made them depart unless the soldiers were willing to marry them.

She was good not only to the French, but also to the enemy. All this I know of a surety, for I was for a long time with her, and many times assisted in arming her.

Jeanne lamented much, and was displeased when certain good women came to her, wishing to salute her: it seemed to her like adoration, at which she was angered.

MAÎTRE JEAN BARBIN, _Doctor of Laws, King’s Advocate_.

I was sent to Poitiers, where I saw Jeanne for the first time. When she arrived at the town she was lodged in the house of Maître Jean Rabateau; and while there I have heard the wife of Rabateau say that every day after dinner she was for a long time on her knees, and also at night; and that she often went into a little oratory in the house and there prayed for a long time. Many clergy came to visit her,—to wit, Maître Pierre de Versailles, S.T.P., sometime Bishop of Meaux, and Maître Guillaume Aimery, S.T.P. There were also other graduates in theology, whose names I do not remember, who questioned her in like manner at their will.

I heard from these said Doctors that they had examined her and put many questions, to which she replied with much prudence, as if she had been a trained divine; that they marvelled at her answers, and believed that, taking into account her life and conversation, there must have been in her something divine.

In the course of these deliberations Maître Jean Erault stated that he had heard it said by Marie d’Avignon,[175] who had formerly come to the King, that she had told him that the kingdom of France had much to suffer and many calamities to bear: saying moreover that she had had many visions touching the desolation of the kingdom of France, and amongst others that she had seen much armour which had been presented to her; and that she was alarmed, greatly fearing that she should be forced to take it; but it had been said to her that she need fear nothing, that this armour was not for her, but that a maiden who should come afterwards should bear these arms and deliver the kingdom of France from the enemy. And he believed firmly that Jeanne was the maiden of whom Marie d’Avignon thus spoke.

All the soldiers held her as sacred. So well did she bear herself in warfare, in words and in deeds, as a follower of God, that no evil could be said of her. I heard Maître Pierre de Versailles say that he was once in the town of Loches in company with Jeanne, when the people, throwing themselves before the feet of her horse, kissed her hands and feet; and he said to Jeanne that she did wrong to allow what was not due to her, and that she ought to protect herself from it lest men should become idolatrous; to which she answered: “In truth, I know not how to protect myself, if God does not protect me.”

DAME MARGUERITE LA TOUROULDE, _widow of the late Réné de Bouligny, Councillor to the King_.

I was at Bourges when Jeanne arrived at Chinon, where the Queen was. In those days there was in the kingdom—especially in that part still obedient to the King—such great calamity and penury as was sad to see; so that the followers of the King were almost in despair: and this I know, because my husband was then Receiver-General, and at that time neither of the King’s money nor of his own had he four crowns.

The town of Orleans was in the hands of the King, and there was no way of help. And in this calamity came Jeanne, and I firmly believe that she came from God and was sent for the relief of the King and his faithful subjects, who then were without hope save in God.

I did not see Jeanne until the time when the King came from Rheims, where he was consecrated. He came to Bourges, where was the Queen, and I with her. When the King approached, the Queen went to meet him as far as the town of Selles-en-Berry, and I accompanied her. While the Queen was on the way, Jeanne encountered and saluted her, and was then taken on to Bourges, and by command of my Lord d’Albret lodged in my house, although my husband had said that she was to be lodged with a certain Jean Duchesne.

She remained with me for the space of three weeks—sleeping, drinking, and eating [in the house]. Nearly every night I slept with her, nor did I ever perceive aught of evil in her, but she comported herself as a worthy and Catholic woman, often confessing herself, willingly hearing Mass, and many times asking me to accompany her to matins, which at her request I often did. We often talked together, and I would say to her: “If you do not fear to go to the attack, it is because you know that you will not be killed”: to which she would reply that she had no greater security than other soldiers. Sometimes Jeanne would tell me how she had been examined by the Clergy, and that she had made them the answer: “There are books of Our Lord’s besides what you have.”

I heard from those that brought her to the King that at first they thought she was mad, and intended to put her away in some ditch, but while on the way they felt moved to do everything according to her good pleasure. They were as impatient to present her to the King, as she was to meet him, nor could they resist her wishes.

They testified as others did to the purity of her conduct and influence.

Jeanne told me that the Duke de Lorraine who was ill, wished to see her, that she talked with him, and told him that he was not living well, and that he would never be cured unless he amended; also she exhorted him to take back his good wife.[176]

Jeanne had great horror of dice.

I remember that many women came to my house while Jeanne was living there, and brought _pater nosters_ and other religious objects that she might touch them; but Jeanne laughed, saying: “Touch them yourselves. Your touch will do them as much good as mine.”

Jeanne was very liberal in almsgiving, and willingly succoured the poor and indigent, saying that she had been sent for their consolation.

... I have no doubt that she was virgin. According to my knowledge she was quite innocent, unless it be in warfare. She rode on horseback and handled the lance like the best of the knights, and the soldiers marvelled.

JEAN MARÇEL, _Burgess of Paris_.

Maître Jean Sauvage, of the Order of Saint Dominic, who often talked with me of Jeanne, has told me that he was engaged in the Process against her; but it was difficult to make him speak of it. He did once say, that he had never seen a woman of such years give so much trouble to her examiners, and he marvelled much at her answers and at her memory. Once the notary reporting what he had written, she declared that she had not said what they had made her say, and referred it to those present, who all recognized that Jeanne was right, and the answer was corrected.

I was present at the sermon at Saint-Ouen; and there for the first time I saw Jeanne. I remember that Maître Guillaume Érard preached in presence of the said Jeanne, who was in a man’s dress. But what was said or done in the sermon I know not. I was at some distance from the Preacher. I heard it said that Maître Laurence Calot said to Maître Pierre Cauchon, that he was too slow in pronouncing judgment, and that he was not judging rightly; to which Maître Pierre Cauchon replied that he lied.

I was also at the second preaching, on the day that Jeanne was burnt, and saw her in the flames calling out in a loud voice many times “Jesus!” I believe firmly that she died a Catholic and ended her days well in good Christian estate; and this I know from what I had from the monks who were with her in her last hours. I saw many—the greater part of those present—weeping and bewailing for pity, and saying that Jeanne had been unjustly condemned.

THE DUKE D’ALENÇON.[177]

When Jeanne arrived at Chinon, I was at Saint Florent. One day, when I was hunting quails, a messenger came to inform me that there had come to the King a young girl, who said she was sent from God to conquer the English and to raise the siege then undertaken by them against Orleans. It was for this reason that I went on the following day to Chinon, where I found Jeanne talking with the King. Having approached them, she asked me who I was. “It is the Duke d’Alençon,” replied the King. “You are welcome,” she then said to me, “the more that come together of the blood of France the better it will be.” The next day she went to the King’s Mass; and when she perceived him she made a profound salutation. After Mass the King took her into his private room, where he kept me with him, as well as the Sieur de la Tremouille, after having sent away all the others. Jeanne then made several requests to the King—amongst others that he would make a gift of his kingdom to the King of Heaven, because the King of Heaven, after this gift, would do for him as He had done for his predecessor, and reinstate him in all his rights. Many other things were said, up to the hour of dinner, which I do not remember. After dinner the King went for a walk; Jeanne coursed before him, lance in hand. Seeing her manage her lance so well I gave her a horse.

Following on this the King caused her to be examined by the Clergy. Choice was made of the Bishop of Chartres, the King’s Confessor; the Bishop of Senlis[178], Mende and Poitiers; Maître Pierre de Versailles, since Bishop of Meaux; Maître Jourdin Morin, and many others whose names I do not recall. They questioned her in my presence and asked why she had come, and who had caused her to come to the King? She replied that she had come from the King of Heaven, that she had voices and a Counsel which told her what she was to do; but I do not remember if she made known what those voices told her.

One day when dining with me she told me that the clergy had examined her well, but that she knew and could do more than she had told them. The King, when he had heard the report of his commissioners, wished that she should still go to Poitiers, in order to submit to another examination. I did not assist at this examination; I only knew it to be afterwards reported to the Council, that the examiners at Poitiers held the opinion that there was nothing in her contrary to the Faith, and that the King, considering his extreme necessity, might make use of her assistance.

On receiving this news the King sent me to the Queen of Sicily[179] to prepare a convoy of supplies for the army, which was then being directed against Orleans. I found with the Queen the Sieur Ambroise de Loré,[180] and the Sieur Louis—his other name I do not remember—who prepared the convoy: but money was lacking, and in order to obtain it I returned to the King, to whom I made known that the supplies were prepared, and that it only remained to procure the necessary money to pay for them and for the army. The King then sent people who delivered the necessary sums; so that in the end soldiers and supplies were ready, and there was nothing more to be done but to gain Orleans, and try to raise the siege.

With this army Jeanne was sent. The King had caused armour to be made for her.[181]

The King’s army started with Jeanne. What happened on the way, and afterwards in Orleans, I know only by hearsay—for I was not present, not having then gone to Orleans—but I went there shortly after, and saw the works which had been raised by the English before the town. I was able to study the strength of these works; and I think that, to have made themselves masters of these—above all, the Fort of the Tourelles at the end of the Bridge, and the Fort of the Augustins—the French needed a real miracle. If I had been in either one or the other, with only a few men, I should have ventured to defy the power of a whole army for six or seven days: and they would not have been able, I think, to have mastered it. For the rest, I heard from the captains and soldiers who took part in the siege, that what had happened was miraculous; and that it was beyond man’s power.

I did not see Jeanne from the time she left the King until after the raising of the siege of Orleans. After this siege, we succeeded in assembling as many as 600 lances, with which we decided to march on Jargeau, then occupied by the English. That night we slept in a wood. On the following morning we were joined by another division, under the guidance of the Sieur Bastard of Orleans, the Sieur Florent d’Illiers,[182] and many other captains. When we were all joined together, we found ourselves to number about 1,200 lances. There was then contention among the captains: some were of opinion that the attack should be made; and others opposed it, seeing the great strength of the English and their large numbers. Jeanne, seeing us thus divided, said: “No, do not fear their numbers; do not hesitate to make the attack; God will conduct your enterprise; if I were not sure that it is God Who guides us, I would rather take care of the sheep than expose myself to such great perils!” On these words we marched to Jargeau, counting on gaining the suburbs that day and passing the night there. But on the news of our approach, the English came to meet us and at first drove us back. Seeing this Jeanne seized her standard and began the attack, telling the soldiers to have good courage. We succeeded so well that we were able that night to camp in the suburbs. I think truly it was God Who was leading us; for, in the night that followed, we kept no guard; so that, had the English made a sally, we must have been in great danger. The next morning we prepared artillery and had the machines and bombards placed in position. Then we consulted for some time as to what should be done against the English in Jargeau in order to take the town. While we were deliberating, we were told that La Hire was in conference with the English Lord Suffolk. I and the other captains were much provoked at this, and sent for La Hire, who came at once. The attack being resolved upon, the Heralds-at-Arms began to sound, “To the Assault!” “Forward, gentle Duke, to the assault!” cried Jeanne to me. And when I told her it was premature to attack so quickly: “Have no fear,” she said to me, “it is the right time when it pleases God; we must work when it is His Will: act, and God will act!” “Ah! gentle Duke,” she said to me, later, “art thou afraid? dost thou not know that I promised thy wife[183] to bring thee back, safe and sound?”

And indeed when I left my wife to come with Jeanne to the head-quarters of the army, my wife had told me that she feared much for me, that I had but just left prison[184] and much had been spent on my ransom, and she would gladly have asked that I might remain with her. To this Jeanne had replied: “Lady, have no fear; I will give him back to you whole, or even in better case than he is now.”

During the assault on Jargeau Jeanne said to me: “Go back from this place, or that engine”—pointing out an engine of war in the city—“will kill you.” I retired, and shortly after that very engine did indeed kill the Sieur de Lude in that very place from which she told me to go away. On this account I had great fear, and wondered much at Jeanne’s words and how true they came. Afterwards, Jeanne made the attack; in which I followed her. As our men were invading the place, the Earl of Suffolk made proclamation that he wished to speak with me, but we did not listen, and the attack continued. Jeanne was on a ladder, her standard in her hand, when her standard was struck and she herself was hit on the head by a stone which was partly spent, and which struck her calotte.[185] She was thrown to the ground; but, raising herself, she cried: “Friends! friends! come on! come on! Our Lord hath doomed the English! They are ours! keep a good heart.” At that moment the town was carried; and the English retired to the bridges, where the French pursued them and killed more than 1,100 men.

The town taken,[186] Jeanne and the army went to Orleans; then from Orleans to Meung-sur-Loire, where were the English under the command of ‘the child of Warwick’ and Scales. Beneath the walls of Meung, I passed the night in a Church with a few soldiers, and was in great peril. The day after the taking of Meung, we went to Beaugency; and in the neighbourhood of this town we rallied to us a part of the army with which we attacked the English who were in Beaugency. In consequence of our attack the English abandoned the town and retired into a camp which we had watched during the night for fear they should beat a retreat. We were there when the news reached us that the Constable was coming to join us: Jeanne, the other Captains, and I myself were much troubled by this news, and wished to retire, because we had orders from the King not to receive the said Constable into our company. I told Jeanne that if the Constable came I should retire. The next day, before his arrival, we learned that the English were marching upon us in great number, under the command of Talbot.[187] Our men immediately called “To arms!” and, seeing that I wished to retire because of the arrival of the Constable, Jeanne told me that we must help one another. The English surrendered their camp by agreement, and retreated by a safe-conduct which I gave them: for I was then Lieutenant to the King, and thus in command of the army. We thought they had retired, when a man of La Hire’s company told us they were marching upon us, and that in a moment we should have them before us, to the number of a thousand men-at-arms. Jéanne asked what this messenger had stated; and when she knew what was going on she said to the Lord Constable,[188] “Ah! fair Constable, you have not come by my will, but now you are here you are welcome.” Many were in fear and said it would be well to await the arrival of the cavalry. “In God’s Name!” exclaimed Jeanne, “we must fight them at once: even if they were hanging from the clouds we should have them, because God has sent us to chastise them.” She assured us she was certain of obtaining the victory, saying in French: “The gentle King shall have to-day the greatest victory he has ever had. My Counsel has told me they are all ours.” Without great difficulty the English were beaten and slain, and Talbot made prisoner. There was a great slaughter. Then the army went to Patay, where Talbot was brought before me and the Constable in the presence of Jeanne. I said to Talbot that in the morning I had never expected what had happened. “It is the fortune of war,”[189] he replied. Afterwards we returned to the King, and it was decided to direct our way towards Rheims for his coronation and consecration.

Many times in my presence Jeanne told the King she would last but one year and no more; and that he should consider how best to employ this year. She had, she said, four duties to accomplish: to beat the English; to have the King crowned and consecrated at Rheims; to deliver the Duke d’Orléans from the hands of the English;[190] and to raise the siege of Orleans.

Jeanne was a chaste maiden; she hated the women who follow in the train of armies. I saw her one day at Saint Denis on the return from the coronation, pursuing one of them sword in hand: her sword was broken on this occasion. She was very vexed if she heard any of the soldiers swear. She reproved me much and strongly when I sometimes swore; and when I saw her I refrained from swearing.

So far as I could judge, I always held her for an excellent Catholic, and a modest woman: she communicated often, and, at sight of the Body of Christ, shed many tears. In all she did, except in affairs of war, she was a very simple young girl; but for warlike things—bearing the lance, assembling an army, ordering military operations, directing artillery—she was most skilful. Every one wondered that she could act with as much wisdom and foresight as a captain who had fought for twenty or thirty years. It was above all in making use of artillery that she was so wonderful.

BROTHER JEAN PASQUEREL.[191]

The first time I heard of Jeanne, and that she had come to find the King, I was at Anche,[192] in which town was her mother[193] and some of those who had accompanied her thither. One day, they invited me to go with them and see her, and told me they would not leave me till I had seen her. I came then with them to Chinon; then to Tours, in which town I was at that time Reader in a Convent; and there we found her lodging in the house of a citizen named Jean Dupuy,[194] a burgher of Tours. My companions addressed Jeanne in these terms: “Jeanne, we bring you this good father; when you know him you will love him much.” “I am very glad to see you,” she said to me; “I have already heard of you; I should like to-morrow to confess myself to you.”

The next day, indeed, I heard her in confession, and recited Mass before her. From that day onward, I always followed her and was always with her as her Chaplain, until Compiègne, where she was taken prisoner.

On her arrival at Chinon, I heard that she had been visited on two occasions by women. The Lady de Gaucourt and the Lady de Trèves, it is said, were those who visited her.

Afterwards, she was taken to Poitiers, to be examined there by the Clergy of that University as to what should be done with regard to her. Maître Jourdin Morin, Maître Pierre de Versailles, since deceased as Bishop of Meaux, and many others, after having questioned her, came to the conclusion that, in view of the necessity which weighed upon the Kingdom, the King might make use of her aid, and that they had found nothing in her contrary to the Catholic Faith. She then returned to Chinon, and thought she would be allowed to speak with the King; but it was not yet to be. At last, by the advice of the Council, she was permitted an interview with the King. The day on which this interview was to take place, just as she entered the Castle, a man, mounted on horseback, said, “Is that the Maid?” He insulted her, and swore with horrid blasphemy. “Oh! in God’s Name,” she said to him, “dost thou blaspheme God, thou who art so near thy death!” And, an hour after, this man fell into the water and was drowned. I report this fact as I gathered it from Jeanne and from many others, who said they had been witnesses of it.

It was the Sieur Count de Vendôme who brought her into the King’s apartment. When he perceived her, the King asked her her name. “Gentle Dauphin,” she replied, “I am called Jeanne the Maid; and the King of Heaven sends you word by me that you will be consecrated and crowned at Rheims, and that you will be the lieutenant of the King of Heaven, who is King of France.” After the King had asked her a number of questions, she said to him, “On the part of My Lord, I tell thee thou art true heir of France and son of the King[195]; and He sends me to lead thee to Rheims to the end thou mayst receive thy crowning and thy consecration, if thou wilt.” At the close of this interview, the King said that Jeanne had confided to him secrets which were not known and could not be known except by God, which gave him great confidence in her. All this I heard from Jeanne, but without having been witness of it.

She told me she was not pleased at so many examinations; that they prevented her carrying out the work for which she was sent, and that it was quite time for her to act. She told me she had asked from the Messengers of her Lord—that is to say, God—who appeared to her, what she ought to do; and they had told her to take the banner of her Lord. It was for this she had her banner made, on which was painted the image of Our Saviour seated in judgment on the clouds of Heaven, with an Angel holding in his hand a fleur-de-lys which Christ was blessing. I was at Tours with her when this banner was painted.[196]

A short time after Jeanne departed with the army to the succour of the town of Orleans, which was then besieged; I went with her, and did not leave her until the day when she was taken at Compiègne. I acted as her Chaplain, confessed her, and sang Mass for her. She was, indeed, very pious towards God and the Blessed Mary, confessing nearly every day and communicating frequently. When she was in a neighbourhood where there was a Convent of Mendicant Friars, she told me to remind her of the day when the children of the poor received the Eucharist, so that she might receive it with them; and this she did often: when she confessed herself she wept.

When Jeanne left Tours to go to Orleans, she prayed me not to forsake her, and to remain always with her as her Confessor; this I promised to do. We were at Blois about two or three days, waiting for the supplies with which the boats were to be loaded. At Blois she told me to have a banner made, round which the Priests might assemble, and to have painted thereon the Image of Our Saviour crucified. I had it done, as she required of me. As soon as this banner was made, Jeanne, twice a day, morning and evening, charged me to assemble the Priests around this banner: they then sang anthems and hymns to the Blessed Mary. Jeanne was with them, permitting only the soldiers who had that day confessed themselves to join her; she told her people to make confession, if they wished to come to this assemblage. There were Priests always ready to confess those in the army who wished to apply to them.

On leaving Blois to march to Orleans, Jeanne made all the Priests assemble round this banner; and in this wise they marched at the head of the army. They departed, thus assembled, from the side of the Sologne, singing the “_Veni Creator Spiritus_” and many other anthems. On that and the two following days, we slept in the fields. On the third day, we arrived at Orleans, where the English held their siege right up to the bank of the Loire: we approached so close to them that French and English could almost touch one another. The French had with them a convoy of supplies; but the water was so shallow that the boats could not move up-stream, nor could they land where the English were. Suddenly the waters rose, and the boats were then able to land on the shore where the [French] army was. Jeanne entered the boats, with some of her followers, and thus came to Orleans. As for myself I returned to Blois, by Jeanne’s command, with the Priests and the banner. Then, some days after, accompanied by the whole army, I came to Orleans by way of the Beauce—always with this same banner surrounded by Priests—meeting no obstacle. When Jeanne knew of our approach, she came to meet us; and together we entered Orleans without difficulty, bringing in the provisions in sight of the English. This was a marvellous thing; for the English were in great number and strength, all prepared for fight. They had opposite them our army, very inferior to theirs: they saw us; they heard our Priests singing; I was in the midst of the Priests bearing the banner. The English remained immovable, never attempting to attack either the Priests or the army which followed them.

As soon as we entered Orleans, the French sallied from the town at Jeanne’s urgent entreaties, and went to attack the English, who were shut up in the Fort of Saint Loup. After dinner the other Priests went with me to seek Jeanne at her residence. When we arrived, we heard her calling out: “Where are those who should arm me? The blood of our people is falling to the ground!” And, so soon as she was armed, she sallied from the town and made for the Fort of Saint Loup, where the attack was taking place. On the road she met many wounded soldiers; the sight of them distressed her much. She went to the assault, and did so well, that by force and violence the fort was at last taken, and all the English who were there were taken prisoners. I remember that this took place on the Eve of the Ascension of Our Saviour.

When the Fort of Saint Loup was taken, the English died there in great numbers. Jeanne was much afflicted when she heard that they had died without confession, and pitied them much. On the spot she made her confession. She ordered me to invite the whole army to do likewise, and to give thanks to God for the victory just gained. Otherwise, she said, she would help them no more, but would abandon them. On this day, the Eve of the Ascension, she predicted that within five days the siege would be raised, and that not a single Englishman would be left within the walls of Orleans.[197] And so it was: for on this Wednesday, as I have already said, the Fort of Saint Loup was taken, which formerly had been a convent.[198] More than one hundred men of distinction were found there, all well armed, not one escaping. In the evening, when Jeanne returned to her lodging, she told me that on the following day, the Ascension of Our Saviour, she would not fight, nor even put on her armour; and that she wished, out of respect for the Festival, to confess and to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist. And this was done.

On Ascension Day, she ordered that no one should go out of the town to the attack on the same day without first making confession, and forbade women of bad reputation to follow her, lest, on account of sin, God should cause us to lose the battle. All these orders were carried out. It was on Ascension Day that she wrote to the English, entrenched in their forts, a letter thus couched:

“You, men of England, who have no right in this kingdom of France, the King of Heaven orders and commands you by me, Jeanne the Maid, that you quit your strong places, and return to your own country; if you do not I will cause you such an overthrow as shall be remembered for all time. I write to you for the third[199] and last time, and shall write to you no more.

Signed thus— “_Jhésus Maria_, JEHANNE LA PUCELLE.”

And lower:

“I would have sent you this letter in a more suitable manner, but you keep back my heralds: you have kept my herald Guyenne; I pray you to send him back, and I will send you some of your people who have been taken at the Fort of Saint Loup,—for all were not killed there.”

As soon as this letter was written, Jeanne took an arrow, on the point of which she fastened this letter with a thread, and ordered an archer to shoot this arrow towards the English, crying out, “Read! here is news!” The English received the arrow with this letter, which they read. After having read it they began to cry out with all their power: “It is news sent to us from the ... of the Armagnacs!” At these words Jeanne began to cry, shedding many tears, and prayed the God of Heaven to come to her aid. Soon she appeared to be consoled, having had, as she said, news from her Lord. In the evening after supper, she ordered me to rise earlier than I had done on Ascension Day, because she wished to confess very early in the morning: and this she did.

The next day, Friday, I rose very early; confessed her, and sang Mass before her and all her followers: she then started with them at once for the attack, which lasted from morning to evening. On this day the Fort of the Augustins was taken, after a great assault. Jeanne, who was accustomed to fast every Friday, could not do so on that day because she was too troubled, and she took supper. After this supper there came to her a noble and valiant captain, whose name I do not remember. He told her that all the captains were assembled in Council; that they had taken into consideration the small number of their forces in comparison with the large forces of the English, and the abundant grace which God had granted them in the success already obtained: “The town is full of supplies; we could keep it well while we await fresh succour, which the King could send us; it does not seem,” he ended by saying, “expedient to the Council that the army should go forth to-morrow.” “You have been to your Counsel,” Jeanne answered him, “and I have been to mine; and believe me the Counsel of God will be accomplished and will succeed; yours on the contrary will perish.” And addressing herself to me who was near her: “Rise to-morrow morning even earlier than you did to-day; do your best; keep always near me; for to-morrow I shall have yet more to do, and much greater things; to-morrow blood shall flow from my body, above the breast.”

_Reproduced by kind permission of M. Herluison_, _Vice-President of the Archæological Society Of Orleans_.

On the Saturday, therefore, very early in the morning I rose and celebrated Mass; then Jeanne went to the attack of the Bridge Fort, in which was the Englishman, Clasdas.[200] The attack lasted from morning to sunset without interruption. At this assault, after dinner, Jeanne, as she had predicted, was struck by an arrow above the breast. When she felt herself wounded, she was afraid, and wept; but she was soon comforted, as she said. Some of the soldiers seeing her severely wounded wished to “charm” her; but she would not, saying: “I would rather die than do a thing which I know to be a sin; I know well that I must die one day, but I know not when, nor in what manner, nor on what day; if my wound may be healed without sin, I shall be glad enough to be cured.” Oil of olive and lard were applied to the wound. After the dressing, she confessed herself to me, weeping and lamenting. Then she returned in all haste to the attack, crying: “Clasdas! Clasdas! yield thee, yield thee to the King of Heaven! Thou hast called me ... I have a great pity for thy soul, and for thy people.” At this moment Clasdas, fully armed from head to foot, fell into the Loire, where he was drowned. Jeanne, moved to pity at this sight, began to weep for the soul of Clasdas, and for all the others who, in great number, were drowned, at the same time as he. On this day, all the English who were on the other side of the bridge were taken and killed. The next day—which was a Sunday—before sunrise all the English who were still in the plains around Orleans grouped themselves together, and came to the foot of the trenches of the town. From thence they departed for Meung-sur-Loire, where they remained for several days. On this Sunday[201] there was in Orleans a solemn procession and a sermon. It was then decided to go and seek the King; and Jeanne went thither. The English entrenched themselves in Jargeau, which was soon taken by assault. Finally, they were entirely defeated at Patay.

I often heard her say of her work that it was her mission; and when people said to her: “Never have such things been seen as these deeds of yours. In no book can one read of such things,” she answered: “My Lord has a book in which no Clerk has ever read, how perfect soever he may be in clerkship!”

In war and in camp, when there was not enough provision, she would never eat stolen food. I firmly believe she was sent from God on account of her good works, and her many virtues; even on the poor English soldiers she had so much compassion that, when she saw them dying or wounded, she had them confessed. So much did she fear God, that for nothing in the world would she displease Him. When she was wounded in the shoulder by an arrow—which went through from one side to the other—some spoke of “charming” her, promising in this manner to cure her on the spot. She replied that it would be a sin, and that she would rather die than offend God by such enchantments.

I marvel much that such great Clerks as those who caused her death at Rouen should have dared such a crime as to put to death so poor and simple a Christian, cruelly and without cause—sufficient at least for [the penalty of] death: they might have kept her in prison or elsewhere; but she had so displeased them that they were her mortal enemies; and thus, it seems, they assumed the responsibility of an unjust court. Her actions and her deeds are all perfectly known to our Lord the King and to the Duke d’Alençon, who knew certain secrets which they might declare if they would.

As for me I know no more than what I have said, unless it be that many times Jeanne expressed to me a desire that, if she were to die, the King would build a Chapel, where the souls of those who had died in defence of the kingdom might be prayed for.

MAÎTRE JEAN DE LENOZOLLES, _Priest, of the Order of St. Pierre Celestin_.

At the time when Jeanne was at Rouen, I was in the service of Maître Guillaume Érard, with whom I came from Burgundy. After we had arrived, I heard talk of this Trial; but of what was done therein I know nothing, for I left Rouen and went to Caen, and stayed there until the feast of Pentecost; at this feast I returned to Rouen to meet my master, who told me that he had a heavy task—to preach a sermon for this Jeanne, which much displeased him. He said he would he were in Flanders: this business disturbed him much.

I saw Jeanne at the second sermon; and in the morning before the sermon I saw the Body of Christ carried to the said Jeanne with much solemnity, and the singing of Litanies and intercession “_Orate pro eâ_,” and with a great multitude of candles; but who decided or ordered this, I know not. I was not present at the reception, but I afterwards heard it said that she received It with great devotion and abundance of tears.

SIMON CHARLES, _President of the Council_.

The year in which Jeanne came to seek the King was the very year in which the King sent me as ambassador to Venice. I returned about the month of March, at which time I heard from Jean de Metz, who had conducted her, that she had visited the King. When Jeanne came to Chinon, there was discussion in the Council as to whether the King should hear her or not. And first she was questioned as to why and to what end she had come; and she began by replying that she would answer nothing except to the King. She was compelled, by order of the King, to state the cause of her mission.

She said she had two commands from the King of Heaven: the one to raise the siege of Orleans, the other to conduct the King to Rheims for his coronation and anointing.

Hearing this, some of the King’s Council said that the King ought not to put faith in this Jeanne; others said that, as she declared she was sent from God and commanded to speak to the King, the King ought at least to hear her. The King desired that she should first be examined by the Clergy and Ecclesiastics, and this was done; after many difficulties it was arranged that the King should hear her. I have heard the Seigneur de Gaucourt relate that, when she was at Orleans, the King’s people had decided it was not well to make the attack. This happened on the day when the Fort of the Augustins was taken and he, de Gaucourt, had been commissioned to guard the gates of the town that none should go out. Jeanne, discontented with the orders of the generals, was of opinion that the King’s soldiers with the people of the town should go out and attack the fort; and many of the soldiers and people of the city agreed with her. Jeanne told de Gaucourt that he was a bad man, saying to him: “Whether you will or no, the soldiers shall come; and they will succeed this time as they have succeeded before.” And, against the will of the said Lord de Gaucourt, the soldiers left the city and marched to the assault of the bastille of the Augustins, which was taken by force. My Lord de Gaucourt added that he had come that day into great peril.

The King made a treaty with the people of Troyes, and entered the town of Troyes in great array, Jeanne carrying her banner by his side. Shortly after, the King left Troyes and went with his army to Chalons, and thence to Rheims. When the King feared to find resistance at Rheims, Jeanne said to him: “Have no fear! for the burghers of the city will come out to meet you;” and she said that, before he got near the city of Rheims, the burgesses would meet him. The King feared their resistance because he had no artillery or engines for carrying on a siege, in case they should prove rebellious. Jeanne told him that he must go forward boldly and fear nothing, for if he would go forward like a man he would soon obtain all his kingdom.

THIBAULD D’ARMAGNAC, _Knight, Seigneur de Termes, bailiff of Chartres_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she came to Orleans to raise the siege made by the English, in the defence of which town I was in the company of my lord of Dunois.

I afterwards saw her at the assault of the Forts of Saint Loup, the Augustins, Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and at the Bridge. In all these assaults she was so valorous and comported herself in such manner as would not have been possible to any man, however well versed in war; and all the captains marvelled at her valour and activity and at her endurance.

I believe that she was good and worthy, and that the things she did were divine rather than human. She often reproved the vices of the soldiers; and I heard from a certain Maître Robert Baignart, S.T.P., of the Order of Saint Dominic, who often heard her in confession, that Jeanne was a godly woman, that all she did came from God, that she had a good soul and tender conscience.

After the raising of the siege of Orleans, I with many others of the army went with Jeanne to Beaugency, where the English were. The day that the English lost the battle of Patay, I and the late La Hire, knowing that the English were assembled and prepared for battle, told Jeanne that the English were coming and were all ready to fight. She replied, speaking to the captains: “Attack them boldly, and they will fly; nor will they long withstand us.” At these words, the captains prepared to attack: and the English were overthrown and fled. Jeanne had predicted to the French that few or none of them should be slain or suffer loss: which also befell, for of all our men there perished but one gentleman of my company.

Apart from affairs of war, she was simple and innocent; but in the conduct and disposition of troops and in actual warfare, in the ordering of battle and in animating the soldiers, she behaved as the most skilled captain in the world who all his life had been trained in the art of war.

RAIMOND, SIEUR DE MACY, _Knight_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until I saw her in prison, in the Castle of Beaurevoir, where she was detained for and in the name of the Count de Ligny; then I saw her often and many times talked with her: she would allow no familiarity, but repelled such with all her power; she was indeed of modest bearing, both in words and deeds.

She was taken to the Castle of Rouen, where she was placed in a prison facing the fields. Whilst she was there, in this prison, came the Count de Ligny, on whom I was in attendance. The Count de Ligny desired to see Jeanne, and came to visit her, in company of the Earls of Warwick and Stafford, the present Chancellor of England, then Bishop of Thérouanne, the brother[202] of the Count de Ligny, and myself. He said to her: “Jeanne, I have come to ransom you, if you will promise never again to bear arms against us.” She answered: “In God’s Name, you mock me, for I know well that you have neither the will nor the power;” this she repeated often, because the Count persisted in his statement. “I know well,” she ended by saying, “that the English will do me to death, thinking after my death to gain the kingdom of France; but if they were a hundred thousand more ‘godons’[203] than they are at present, they would not have the kingdom.” Indignant at these words, the Earl of Stafford half drew his dagger to kill her, but the Earl of Warwick withheld him. After this, while I was still at Rouen, Jeanne was taken to the Place St. Ouen, where a sermon was preached to her by Maître Nicolas Midi,[204] who, amongst other things, said, in my hearing: “Jeanne, we have great compassion for thee; it behoves thee to revoke what thou hast said, or we must give thee up to the secular judges.” She answered, that she had done no evil, that she believed in the Twelve Articles of the Faith and in the Ten Commandments of the Decalogue; adding, that she referred herself to the Court of Rome, and that she wished to believe all things in which Holy Church believed. Notwithstanding this, they pressed her much to recant, to which she answered: “You take much pains to seduce me;” and, to escape danger, she said at last that she was content to do all they required. Then a Secretary of the King of England there present, named Laurence Calot, drew from his pocket a little written schedule, which he handed to Jeanne to sign. She replied that she could neither read nor write. Notwithstanding this Laurence Calot, the Secretary, handed Jeanne the schedule and a pen to sign it; and by way of derision Jeanne made some sort of round mark. Then Laurence Calot took her hand with the pen and caused her to make some sort of signature,—what, I cannot remember.

I believe her to be in Paradise.

COLETTE, _wife of_ PIERRE MILET.

I first knew of Jeanne when she came to Orleans; she was lodged in the house of one Jacques Bouchier, where I went to visit her. Jeanne continually spoke of God, saying, “My Lord hath sent me to succour the good town of Orleans.” I often saw her attend Mass with great devotion, as a good Christian and Catholic. During the time she was at Orleans, for the raising of the siege, Jeanne was sleeping in the house of her host, Jacques le Bouchier; on the Vigil of the Ascension, she suddenly awoke, and, calling her page, Mugot,[205] said to him: “In God’s Name! This is ill done. Why was I not sooner awakened? Our people have much to do.” Then she asked for her armour, and armed herself, her page bringing round her horse; then, all armed, she mounted, lance in rest, and began to ride along the main street so rapidly that the stones struck fire. She made straight for Saint Loup; and gave order, by sound of trumpet, that nothing should be taken from the Church.

On the morning of the day that the Fort of the Bridge was taken, Jeanne was still in the house of her host when a fish was brought to her: on seeing it she said to her host, “Take care of it till the evening, because I will bring you back a ‘godon’ and I shall return by the bridge.”

Jeanne was very frugal in eating and drinking. There was nothing but modesty in her conduct, in her actions, and in all her manner of life. I believe firmly that her deeds and actions were rather the works of God than of man.

PIERRE MILET, _Clerk to the Electors of Paris_.

Soon after she came to Orleans, she sent to the English, who were besieging the town, and summoned them in a kind of simple schedule written in her mother-tongue, which I read myself, notifying that it was the will of God that they should depart:

[“Messire vous mande que vous en aliez en vostre pays, car c’est son plaisir, ou sinon je vous feray ung tel hahay....”[206]]

MAÎTRE AIGNAN VIOLE, _Licentiate in Law, Advocate of the Court of Parliament_.

On the Sunday after the taking of the Forts of the Bridge and of Saint Loup, the English were drawn up in order of battle before the town of Orleans, at which the greater part of [our] soldiers wished to give combat, and sallied from the town. Jeanne, who was wounded, was with the soldiers, dressed in her light surcoat. She put the men in array, but forbade them to attack the English, because, she said, if it pleased God and it were His will that they wished to retire, they should be allowed to go. And at that the men-at-arms returned into Orleans.

It was said that Jeanne was as expert as possible in the art of ordering an army in battle, and that even a captain bred and instructed in war could not have shown more skill; at this the captains marvelled exceedingly.

She frequently confessed, often received the Holy Sacrament, and, in all her deeds and conversation, bore herself most worthily, and in everything save in warfare she was marvellously simple.

DEPOSITIONS AT ROUEN: 1455–6.

GUILLAUME COLLES, _or_ BOISGUILLAUME, _Priest, Notary Public_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne till she was brought to Rouen for her trial, at which I was one of the notaries. In the copy of the Process shown to me, I recognize my own signature at the end. It is the true Process made against Jeanne, and is one of five similar copies made. In the said Process were associated with me Maître Guillaume Manchon and Maître Pierre Taquel. In the morning we registered the notes and answers, and in the afternoon we collected them together. For nothing in the world would we have failed in anything that should have been done.

I remember well that Jeanne answered more prudently when questioned a second time upon a point whereon she had been already questioned; she failed not to say that she had elsewhere replied, and she told the notaries to read what she had already said.

Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, feigning to be a cobbler—a captive on the part of the King of France, and from Lorraine—obtained entrance to Jeanne’s prison, to whom he said that she should not believe the Churchmen, “because,” he added, “if you believe them, you will be destroyed.” I believe the Bishop of Beauvais knew this well, otherwise Loyseleur would not have done as he did. Many of the Assessors in the Process murmured against him. It is said that Loyseleur died suddenly at Bâle; and I have heard that, when he saw Jeanne condemned to death, he was seized with compunction and climbed into the cart, earnestly desiring her pardon; at which many of the English were indignant; and that, had it not been for the Earl of Warwick, Loyseleur would have been killed; the said Earl enjoined him to leave Rouen as soon as he possibly could, if he wished to save his life.

In the same way, Maître Guillaume d’Estivet got into the prison, feigning to be a prisoner—as Loyseleur had done. This d’Estivet was Promoter, and in this matter was much affected towards the English, whom he desired to please. He was a bad man, and often during the Process spoke ill of the notaries and of those who, as he saw, wished to act justly; and he often cruelly insulted Jeanne, calling her foul names. I think that, in the end of his days, he was punished by God; for he died miserably. He was found dead in a drain outside the gates of Rouen.

Jeanne was often disconcerted by questions which were subtle and not pertinent. I remember that, on one occasion, she was asked if she were in a state of grace. She replied, that it was a serious matter to answer such a question, and at last said: “If I am, may God so keep me. If I am not, may God so place me. I would rather die than not be in the love of God.” At this reply the questioners were much confounded, and broke up the sitting; nor was she further interrogated on that occasion.

On the Sunday following the first sentence, I was summoned to the Castle with the other notaries to see Jeanne dressed in man’s dress; we went to the Castle, entered the prison, and there saw her. Questioned as to why she had resumed it, she made excuses, as appears in the Process. I think, perhaps, that she was induced to act thus, for I saw many of those concerned in the Process applauding and rejoicing that she had resumed her old dress; yet some lamented, among whom I saw Pierre Maurice grieving much.

On the following Wednesday, Jeanne was taken to the Old Market of Rouen, where a sermon was preached by Maître Nicolas Midi upon the Sentence of Relapse pronounced by the Bishop of Beauvais. After this sentence was read, she was taken by the civil authorities, and, without further trial or sentence, was led to the executioner, to be burnt. And I know, of a truth, that the Judges and their adherents were henceforward notorious to the population: after Jeanne was burnt, they were pointed at by the people and hated; and I have heard it maintained that all who were guilty of her death came to a shameful end. Maître Nicolas Midi died of leprosy a few days later; and the Bishop died suddenly while he was being shaved.

JEAN LEMAIRE, _Priest, Curé of the Church of St. Vincent at Rouen_; [evidence of no special value.]

MAUGIER LEPARMENTIER, _Clerk, Apparitor of the Archiepiscopal Court of Rouen_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she came to Rouen. I was summoned to the Castle of Rouen, with my assistants, to submit Jeanne to torture. On this occasion, she was questioned on various subjects and answered with such prudence that all present marvelled. Then I and my associates retired without doing anything.

She was a prisoner in the Castle, in a great tower. I saw her when I was summoned to the torture, as aforesaid. I was present at the first preaching at St. Ouen, and also at the last at the Old Market, on the day when Jeanne was burnt. Wood was prepared for the burning before the preaching was finished or the sentence pronounced; and as soon as the sentence was read by the Bishop, without any interval, she was taken to the fire. I did not notice that any sentence by the civil authorities was read. When she was in the fire she cried, more than six times, “Jesus!” And with the last breath she cried with a loud voice, so that all present might hear, “Jesus!” Nearly all wept for pity. I have heard it said that, after the burning, her ashes were collected and thrown into the Seine.

LAURENCE GUESDON, _Burgher of Rouen, and Advocate in the Civil Courts_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne till she was brought to Rouen; but I was so anxious to see her that I went to the Castle, and there saw her for the first time. I did not see her again until the time of the preaching at Saint Ouen.

I was at the final sermon in the Old Market Place, at Rouen; I went as Bailly, for whom I was then acting as deputy. The sentence by which Jeanne was handed over to the civil authorities was read; and, as soon as it was pronounced,—at once, without any interval of handing her over to the Bailly, without more ado, and before either the Bailly or myself, whose office it was, had given sentence,—the executioner seized her and took her to the place where the stake was already prepared: and she was burned. And this I hold was not a right proceeding: for soon after, a malefactor named George Folenfont was in like manner handed over, by sentence, from the ecclesiastical to the civil authorities; and, after the sentence, the said George was conducted to the Cohue,[207] and there condemned by the secular justice, instead of being immediately conducted to execution.

I think Jeanne died as a Catholic, for, in dying, she cried on the name of the Lord Jesus. She was very devout, and nearly all present were moved to tears. After she was dead, the ashes that remained were collected by the executioner and thrown into the Seine.

JEAN RICQUIER, _Priest, Chaplain in the Cathedral of Rouen, and Curé of the Church at Hendicourt_.

I first saw Jeanne at the sermon at Saint Ouen, and again at the Old Market. I was then about twenty.

At the time when Jeanne was brought to Rouen, I was in the choir of the Cathedral, and sometimes heard of the Trial from the Clergy of the Cathedral.

I was present at the sermon in the Old Market, on the day Jeanne died. I know she was handed over by the ecclesiastical authorities. I saw the English followers and soldiers seize her, and lead her immediately to the place of execution; nor did I see any sentence read by the secular authorities.

On that morning, before the sermon, Maître Pierre Maurice came to visit her; to whom she said, “Maître Pierre, where shall I be this evening?” Maître Pierre replied, “Have you not a good hope in God?” She answered that she had; and that, God willing, she would be in Paradise. This I heard from the aforesaid Maître Pierre. When Jeanne saw that they were setting fire to the pile, she began to say, with a loud voice, “Jesus!” and constantly, to the end, she cried, “Jesus!”

And after she was dead, because the English feared that people would say she had escaped, they ordered the executioner to part the flames a little, in order that those present might see she was dead. I was near to Maître Jean Alépée, at that time Canon of Rouen, and heard him say these words, weeping greatly: “God grant that my soul may be in the place where I believe this woman’s to be!”

JEAN MOREAU, _Visitor in the city of Rouen_.

I live at Rouen; but I came from Viville, in Bassigny,—not far from Domremy, where Jeanne was born.

At the time when Jeanne was at Rouen, and during the Trial against her, a man of note from Lorraine came to the town. We soon made acquaintance, being of the same country. He told me that he came from the Marches of Lorraine, and that he had been called to Rouen, having been commissioned to get information in the native country of the said Jeanne, and to hear what was said about her. This he had done, and had brought it to the Bishop of Beauvais, expecting to have satisfaction for his labour and expense. But the Bishop blamed him for a traitor and a bad man, and said he had not done in this as he had been told. My compatriot complained that he could not get any wage from the Bishop, who found his information of no use: he told me that in this information he had learnt nothing of Jeanne which he would not willingly know of his own sister, although he had made enquiries in five or six parishes near Domremy as well as in the village itself. I remember it was said that she had committed the crime of _lèse majesté_,[208] and had led the people away.

HUSSON LE MAÎTRE, _of Viville, in Bassigny, Coal Merchant_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she came to Rheims, for the King’s coronation, in which town I was then living. Thither came also her father and her brother Pierre, both of whom were friendly with me and my wife, as we were compatriots; and they called my wife “neighbour.”

I was in my own neighbourhood when Jeanne went to Vaucouleurs, to Robert de Baudricourt, that she might get an escort to go to the King. I then said it was by the grace of God, and that Jeanne was led by the Spirit of God. Jeanne requested the said Robert to give her an escort to conduct her to my lord the Dauphin.

I heard, at the time when she was taken from Vaucouleurs to the King, that some of the soldiers who conducted her feigned to be on the other side, and, when those who were with her pretended to fly, she said to them: “Fly not, in God’s Name! they will do us no harm.” When she came to the King, she recognized him, though she had never seen him before; and afterwards she took the King without hindrance to Rheims, where I saw her; and from Rheims the King went to Corbignac, and afterwards to Château Thierry, which was surrendered to the King. And there arrived news that the English were come to fight against the King; but Jeanne told the King’s people not to fear, for the English would not come.

PIERRE DARON, _Locum Tenens, Deputy to the Bailiff of Rouen_.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she was brought to Rouen, where, at that time, I was Procurator of the town. Having much curiosity to see the said Jeanne, I enquired the best means to accomplish this: and a certain Pierre Manuel, Advocate of the King of England, who was also anxious to see her, came, and together we went to see her.

We found her in the Castle, in a certain turret, in shackles, with a great piece of wood chained to her feet, and having many English guards. And Manuel said to her, in my presence, jokingly, that she would never have come there if she had not been brought: and he asked her if she knew, before she was captured, that she would be taken; to which she replied that she had feared it. When he asked her, afterwards, why, if she feared to be taken prisoner, she did not guard herself on the day that she was captured, she replied that she did not know either the day or hour when she was to be taken.

I saw her once again during the Trial, when she was being brought from the prison to the great hall of the Castle.

I heard from several, during the Trial, that Jeanne was quite wonderful in her answers, and that she had a remarkable memory; for, on one occasion, when questioned as to a point on which she had answered eight days before, she replied: “I was asked about this eight days ago, and thus replied.” Boisguillaume, the other notary, said she had not answered; and, when some of those present declared that what Jeanne said was true, the answers of that day were read: and it was found that Jeanne had spoken right. At this she rejoiced, saying to Boisguillaume that, if he made mistakes again, she would pull his ears!

I was present at the sermon at the Old Market on the day that Jeanne died. Among other things, I heard her say: “Ah! Rouen, Rouen, wilt thou be my last dwelling?” She inspired in all the greatest pity, and many were moved to tears; many, too, were much displeased that Jeanne had been executed in the town of Rouen. At the close of her life, she continually cried “Jesus!” Her ashes and remains were afterwards collected and thrown into the Seine.

BROTHER SÉGUIN DE SÉGUIN, _Dominican, Professor of Theology, Dean of the Faculty of Theology of Poitiers_.

I saw Jeanne for the first time at Poitiers. The King’s Council was assembled in the house of the Lady La Macée, the Archbishop of Rheims, then Chancellor of France, being of their number. I was summoned, as also were Jean Lombart, Professor of Theology of the University of Paris; Maître Guillaume le Maire, Canon of Poitiers and Bachelor in Theology; Maître Guillaume Aymerie, Professor of Theology, of the Order of Saint Dominic; Brother Pierre Turrelure; Maître Jacques Maledon; and many others whose names I do not remember. The Members of the Council told us that we were summoned, in the King’s name, to question Jeanne and to give our opinion upon her. We were sent to question her at the house of Maître Jean Rabateau, where she was lodging. We repaired thither and interrogated her.

Among other questions, Maître Jean Lombart asked her why she had come; that the King wished to know what had induced her to come to him. She answered, in a grand manner, that “there had come to her, while she was minding the cattle, a Voice, which told her that God had great compassion for the people of France, and that she must go into France.” On hearing this, she began to weep; the Voice then told her to go to Vaucouleurs, where she would find a Captain who would conduct her safely into France and to the King, and that she must not be afraid. She had done what the Voice had ordered, and had come to the King without meeting any obstacle.

Thereupon, Guillaume Aymerie put to her this question: “You assert that a Voice told you, God willed to deliver the people of France from the calamity in which they now are; but, if God wills to deliver them, it is not necessary to have soldiers.” “In God’s Name!” Jeanne replied, “the soldiers will fight, and God will give the victory.” With which answer Maître Guillaume was pleased.

I, in my turn, asked Jeanne what dialect the Voice spoke? “A better one than yours,” she replied. I speak the Limousin dialect. “Do you believe in God?” I asked her. “In truth, more than yourself!” she answered. “But God wills that you should not be believed unless there appear some sign to prove that you ought to be believed; and we shall not advise the King to trust in you, and to risk an army on your simple statement.” “In God’s Name!” she replied, “I am not come to Poitiers to shew signs: but send me to Orleans, where I shall shew you the signs by which I am sent:” and she added: “Send me men in such numbers as may seem good, and I will go to Orleans.”

And then she foretold to us—to me and to all the others who were with me—these four things which should happen, and which did afterwards come to pass: first, that the English would be destroyed, the siege of Orleans raised, and the town delivered from the English; secondly, that the King would be crowned at Rheims; thirdly, that Paris would be restored to his dominion; and fourthly, that the Duke d’Orléans should be brought back from England. And I who speak, I have in truth seen these four things accomplished.

We reported all this to the Council of the King; and we were of opinion that, considering the extreme necessity and the great peril of the town, the King might make use of her help and send her to Orleans.

Besides this, we enquired into her life and morals; and found that she was a good Christian, living as a Catholic, never idle. In order that her manner of living might be better known, women were placed with her who were commissioned to report to the Council her actions and ways.

As for me, I believed she was sent from God, because, at the time when she appeared, the King and all the French people with him had lost hope: no one thought of aught but to save himself.

I remember that Jeanne was asked why she always marched with a banner in her hand? “Because,” she answered, “I do not wish to use my sword, nor to kill any one.”

When she heard any one taking in vain the Name of God, she was very angry; she held such blasphemies in horror: and Jeanne told La Hire, who used many oaths and swore by God, that he must swear no more, and that, when he wanted to swear by God, he should swear _by his staff_. And afterwards, indeed, when he was with her, La Hire never swore but by his staff.

TESTIMONY OF D’AULON:[209] 1456.

And first, Deponent saith that, twenty years ago or thereabouts, the King being in the town of Poitiers, he [d’Aulon] was told that the said Maid, who was from the country of Lorraine, had been brought to the said Lord by two gentlemen, the same being of the company of Messire Robert de Baudricourt, Knight—the one named Bertrand; the other Jean de Metz—and presented [to the King]; to see whom (the said Maid) the Deponent visited the said town of Poitiers;

That, after the presentation, the Maid spoke privately to our Lord the King, and told him several secret things—what, he [the Deponent] knew not: saving that, shortly after, the King sent to fetch some of the people of his Council, among whom was the Deponent. He [the King] then informed them that the Maid had told him she was sent from God to help him to recover his kingdom, which at that time was for the most part occupied by his ancient enemies, the English;

That, after these words had been declared to the people of his Council by the King, it was agreed to interrogate the Maid—who, at that time, was of the age of sixteen years or thereabouts—upon sundry points touching the Faith;

That, to do this, the King sent for certain Masters in Theology, Jurists, and other expert people, who should well and diligently examine her on these points;

That he was present at the said Council when the Masters made their report on what they had found in the Maid; at which it was publicly said by one of them, that they did not see, know, or recognize in the Maid anything, excepting only whatever should be in a good Christian and true Catholic: and for such they held her, and it was their opinion that she was very worthy;

Also that, the report being made to the said King by the Masters, the Maid was then handed over to the Queen of Sicily, the mother of our Sovereign Lady the Queen, and to certain ladies with her, by whom the Maid was seen, visited, and privately looked at and examined; and after examination made by these matrons, the lady stated to the King that she and the other ladies found most surely that this was indeed a true Maid ...;

That he was present when the lady made her report;

That, these things being heard, and considering the great goodness in the Maid, and that God had sent her to him, as she had said, it was by the King concluded in his Council that henceforward he would make use of her help in his wars, inasmuch as for this she had been sent;

That, it was then decided she should be sent to the city of Orleans, at that time besieged by the enemy;

That, for this end people were given for her own service, and others to conduct her;

That, the guard and conduct of the same was appointed by our Lord the King;

Also that, for the safety of her body the King caused to be made armour fit for the Maid’s body, and, this done, appointed a certain number of men-at-arms for the same [Maid] and for those of her company, to lead and conduct them safely to the City of Orleans;

That, immediately afterwards, he [the Deponent] took the road with them, following in this direction;

That, as soon as it came to the knowledge of my Lord Dunois—then called the Bastard of Orleans, who was in the city of Orleans in order to keep and guard it from the enemy—that the Maid was coming that way, he assembled together a certain number of men of war to meet her, such as La Hire and others. And to do this, and more safely to lead and conduct her to the city, this Lord and his followers placed themselves in a boat, and went to meet her by the river Loire, about a quarter of a league distant, and there found her;

That, the Maid and the Deponent immediately entered the boat, while the remainder of her soldiers turned back toward Blois. And, with the Lord Dunois and his followers, they entered the city sure and safe; in which [city] the Lord Dunois lodged her well and comfortably in the house of one of the principal burghers of the city, who had married one of the principal women thereof;

That, after the said Lord Dunois, La Hire, and certain other captains of the party of our Lord the King, had conferred with the Maid as to what was expedient to do for the guardianship, keeping, and defence of the city, and also by what means the enemy could be best harassed, it was between them agreed and concluded to be necessary that a certain number of men-at-arms of their party, then near Blois, should be sent for and brought. To put this into execution, and to fetch them to the city, were appointed the Lord Dunois and the Deponent, and certain other captains, with their followers, who sent to the country of Blois to bring the same;

That, as soon as they were ready to depart and bring those who were in the country of Blois, and that this came to the notice of the Maid, immediately she mounted her horse, and, together with La Hire and a certain number of her followers, she went out into the fields to keep the enemy from doing them injury. And, in order to do this, the Maid placed herself with her followers between the army of the enemy and the city of Orleans; and so wrought, that,—thanks to God!—notwithstanding the great power and number of the soldiers in the army of the enemy, the Lord Dunois and the Deponent, with all their followers, passed through, and safely went their way: and in the same way returned the Maid and her followers to the city;

That, as soon as she knew of the coming of the aforesaid, and that they brought with them those whom they had gone to fetch for the reinforcement of the city, immediately the Maid mounted her horse and, with a party of her followers, went to meet them, to support and succour them, if there were need of it;

That, in the sight and knowledge of the enemies, the Maid, Dunois, Maréchal La Hire, and the Deponent, with their followers, entered the city without any opposition whatsoever;

Moreover, that, the same day, after dinner, came the said Lord Dunois to the lodging of the Maid, where she and the Deponent had dined together. And, in speaking to her, Dunois told her that he knew, of a truth, from people of worth, that one named Fastolf, captain of the enemy, would shortly join the enemy at the siege, not only to give them help and reinforce them, but also to victual them, and that he was then at Vinville. At which words the Maid much rejoiced—so it seemed to the Deponent—and said to my Lord Dunois these or such-like words: “Bastard, Bastard, in the Name of God I command thee that, so soon as thou knowest of the coming of the said Fastolf, thou dost let me know; for, if he pass without my knowing, I promise thee I will have thy head.” To which replied the Lord Dunois, that of this he had no fear, for he would certainly let her know;

That, after these words, the Deponent being tired and overdone, placed himself on a couch in the chamber of the Maid, to rest himself a little, and also the Maid placed herself with her hostess on another bed in the same way, to sleep and rest; but, as the Deponent was beginning to take his rest, suddenly the Maid, though asleep, arose from her bed and, making a great noise, awoke him. And then the Deponent asked of her what she wanted; to which she answered: “En Nom Dè! my Counsel hath told me that I should attack the English; but I know not if I should attack their bastilles or go against Fastolf, who would victual them”; on which the Deponent immediately rose, and, as soon as he could, armed the Maid;

That, as soon as he had armed her, they heard a great noise and cry made by those of the city, saying that the enemy were doing much harm to the French. Then the Deponent armed himself, and, while he was so doing, without his knowledge, the Maid left the room, and went forth into the street. Here she found a page, on horseback, who at once dismounted from the horse; and immediately she mounted thereon, and, as straight and as speedily as she could, she took her way direct to the Burgundy Gate, where was the greatest noise;

That, the Deponent immediately followed the Maid; but, go as quickly as he might, she was already at the gate;

That, as they were coming to the gate, they saw being carried away one of the people of the city, who was terribly wounded; and then the Maid asked of those carrying him who this man was. They replied that he was a Frenchman. Then she said she had never seen French blood without feeling her hair stand on end;

That, at the same time, the Maid, the Deponent, and many other men of war of their company, went out from the city to help the French, and to harass the enemy to the best of their power; but, as soon as they were outside the city, the Deponent was told that never had there been seen so many men-at-arms of their side as were now there;

That, after this passage, they took their road towards a very strong fort of the enemy, called the Fort of Saint Loup, which was at once attacked by the French, and, with very little loss to them, was taken by assault; and all the enemy within were killed or taken: and the fort remained in the hands of the French;

That, this being done, the Maid and those of her company returned into the city of Orleans, where they refreshed themselves and rested that day;

That, next day, the Maid and her people, considering the great victory obtained by them the day before over their enemies, sallied from the town in good order, to attack another fort in front of the city, called the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc: for which purpose, seeing that they could not get there by land—because their enemies had made another very strong fort, at the foot of the bridge of the city, so that it was impossible for them to cross [the bridge]—it was decided among them to pass over to a certain island in the river Loire, and there to assemble their entire army: and, in order to take the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc and to cross to the other arm of the river Loire, two boats were brought, of which a bridge was made, for the attack of the fort;

That, this done, they went to the fort, which they found quite deserted; for the English who were therein, so soon as they perceived the coming of the French, went away, retreating to another stronger and greater fort, called the Fort of the Augustins;

That, seeing the French were not powerful enough to take the fort, it was decided they should return without doing anything further;

That, in order to return and cross more safely, the most notable and valiant of the party of the French were ordered to remain behind, in order to keep the enemy from troubling them on their return; and for this were appointed Messires de Gaucourt, de Villars, then Seneschal of Beaucaire, and the Deponent;

That, while the French were returning from the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc to the island, the Maid and La Hire both crossed over, each with a horse, in a boat from the other side of the island; and on these horses they mounted as soon as they had crossed, each with lance in hand. As soon as they saw that the enemy was making a sally from the fort to rush upon their people, immediately the Maid and La Hire, who were always in the front to protect them, couched their lances and were the first to attack the enemy; others then followed and began to attack the English, in such wise that they forcibly constrained them to retreat and enter the Fort of the Augustins;

And, while this was going on, the Deponent, being in guard of a passage with others appointed and ordered thereto—among whom was a very valiant man-at-arms of the country of Spain, named Alphonse de Partada—saw passing before them another man-at-arms of their company, a tall man, big and well armed, to whom, because he was about to pass on, the Deponent remarked that he ought to remain there for a time, with the others, and make resistance to the enemy, should need arise; and he immediately replied that he would do nothing [of the kind]. Then Alphonse said he also would remain with the others, and that there were many as valiant men as he who would remain willingly; who answered Alphonse, that it would not be he. Upon which there were between them certain proud words, so much that they decided to go, both of them, the one and the other, against the enemy; and then it would be seen which was the more valiant, and which of the two would best do his duty. And, taking one another by the hand, at the greatest pace they could, they went towards the fort of the enemy, and so to the foot of the palisade;

That, as they reached the palisade of the fort, the Deponent saw within the palisade a tall, strong and powerful Englishman, armed at all points, who so resisted them that they could not enter. Then the Deponent shewed the Englishman to a man named Maître Jean the Cannoneer, telling him to shoot at the Englishman; for he was doing much harm and injury to those who wished to approach the fort. This Maître Jean did; for, as soon as he saw him, he aimed a shot at him, so that he fell dead to the ground; then the two men-at-arms won the passage, by which all the others of their company crossed, and entered the fort, which most fiercely and with great persistence they assailed on all sides, so that within a short time they won it and took it by assault. There were killed or taken the greater part of the enemy; and those who were able to save themselves retreated into the Fort of Tourelles, at the foot of the bridge. Thus, the Maid and those who were with her obtained victory over the enemy that day. And the great battle was won; and the Lords and their people with the Maid remained before the same [fort] all that night;

Moreover, that, the next day, in the morning, the Maid sent to fetch all the lords and captains before the captured fort, to consult as to what more should be done; by the advice of whom it was concluded and resolved to attack this day a great Boulevard, which the English had made, before the Fort of Tourelles, and that it was expedient to gain it before doing anything else. To do and put this into execution, the Maid, the captain, and their people, on this day, very early in the morning, went from one place to the other, before the Boulevard, and on this they made the assault from all sides, making every effort to take it, in such manner that they were before the Boulevard from morning till sunset without being able to take it or gain it. And the lords and captains who were with her, seeing that they could not well gain it this day, considering the hour, which was late, and that all were very tired and worn out, it was agreed amongst them to sound the retreat for the army; which was done; and, at sound of the trumpet-call, each one retreated for that day. In making this retreat, because the Deponent, who was carrying the standard of the Maid, and holding it upright before the Boulevard, became fatigued and worn-out, he gave the standard to one named La Basque, who was of the following of De Villars; and because the Deponent knew La Basque to be a valiant man, and feared that, by reason of the retreat, evil would ensue, and that the fort and Boulevard would remain in the hands of the enemy, he had an idea that, if the standard were pushed to the front,—from the great affection which he knew the soldiers had for it—they might for this reason gain the Boulevard. Then the Deponent asked La Basque, if he were to enter and go to the foot of the Boulevard, would he follow him; who said and promised that he would; then the Deponent entered the trench, and went up to the foot of the sides of the Boulevard, covering himself with his shield for fear of the stones, and left his companion on the other side, believing he would follow him step by step. But when the Maid saw her standard in the hand of La Basque, and because she believed she had lost it, as he who bore it had gone into the trench, the Maid came and took the standard by the end in such wise that he could not hold it, crying, “Ha! my standard! my standard!” and shook the standard in such wise that the Deponent thought that, in so doing, the others might imagine she was making some sign to them; then the Deponent cried: “La Basque, is this what thou didst promise me?” Then La Basque so pulled at the standard that he dragged it from the hand of the Maid; and, this being done, he went to the Deponent and brought the standard. On this account all the army of the Maid assembled together and rallied again, and, with great fierceness, assailed the Boulevard, so that, shortly after, the Boulevard and the fort were taken by them, and abandoned by the enemy, the French [on their return] entering the city of Orleans by the bridge;

And the Deponent saith that, on this very day, he had heard it spoken by the Maid: “In God’s Name, we shall enter the town this night by the bridge.” This done, the Maid and her followers returned into the town of Orleans, in which the Deponent had her [wound] dressed, for she had been wounded by an arrow in the assault;

Also that, next day, all the English still remaining before the town on the other side of the Fort of Tourelles, raised the siege and retreated, being discomfited and in confusion. Thus, by the help of God and the Maid, was the city delivered from the hands of the enemy;

Moreover, that, some time after the return from the consecration of the King, he [the King] was advised by his Council—then at Meung-sur-Yèvre—that it was most necessary to recover the town of La Charité, which was held by the enemy; but that first must be taken the town of Saint Pierre le Moustier, which likewise was held by the enemy;

That, to do this and to collect men, the Maid went to the town of Bourges, in which she assembled her forces; and from thence, with a certain number of men-at-arms, of whom Lord d’Elbret was the head, she went to besiege the town of Saint Pierre le Moustier;

That, after the Maid and her followers had made siege against the town for some time, an assault was ordered to be made against the town; and so it was done, and those who were there did their best to take it; but, on account of the great number of people in the town, the great strength thereof and also the great resistance made by those within, the French were compelled and forced to retreat, for the reasons aforesaid; and at that time, the Deponent was wounded by a shot in the heel, so that without crutches he could neither keep up nor walk: he noticed that the Maid was left accompanied by very few of her own people and others; and the Deponent, fearing that trouble would follow therefrom, mounted a horse, and went immediately to her aid, asking her what she was doing there alone and why she did not retreat like the others. She, after taking her helmet [“_salade_”] from her head, replied that she was not alone, and that she had yet in her company fifty thousand of her people, and that she would not leave until she had taken the town;

And the Deponent saith that, at that time—whatever she might say—she had not with her more than four or five men, and this he knows most certainly, and many others also, who in like manner saw her; for which cause he told her again that she must leave that place, and retire as the others did. And then she told him to have faggots and hurdles brought to make a bridge over the trenches of the town, in order that they might approach it the better. And as she said these words to him, she cried in a loud voice: “Every one to the faggots and hurdles, to make the bridge!” which was immediately after done and prepared, at which the Deponent did much marvel, for immediately the town was taken by assault, without very great resistance;

That, all the deeds of the Maid seemed to him to be more divine and miraculous than otherwise, and that it was not possible for so young a Maid to do such things without the Will and Guidance of Our Lord;

Also that, for the space of a whole year, by command of our Lord the King, he remained in the company of the Maid, during which time he neither saw nor knew of anything in her which should not be in a good Christian; and he has always seen and known her to be of very good life and modest conversation in all and every one of her acts;

Also that, he knew the Maid to be most devout; that she shewed herself very reverent in hearing the Divine Service of our Lord, which she would constantly hear, that is to say, High Mass, on solemn days, wherever she was, with the Hours following; and on other days Low Mass; and that she was accustomed to hear Mass daily if it were possible;

That, many times he saw and knew that she confessed herself and received Our Lord, and did all that belongs to a good Christian to do, and that, never when he was conversing with her, did he hear her swear, blaspheme, or perjure the Name of Our Lord, nor the Saints, for whatever cause or occasion it might be;

And that, in his opinion, she was a good Christian, and must have been inspired; for she loved everything that a good Christian ought to love, and especially she loved a good honest man [“_bon prudhomme_”] whom she knew to be of chaste life; ... Also that, when the Maid had anything to do for the conduct of war, she told the Deponent that her Counsel had advised her what she ought to do;

That, he asked her who was the Counsel, and that she replied there were three Counsellors, of whom one always remained with her; another went away, but came often, to visit her; and the third was he with whom the two others consulted. And it happened that, one time, among others, the Deponent prayed and besought her that she would shew him the Counsel; to whom she replied that he was not worthy, nor of sufficient virtue to see them: and upon this the Deponent desisted from speaking or asking her further about them;

And the Deponent firmly believes as aforesaid, that, considering the deeds, actions and great leadership of the Maid, she was full of all the virtue which might or should be in a good Christian;

And thus he hath deposed, as is above written, without love, favour, hate, or suborning, but for the truth, and as he knew it to be in the Maid.

SENTENCE OF REHABILITATION.

In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, Amen!

The Providence of the Eternal Majesty, the Saviour Christ, Lord God and Man, hath instituted, for the rule of His Church Militant, the Blessed Peter, and his Apostolic Successors; He hath made them His principal representatives, and charged them, by the light of truth, which He hath manifested to them, to teach men how to walk in the paths of justice, protecting the good, relieving the oppressed in the whole universe, and, by a reasonable judgment, bringing back into the right road those who have turned therefrom:

Invested with this Apostolic authority for the matter in question, we Jean of Rheims, Guillaume of Paris, and Richard of Coutances, by the Grace of God Archbishop and Bishops, and Jean Bréhal, of the Order of Saint Dominic, Professor of Sacred Theology, one of the two Inquisitors of the Heretical Evil for the Realm of France, all four Judges specially delegated by our most Holy Lord the Pope actually reigning:

Having seen the solemn Process brought before us, by virtue of the Apostolic Mandate addressed to us, and by us respectfully accepted:

In the Case concerning the honest woman, Widow Isabelle d’Arc, mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers german, natural and legal, of the deceased Jeanne d’Arc, of good memory, commonly called the Maid:

The said Case brought in their name,

Against the Sub-Inquisitor of the Heretical Evil for the Diocese of Beauvais, the Promoter of the Officiality of the said Diocese of Beauvais, and also the Reverend Father in Christ and Lord Guillaume de Hellande, Bishop of Beauvais, and against all others and each in particular who might be thought to be therein interested, all together respectively Defendants, as well conjointly as separately:

Having seen, in the first place, the peremptory citation and the execution of this citation made against the said Defendants, at the request not only of the said Plaintiffs but of the Promoter of our Office appointed by us, sworn and created, to the end that the said Defendants might see the carrying out of the said Rescript, hear the conclusions against them, and answer themselves; and to proceed, in one word, according to right:

Having seen the request of the said Plaintiffs, their deeds, reasons, and conclusion set down in writing under the form of Articles, putting forward a declaration of nullity, of iniquity, and of cozenage against a certain Process in a pretended Trial for the Faith, formerly done and executed in this city against the above-named woman, now deceased, by the late Lord Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, Jean Lemaître, then Vice-Inquisitor of the said Diocese of Beauvais, and Jean d’Estivet, Promoter, or having at least acted in this capacity; the said request putting forward and inferring further the breaking down and annulling of the Process in question and of all which followed it, to the justification of the said Deceased, and to all the other ends therein enumerated:

Having seen, read, re-read and examined the original books, instruments, means, acts, notes and protocols of the said Process, shewn and sent to us, in virtue of the compulsory letters, by the Registrars and others whose signatures and writings have been, as a preliminary, acknowledged in our presence:

After having studied at length all these documents, not only with the said Registrars and other officials appointed in the said Process, but also with those of the Counsellors who were called to the same Process, those, at least, whom we have been able to bring before us:

And after having ourselves collated and compared the final text, with the Minute itself of the said Process:

Having considered also the Preparatory Enquiries,—first, those which were conducted by the Most Reverend Father in Christ the Lord Guillaume, Cardinal Priest under the title of Saint-Martin-les-Monts,[210] then Legate of the Holy Apostolic See in the Kingdom of France, assisted by the Inquisitor, after the examination which had been made by the said Cardinal-Legate of the books and instruments then presented:

Having afterwards considered the Preparatory Enquiry conducted at the beginning of the actual Process by us or our Commissaries:

Having considered also divers treatises[211] which had come from the Prelates, Doctors, and men of learning, the most celebrated and the most authorized, who, after having studied at length the books and instruments of the said Process, have separated from these books and instruments the doubtful points which they would have to elucidate in their said treatises composed afterwards and brought to light, whether by the order of the most Reverend Father aforesaid or of us:

Having considered the Articles and Interrogations to be submitted to the witnesses, presented to us in the name of the Plaintiffs and of our Promoter, and after many citations admitted in proof by us:

Having considered the depositions and attestations of the witnesses heard on the subject of the said Articles and Interrogations on the life of the said Deceased in the place of her birth;—on her departure; on her examination before several Prelates, Doctors, and others having knowledge thereof, in presence notably of the Most Reverend Father Reginald, then Archbishop of Rheims and Metropolitan of the said Bishop of Beauvais: an examination made at Poitiers and elsewhere, on several occasions; on the marvellous deliverance of the city of Orleans; on the journey to the city of Rheims and the coronation of the King; and the divers circumstances of the Trial, the qualifications, the judges, and the manner of proceeding:

Having considered also letters, instruments, and measures, besides the letters, depositions and attestations just mentioned, sent to us and produced in the course of law:

Having afterwards heard our Promoter, who, considering these productions and these sayings, declares himself fully joined with the Plaintiffs:

Having heard the other requests and reserves made by our Promoter, in his own name as well as in that of the Plaintiffs, the said requests and reserves admitted by us and received at the same time as certain reasons of law briefly formulated, of a nature also to impress our minds:

After the Case had been concluded, in the Name of Christ, and this day had been assigned by us to give sentence:

After having, with great matureness, weighed, examined, all and each one of the aforesaid things, as well as certain Articles beginning with these words “A certain Woman, &c.,”[212] which the Judges in the first Process did pretend to have extracted from the confessions of the said Deceased, and which have been submitted by us to a great number of staid persons for their opinion; Articles which our Promoter, as well as the Plaintiffs aforesaid, attacked as iniquitous, false, prepared without reference to the confessions of Jeanne, and in a lying manner:

That our present Judgment may come as from the Face of God Himself, Who weigheth the spirits, Who alone infallibly knoweth His revelations, and doth hold them always at their true value, Who bloweth where He listeth, and doth often choose the weak to confound the strong, never forsaking those who trust in Him, but being their Support in their sorrows and their tribulations:

After having had ripe deliberation, as much on the subject of the Preparatory Enquiries as on the decision itself, with persons at the same time expert, authorized, and prudent:

Having considered their solemn decisions, formulated in the treatises written out in a compendious manner, and in numerous consultations:

Having considered their opinion, written or verbal, furnished and given, not only on the form but also on the basis of the Process, and according to which the actions of the said Deceased, being worthy of admiration rather than of condemnation, the judgment given against her should, in form as well as in basis, be reprehended and detested:

And because on the question of revelations it is most difficult to furnish a certain judgment, the Blessed Paul having, on the subject of his own revelations, said that he knew not if they came to him in body or in spirit, and having on this point referred himself to God:

In the first place, we say, and, because Justice requires it, we declare, that the Articles beginning with the words “A woman,” which are found inserted in the pretended Process and Instrument of the pretended sentences, lodged against the said Deceased, ought to have been, have been, and are, extracted from the said pretended Process and the said pretended confessions of the said Deceased, with corruption, cozenage, calumny, fraud and malice:

We declare, that on certain points the truth of her confessions has been passed over in silence; that on other points her confessions have been falsely translated—a double unfaithfulness, by which, had it been prevented, the mind of the Doctors consulted and the Judges might have been led to a different opinion:

We declare, that in these Articles there have been added without right many aggravating circumstances, which are not in the aforesaid Confessions, and many circumstances both relevant and justifying have been passed over in silence:

We declare, that even the form of certain words has been altered, in such manner as to change the substance:

For the which, these same Articles, as falsely, calumniously, and deceitfully extracted, and as contrary even to the Confessions of the Accused, we break, annihilate, and annul; and, after they shall have been detached from the Process we ordain, by this present judgment, that they be torn up:

In the second place, after having examined with great care the other parts of the same said Process—particularly the two sentences which the Process contained, designated by the Judges as “Lapse” and “Relapse”—and after having also for a long time weighed the qualifications of the Judges and of all those under whom and in whose keeping the said Jeanne was detained:

We say, pronounce, decree, and declare, the said Processes and Sentences full of cozenage, iniquity, inconsequences, and manifest errors, in fact as well as in law; We say that they have been, are, and shall be—as well as the aforesaid Abjuration, their execution, and all that followed—null, non-existent, without value or effect.

Nevertheless, in so far as is necessary, and as reason doth command us, we break them, annihilate them, annul them, and declare them void of effect; and we declare that the said Jeanne and her relatives, Plaintiffs in the actual Process, have not, on account of the said Trial, contracted nor incurred any mark or stigma of infamy; we declare them quit and purged of all the consequences of these same Processes; we declare them, in so far as is necessary, entirely purged thereof by this present:

We ordain that the execution and solemn publication of our present Sentence shall take place immediately in this city, in two different places, to wit,

To-day in the Square of Saint Ouen, after a General Procession and a public Sermon:

To-morrow, at the Old Market-Place, in the same place where the said Jeanne was suffocated by a cruel and horrible fire, also with a General Preaching and with the placing of a handsome cross for the perpetual memory of the Deceased and for her salvation and that of other deceased persons:

We declare that we reserve to ourselves [the power] later on to execute, publish, and for the honour of her memory to signify with acclaim, our said sentence in the cities and other well-known places of the kingdom wherever we shall find it well [so to do], under the reserves, finally, of all other formalities which may yet remain to be done.

* * * * *

This present Sentence hath been brought out, read and promulgated by the Lords Judges, in presence of the Reverend Father in Christ the Lord Bishop of Démétriade, of Hector de Coquerel, Nicolas du Boys, Alain Olivier, Jean du Bec, Jean de Gouys, Guillaume Roussel, Laurent Surreau, Canons; of Martin Ladvenu, Jean Roussel, and Thomas de Fanouillères.

Maître Simon Chapitault, Promoter; Jean d’Arc and Prevosteau for the other Plaintiffs.

Done at Rouen in the Archiepiscopal Palace, in the year of our Lord 1456, the 7th day of the month of June.

Footnote 105:

‘Old style’ is adopted throughout: thus 1449 is given instead of 1449/1450.

Footnote 106:

The word is given in English in the text. Cauchon prided himself on his knowledge of this language.

Footnote 107:

Jean de Saint Avit, formerly Abbot of Saint-Denis, and, about 1390, Bishop of Avranches. In 1432, he was imprisoned at Rouen, on suspicion of complicity with the French, who wished to get possession of the town.

Footnote 108:

“_Doyen de la Rote_”—Court of Appeals at Rome.

Footnote 109:

On the _Minute_ of Manchon, which was in the hands of the Judges of the Rehabilitation in 1455.

Footnote 110:

This was the Examination called the _Acta Posterius_, which, though included by Cauchon in the Process, is not signed by the Official Registrars, Manchon, Boisguillaume, and Taquel.

Footnote 111:

Jeanne was burnt in the Market Place at Rouen, where an inscribed stone marks the site. It is stated that the execution took place in front of the Church of St. Sauveur, and facing the principal street which leads to the Market Place, thus accommodating a larger number of spectators than was possible in any other part of the Place.

There is still some dispute as to the actual spot; but as the Cemetery was religious ground and the execution was, nominally at least, a secular one, the ground chosen must have been on land belonging to the municipality of Rouen. Probably this was in the Marché aux Veaux, as we find an order for the burning of a heretic there in 1522, “_lieu accoutumé faire telles exécutions_.”

Footnote 112:

Cognomen given to the Promoter, d’Estivet.

Footnote 113:

At the beginning of the Trial, Jeanne had asked for Counsel, and it had been refused.

Footnote 114:

There were three keys to the prison, one being in the possession of the Promoter, one of the Inquisitor, and one belonging to the Cardinal.

Footnote 115:

May 28th.

Footnote 116:

To the Schismatic Council, then being held at Basle.

Footnote 117:

Articles for Examination of Witnesses in the Second Enquiry of 1452 were prepared under the direction of Cardinal d’Estouteville and Brother Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor. The witnesses were examined on twelve questions. Articles were also prepared under the direction of Philippe de Rose, Delegate for Cardinal d’Estouteville, the witnesses being examined on twenty-seven questions.

Footnote 118:

_Note by Quicherat_: This is an error of the witness. [The Promoter was d’Estivet.]

Footnote 119:

Jeanne’s father went also to Rheims for the coronation. There still exists in the old accounts of the town an item for his expenses at the inn; and, in the Compte of the Treasurer Raguier there is also an entry of 60 livres tournois, paid Jeanne to give to her father. On the day after the coronation, Jeanne obtained from the King an exemption from taxes for the village of Domremy and Greux: this document, dated July 31st, 1429, still exists in the Archives of France. This exemption from taxes has now lapsed.

Footnote 120:

Durand Laxart, her uncle.

Footnote 121:

This is also called the “Fontaine aux Groseilliers”; the Latin name is probably intended for Rhamnus, the Buckthorn.

Footnote 122:

Mid-Lent Sunday, the 4th Sunday in Lent; so-called, because the introit for the day begins, “_Laetare Jerusalem_,” &c.

Footnote 123:

“_Ad cameram regis._”

Footnote 124:

Margaret, daughter of James I. of Scotland, who was betrothed to Louis, afterwards Louis XI.

Footnote 125:

February 13th, 1428.

Footnote 126:

1455.

Footnote 127:

March 6th, 1428.

Footnote 128:

June 23rd, 1428.

Footnote 129:

July 17th, 1429.

Footnote 130:

Near Vaucouleurs.

Footnote 131:

This covers the period of several visits, made between May 1428, and February 1429.

Footnote 132:

The mother of Charles VII., who denied the legitimacy of her own son, being Burgundian at heart, and ratified the iniquitous Treaty of Troyes, so disastrous for France.

Footnote 133:

In the text Vaucouleurs is an obvious misprint for Saint-Nicolas.

Footnote 134:

He also gave her a horse; _cf._ previous depositions.

Footnote 135:

Saint-Nicolas-du-Port—then a celebrated centre of pilgrimage—near Nancy. As both Poulengey and Laxart connect this pilgrimage with her visit to the Duke de Lorraine, whose residence was at Nancy, it is clear that Saint-Nicolas-du-Port is meant, and not the Chapel of St. Nicolas near Vaucouleurs.

Footnote 136:

The village of Domremy, although in the territory of Lorraine, belonged to France, not to Lorraine; for administrative purposes it was a dependance of Champagne.

Footnote 137:

May 13th, 1428.

Footnote 138:

See Deposition of Jean Morel.

Footnote 139:

This Chapel in the crypt may still be seen at Vaucouleurs.

Footnote 140:

Jean, a natural son of Louis, Duke d’Orléans, was brought up with the family of Orleans, and acknowledged by Valentine, the widowed Duchess, after the murder of his father in 1407. At 25 years of age, in company with de Gaucourt, he defeated the English under Warwick at Montargis in 1427, and afterwards defended Orleans till its relief in 1429. He was created Count de Dunois, in 1439.

Footnote 141:

Then Captain of Blois.

Footnote 142:

Regnault de Chartres.

Footnote 143:

Gilles de Laval, Seigneur de Rais, notorious for the horrible excesses which brought him to the scaffold in 1440.

Footnote 144:

The Duke was then a prisoner in England.

Footnote 145:

7th of May.

Footnote 146:

Antiquarians state that the Café le Bœuf at Orleans covers the ancient “Boulevard” captured by Jeanne d’Arc. This redoubt adjoined the “Tourelles” and was close to the bridge of Orleans. Many steps below ground, and entered from the Café le Bœuf, is a room of carefully constructed masonry, being the interior of a tower, with embrasures for cannon, and iron rings to which cannons were attached.

Footnote 147:

_i.e._, William Glasdale, Bailly of Alençon. He was Captain of the Fort of the Tourelles, called here the Bridge Tower.

Footnote 148:

Gerard Machet, according to the _Chronique de la Pucelle_; he was not Bishop until after the death of Jeanne.

Footnote 149:

Robert le Maçon, Chancellor, in 1418, was harassed by the opposition of the Burgundian faction and the favourites of the Dauphin. He retired in 1421, and acted henceforward as a simple Councillor.

Footnote 150:

Jean Leguise, ennobled by Charles VII. for his share in the surrender of the town.

Footnote 151:

William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Grand Steward of the King of England.

Footnote 152:

The prophecy of Merlin, as it appears in MS. 7301 of the Bibliothèque Nationale, runs: “_Descendit virgo dorsum sagittari et flores virgineos obscultabit_.”

Footnote 153:

Raoul, _not_ Jean, de Gaucourt, Grand Steward, born 1370. Fought, in 1394, under the banner of Jean de Nevers, afterwards Duke of Burgundy, for Sigismund, King of Hungary, against Bajazet; and was knighted on the field of Nicopolis, from which only himself, his leader, and twenty-two other French nobles escaped. He defended Harfleur against Henry V., in 1415, and was a prisoner for ten years, being one of those specially named by Henry in his dying commands to Bedford as prisoners “to be kept.” In 1425, he was ransomed for the sum of 20,000 gold crowns; in 1427, he aided Dunois at the victory of Montargis, and afterwards in the defence of Orleans.

Footnote 154:

Quicherat thinks there is an error of copy here; that Bellier could not have been Bailly of Troyes when that town was in the hands of the English, nor could he at any time have combined so high an office with the lieutenancy of Chinon.

Footnote 155:

Master of the Horse, Counsellor and Steward to the Court. He was made prisoner in 1437, but ransomed from the English for 500 crowns. In 1459, he was sent by Charles VII. to Bordeaux, in order to settle a dispute between the municipal authority and some English ships. He was living in 1472, and in receipt of a pension from Louis XI.

Footnote 156:

In December, 1429.

Footnote 157:

7th May.

Footnote 158:

Seigneur de Bignon, whose father was distinguished at the siege of Orleans. He was great-grandfather of Christopher de Thou, first President of the Parliament of Paris.

Footnote 159:

Head of one of the principal families of Orleans. Amian de Saint-Mesmin was ennobled in 1460, on account of his services. He died at the ripe age of 118 years.

Footnote 160:

Brother-in-law to Louis de Contes, Jeanne’s page, and owner of the lordships of la Chaussée and Miramion. From his younger brother, Guillaume, descended the Beauharnais who was husband to Josephine and father of Eugène.

Footnote 161:

Daughter of Jacques Bourchier, Treasurer of Orleans, at whose house Jeanne lodged.

Footnote 162:

See decrees of Henry VI. against fugitives, “_terrificatos incautionibus puellae_.”

Footnote 163:

Nevertheless, his name appears as having agreed with the Abbot of Fécamp in his opinion of the Condemnation.

Footnote 164:

Not mentioned elsewhere.

Footnote 165:

Secretary to the King of England.

Footnote 166:

It is, however, stated that, on being consulted, he did advise the extreme measure of putting Jeanne to the torture.

Footnote 167:

Louis de Contes was brother-in-law of Beauharnais, the Bourgeois of Orleans. He was a son of Jean de Contes, Captain of Châteaudun, and Chamberlain to the Duke d’Orléans.

Footnote 168:

Jacques Bouchier.

Footnote 169:

[“_Ha! sanglant garçon, vous ne me dyriez pas que le sanc de France feust repandu!_”]

Footnote 170:

_Cœlestinorum_, in the text.

Footnote 171:

John de la Pole, Captain of Avranches, brother of the Earl of Suffolk.

Footnote 172:

Jeanne’s hatred of swearing is noticed by many of her followers, and in her hearing they endeavoured to abstain from it. La Hire, whose language was apparently the most violent, was permitted by her to employ the mild expletive ‘Par mon martin,’ ‘By my baton,’ an expression she herself is constantly reported to have used.

Footnote 173:

A nickname of Poulengey.

Footnote 174:

These three forts were on the left bank of the Loire; the fort of the Tourelles, of the Augustins, and of Saint-Privé were further west.

Footnote 175:

A woman called “la gasque d’Avignon,” whose predictions made much stir at the beginning of the fifteenth century.

Footnote 176:

The devoted Margaret of Bavaria, who was separated from him on account of his evil life.

Footnote 177:

Jean, Duke d’Alençon, son of the Duke killed at Agincourt. He was of the Blood Royal, descended from Philip II.

Footnote 178:

The Bishop referred to is Simon Bonnet, Bishop of Senlis at that time, not the partisan of the English who occupied the seat in 1429.

Footnote 179:

Yolande, daughter of John I. of Aragon; wife of Louis XI., Duke of Anjou, and titular King of Sicily. She was the mother of Mary, wife of Charles VII., and grandmother of Margaret, afterwards wife of Henry VI.

A receipt is recorded, in _Quicherat_ (III. 93), for the carriage of corn, on her behalf, from Orleans to Blois.

Footnote 180:

A captain of some repute, exchanged for Talbot after the Battle of Patay.

Footnote 181:

In the Accounts (formerly kept in the Chambre des Comtes at Paris), of Maître Hemon Raguier, Treasurer of War, there is an item relating to this suit of armour: “To the Master Armourer, for a complete harness for the said Pucelle, 100 livres tournois.”

Footnote 182:

A street in Orleans is still called after d’Illiers, then Captain of Châteaudun.

Footnote 183:

Jeanne, daughter of the Duke d’Orléans.

Footnote 184:

The Duke d’Alençon, at the age of eighteen, had been taken prisoner at the battle of Verneuil, in 1424, and kept for five years in the Castle of Crotoy, where Jeanne herself was afterwards imprisoned.

Footnote 185:

Head-covering without visor, “_chapeline casque léger en forme de calotte sans masque_.”

Footnote 186:

Jargeau was taken on June 11th, 1429.

Footnote 187:

John Talbot, afterwards Earl of Shrewsbury. He was exchanged for Ambroise de Loré and killed while attempting the relief of Châtillon, then besieged by Dunois.

Footnote 188:

Arthur, Count de Richemont, Constable of France, brother of the Duke of Britanny. He was one of the Princes of the Blood taken at Agincourt, but was released on parole; and Henry V. dying soon after, he claimed his freedom, saying he had given his word to the King alone. He married a sister of the Duke of Burgundy and widow of the late Dauphin. Although friendly to the French cause, he was distrusted by Charles, and, at this time, was in disgrace. He was uncle to the Duke d’Alençon, his sister Mary having married the preceding Duke. He succeeded to the Duchy of Britanny in 1453, but died childless.

Footnote 189:

It was after this battle of Patay that Sir John Fastolf, one of the English captains, was deprived of the Garter, for his conduct in retreating before the French army.

Footnote 190:

Louis, Duke d’Orléans, taken prisoner at Agincourt, in 1415, was imprisoned in England until the year 1440, when he was ransomed at the price of 54,000 nobles (about £36,000), the negotiations being carried out on the English side by Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais.

Footnote 191:

Of the Order of Hermit Friars of Saint Augustin, living at their Convent in Tours in 1429, and at Bayeux in 1456.

Footnote 192:

There is some doubt as to the identity of this town. The text gives “Aniciensis,” which would refer to Puy-en-Valais; but this, Quicherat says, is unlikely, owing to the distance, and proposes to substitute “Anceinsi,” _i.e._, Anche. Fabre, following Simon de Lune, is in favour of the former reading, as the town was one noted for pilgrimages; and, in the Lent of 1429, there was an unusual number of pilgrims, in honour of the special feast of La Vierge Noire de Puy, which, in that year, fell on Good Friday. This fact might account for the presence of Jeanne’s mother at Puy, and of the men-at-arms, who had escorted the Maid to Chinon.

Footnote 193:

Quicherat prefers to read, “brother.”

Footnote 194:

Probably the husband of the woman named Lapau, mentioned by Louis de Contes.

Footnote 195:

Doubt had been thrown on the fact here stated, since Charles VII.’s mother, Queen Isabeau, had denied her son’s legitimacy.

Footnote 196:

The account for this banner appears in the 13th Compte of Maître Hemon Raguier, Treasurer of War: 25 liv. tour. were paid to “Hauves Poulnois, painter, living at Tours, for painting and procuring materials for a great standard, and a small one for the Maid.”

Footnote 197:

The siege was raised on the 8th of May.

Footnote 198:

Established on the site of a convent in the previous December.

Footnote 199:

The first letter was sent on March 22nd, 1429: of the second nothing is known.

Footnote 200:

_i.e._, Glasdale.

Footnote 201:

8th May. The commemoration of the relief of Orleans was made a national festival by Louis XI. and confirmed by Richelieu. This day is still kept in the town with great rejoicings and religious processions: it has been celebrated, excepting during the Revolution, ever since the relief of the city.

Footnote 202:

Louis de Luxembourg.

Footnote 203:

“Godon,” or “goddam,” a common term for the English in the Middle Ages and to the present day.

Footnote 204:

An error; the first sermon was by Érard.

Footnote 205:

Louis de Contes, called “Imerguet” and “Mugot” by his companions.

Footnote 206:

The phrase is left thus unfinished in all the MSS. It is quoted in the Latin texts in the original French, as above.

Footnote 207:

The Court of the Bailiff.

Footnote 208:

“_Crimen læsæ majestatis._”

Footnote 209:

The examination of d’Aulon, who served Jeanne d’Arc as Steward, and who, at the time of being examined, was Seneschal of Beaucaire, is the only evidence preserved in the original French.

Footnote 210:

Guillaume d’Estouteville: Enquiry of 1452.

Footnote 211:

See Appendix: Note on Documents of Rehabilitation Enquiry: p. 332.

Footnote 212:

_Viz._, the Twelve Articles.

APPENDIX

NOTE ON ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS OF THE PROCESS OF CONDEMNATION

1. _The Minute._

The original French notes of the Trial, taken down at the time by the Registrars, formed the material on which the Authentic Document was subsequently based. A part of this original MS. is still in existence in the National Library at Paris, and is known as the ‘MS. D’Urfé.’ It begins with March 3rd, the day of the last Public Examination, and is apparently in the handwriting of Manchon, the Registrar, who had the whole in his own possession at the time of the Trial of Rehabilitation. The Fragment was discovered among the MSS. of the D’Urfé Library in the reign of Louis XVI. by Laverdy.

2. _The Authentic Document._

This was the original Latin translation of the Minute, made by Thomas de Courcelles, signed by the Registrars, and attested by the seals of the two Judges. No trace of this first document can be found; but the Bishop of Beauvais caused five complete and legally attested copies to be made, three of these being in the writing of Manchon, the Registrar, of which there are still in existence, (1) Copy made for the King of England, now in the Library of the Corps Législatif in Paris; (2) Copy for the Bishop of Beauvais, formerly in the Colbert Library; and (3) Copy for the Inquisitor, formerly in the Dupuy Library—the last two being now in the National Library at Paris. The two other copies are lost, one having been sent to the Pope, whilst the other was the property of Manchon himself.

Besides these Original Documents, there are also seven copies of the Process, of different dates: five in the National Library, one in the Vatican, and one at Geneva.

NOTE ON THE DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE TRIAL OF REHABILITATION

In the Preface to the Authentic Document of the Rehabilitation, the Notaries, Denis Lecomte and François Ferrebouc, state that they have prepared under their seals three copies of the Process of Rehabilitation, one containing also the entire Process of the Trial of Condemnation: this Copy is unfortunately lost. The two still in existence, both in the National Library of Paris, contain only the text of the Trial of 1455–6. In one of these Manuscripts are inserted the Eight Memorials presented to the Holy See in favour of Jeanne.

The Second Manuscript contains only the Memorial of Gerson. Other Documents connected with the Enquiries may be found in _Quicherat_, Vol. II., and in Lanery d’Arc’s _Mémoires et Consultations en faveur de Jeanne d’Arc_, the most important being the _Opinions_ of sundry learned Doctors given in 1452, and the _Recollectio_ of Jean Bréhal in 1456.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO THE TRIAL

In order to understand more fully the course of events in the last year of Jeanne’s life, it may be well to give in some detail the story of her capture at Compiègne on May 23rd, 1430, and of the negotiations and legal preliminaries which preceded the opening of the Case in the following February. Strangely enough, there is in the Trial of Rehabilitation absolutely no witness to this period. It may therefore be more satisfactory to quote at some length from the contemporary Chronicles, which, as regards the Capture itself, are fortunately very explicit.

In the early dawn of Tuesday, May 23rd, Jeanne started from Crespy with about 400 followers to reinforce the garrison of Compiègne, then besieged by the combined forces of England and Burgundy. Of the events of that day there is no better account than that given in the Chronicle of Percival de Cagny,[213] which reads as follows:—

‘The 23rd day of the month of May, the Maid, being in the said place of Crespy, learned that the Duke of Burgundy,[214] with a great number of men-at-arms and others, and the Earl of Arundel, had come to besiege the said town of Compiègne. About midnight she departed from the said place of Crespy, in the company of 300 or 400 fighting men. And although her followers said to her, that she had too few people with her to pass through the army of the Burgundians and of the English, she exclaimed: “By my staff! [_Par mon martin!_] we are enough; I am going to see my good friends of Compiègne.”

‘She arrived at the said place about sunrise, and, without loss or disturbance either to herself or to her followers, she entered the said town. On the same day the Burgundians and English had come to make an assault in the field before the said town. There were done many feats of arms on the one side and on the other. The Burgundians and English, knowing that the Maid was in the town, thought that those within would sally forth in great strength, and for this the Burgundians placed a strong ambush of their followers under cover of a lofty mountain near by, named the Mount of Clairoy. And, about nine in the morning, the Maid heard that the assault was hot and fierce in the field before the said town. She armed herself and her followers, mounted on horseback, and went to join the _mêlée_. And no sooner was she come than the enemy turned back and were put to flight. The Maid charged hard upon the flank of the Burgundians. Those in ambush gave warning to their followers, who turned back in great disorder, and then, breaking up their ambuscade, they spurred on to place themselves between the town-bridge and the Maid and her company. And the one part of them turned right on the Maid in such force that those of her company could not withstand them, and said to the Maid, “Strive hard to regain the town, or you and we are lost.”

‘When the Maid heard them speak thus, she cried to them, angrily, “Silence! It only depends on you to discomfit them. Think only of striking them down.” But whatsoever she might say, these people would not believe it, and forcibly compelled her to withdraw to the bridge. And when the Burgundians and English saw that she was returning to the town, they, by supreme effort, reached the end of the bridge. And great feats of arms were done there. The captain of the place, seeing vast multitudes of Burgundians and English about to cross the bridge, for the fear that he had of the loss of the place, commanded the bridge of the town to be raised and the gates closed. And there remained the Maid hemmed in without, and few of her followers with her. When her enemies saw this, all made effort to seize her. She resisted stoutly against them, but in the end was taken by five or six acting together, some laying hands on her, others on her horse, and each saying, “Surrender to me and give parole.” She answered and said, “I have sworn and given my parole to Another than you, and to Him will I give my oath.” And, saying these words, she was taken to the lodging of Messire Jehan de Luxembourg.

‘Messire Jehan de Luxembourg[215] had her kept in his lodging for three or four days; and, after that, he remained at the siege of the said town and had the Maid sent to a castle named Beaulieu, in Vermandois. And there was she kept prisoner during the space of four months or thereabouts. After this, the said de Luxembourg, by means of the Bishop of Thérouanne,[216] his brother, and Chancellor of France for the English King, delivered her to the Duke of Bedford, Lieutenant in France for the King of England, his nephew, for the price of fifteen or sixteen thousand _saluts_ [the _salut_ being worth about £1] paid to the said de Luxembourg. Thus was the Maid put into the hands of the English and taken to the Castle of Rouen, at which the said Duke then held his residence. She being in prison in the said Castle of Beaulieu, he who had been her steward[217] before her capture, and who served her in prison, said to her, “That poor town of Compiègne, which you have so much loved up to this time, will fall again into the hands and the power of the enemies of France!”

‘And she answered him, “It will not be, for all the places which the King of Heaven hath subdued and put into the hands and jurisdiction of the gentle King Charles by my means, will not be retaken by his enemies, so long as he will take pains to keep them.”’

The following additional details in regard to the Capture of the Maid are taken from George Chatellain’s _Histoire de Philippe Le Bon_:—‘The Maid, passing the nature of woman, did bear great weight, and took much pains to preserve her company from loss, remaining in the rear as becomes the chief and as the most valiant of the troop, when fortune did so permit, for the ending of her glory and for the last time that ever she should bear arms. An archer, a hard man and very churlish, having great spite that a woman of whom he had heard so much talk should drive back so many valiant men as she had done, caught her from one side by her surcoat of cloth-of-gold, and dragged her from her horse to the ground: she could find neither rescue nor help from her followers that she might be remounted, notwithstanding the pains they took. But a man-at-arms, named the Bastard de Wandonne,[218] who arrived just as she fell, pressed her so closely that she gave him her parole, for that he said he was a man of noble birth. The which man-at-arms, more joyful than if he had gotten a king into his hands, took her hastily to Marigny, and there kept her under guard till the end of the affair. And there were taken also with her, Pouthon the Burgundian, a gentleman-at-arms of the French party; the brother of the Maid; her steward; and certain others, in small numbers, who were taken to Marigny and held in safe keeping.’

On the same day, the Duke of Burgundy wrote the following letter to the people of Saint Quentin:—

‘By order of the Duke of Burgundy, Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, and Namur.

‘Very dear and well-beloved, knowing that you desire to have news of us, we signify to you that this day, the 23rd May, towards six o’clock in the afternoon, the adversaries of our Lord the King [Henry VI.] and of us, who were assembled together in great power, and entrenched in the town of Compiègne, before which we and the men of our army were quartered, have made a sally from the said town in force on the quarters of our advanced guard nearest to them, in the which sally was she whom they call the Maid, with many of their principal captains. In the encounter with whom, our fair cousin, Messire Jehan de Luxembourg, who was there present, and others of our people, and some of the people of our Lord the King whom he had sent before us to pass over to Paris, made great and bitter resistance. And presently we arrived in person and found that the said adversaries were already driven back, and by the pleasure of our blessed Creator, it had so happened and such grace had been granted to us, that the said Maid had been taken; and with her many captains, knights, squires and others were taken, drowned, and killed, of whom to this hour we yet know not the names, only that none of our followers nor the followers of my Lord the King are either killed or taken, and that only twenty are wounded, thanks to God. The which capture, as we certainly hold, will be great news everywhere; and by it will be recognized the error and foolish belief of all those who have shewn themselves well-disposed and favourable to the doings of the said woman. And this thing we write for our news, hoping that in it you will have joy, comfort, and consolation, and will render thanks and praise to our Creator, Who seeth and knoweth all things, and Who by His blessed pleasure will conduct the rest of our enterprizes to the good of our said Lord the King and his kingdom, and to the relief and comfort of his good and loyal subjects.

‘Very dear and well-beloved, the Holy Spirit have you in His Holy Keeping.

‘Written at Codun, near Compiègne, the 23rd day of May. Subscribed: To our very dear and good friends the Clergy, citizens and inhabitants of Saint Quentin, in Vermandois.’

In the Notes of Clement de Fauquembergue, Registrar of the Parliament of Paris, occurs the following passage:—‘Thursday, the 25th day of May, 1430, Messire Louis de Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne, Chancellor of France, received letters from Messire Jean de Luxembourg, Knight, his brother, making mention, among other things, that on Tuesday last, in a sally made by the captains and men-at-arms of Messire Charles de Valois, then in the town of Compiègne, against the people of the Duke of Burgundy, encamped and come against the said town with the intention of besieging it, the people of the said De Valois were in such manner compelled to retreat that many of them had no time to enter again into the said town. And many of them threw themselves into the river adjacent to the walls, to the peril of their lives; others remained prisoners of the said Messire Jean de Luxembourg, and the followers of the said Duke of Burgundy, who, among others, seized and held prisoner this woman whom the followers of the said Messire Charles called the Maid.’[219]

The news of the Maid’s capture was received in Paris with much rejoicing,[220] and _Te Deums_ were ordered to be sung in the Churches. The University and the Inquisition at once took up the matter, and wrote on the following day, May 26th, to the Duke of Burgundy, requesting him to claim the prisoner as a heretic against the Church. Six weeks later, on July 14th, letters were sent from the University both to the Duke and to Jean de Luxembourg to the same effect. On the same day, Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, acting for the Regent Bedford, arrived at the Burgundian camp to negotiate for the purchase of the Maid. He claimed her as a prisoner of the Church, but nevertheless offered the usual ransom of a king, 10,000 livres tournois [about £16,000 of our present value].

The arrangements presented, however, matters of long deliberation. The Duke and Jean de Luxembourg, whether from scruples of conscience or in hope of still higher ransom from the party of the King of France, were in no hurry to part with their prisoner. She had been removed to the Castle of Beaulieu at the end of May; and here she remained until August, with her faithful follower d’Aulon still in attendance on her. No records remain of her sojourn; but she herself gives evidence at the Trial of her attempt to escape, which was all but successful. Early in August, she was sent to Beaurevoir, where for a time she had the society of the wife and the aunt of Jean de Luxembourg. Of the latter, the Countess de Ligny, she spoke at the Trial in terms of great affection. Whilst at Beaurevoir, she heard of the negotiations for her delivery to the English. In despair for herself, and overwhelmed with grief for the sorrows of her beloved friends of Compiègne, who were then in great straits, she threw herself[221] from the top of the Keep, a height of sixty feet, hoping, as she afterwards said, at least to escape from her enemies. She was taken up, stunned, but not severely injured by her fall, and was kept in closer ward until, in the middle of November, the arrangements for her purchase were completed. From Beaurevoir she was removed to Arras; thence to Crotoy, where she was handed over to the tender mercies of the English, who kept her, in comparatively easy confinement, until it should be decided where the Trial was to take place—the University claiming her for Paris, the Regent preferring to keep her more strictly within his own power. In December, a decision was arrived at. Rouen was fixed upon as the most suitable place, both as a stronghold of the English and as the residence of the Regent and the Court. To Rouen, accordingly, the Maid was brought, and there lodged in a tower of the Castle, under the guard of English soldiers.

The room in which she was confined was situated in a tower of the Castle of Rouen, now no longer in existence; it was on the first floor, up eight steps;[222] not far from the back entrance,[223] and facing the fields.[224] There were three keys to the prison: one retained by the Cardinal of England or his Secretary, one kept by the Inquisitor, and one by the Promoter.[225] The Maid was under the close surveillance of five common soldiers (_houcepailliers_), three of whom remained in the room day and night, while two guarded the door.[226] She was heavily ironed, and chained to a beam which crossed the end of her bed.[227] It is reported also that a cage, in which she could stand upright had been made for her; but, although this is mentioned by several persons, no one can remember to have seen it in use. The Castle being under the control of the Governor, the Earl of Warwick, the captive was officially in his hands; and for this reason the guardians appointed later to see to her safe custody were members of his household or of the Royal Bodyguard: John Gris or Grey, Talbot, and Berwoist, whose commission is made out by the authority of the Bishop on March 13th.

Many of the Assessors considered that Jeanne should have been placed in the prisons of the Church, and not left in the hands of the English. Lefevre remarks that no one dared say this; and De Courcelles states that it was never brought up as a matter for consultation, although Ladvenu refers to a discussion at the first Session, during which, in response to a generally expressed opinion that Jeanne should be placed under Ecclesiastical ward, the Bishop announced that this could not be done “for fear of the English.” At this first Session, February 21st, neither Ladvenu nor De Courcelles was present.

The Trial opened, according to the Official Report, on January the 9th. It was based on the Procedure of the trials of the Holy Office; and, although the Inquisitor himself was not _officially_ present until a month later, the Inquisitorial form was punctiliously observed. This form was as follows:—

1. _Process ex officio._ Enquiry as to facts of accusation. Examination of the Accused on the results of this enquiry. The Promoter then draws up the case, if any be undertaken.

2. _Process in ordinary._ Trial and examination of the Accused, sometimes by torture. Sentence.

This Procedure was carefully observed in the case of Jeanne. The process _ex officio_, beginning in January, with the suppressed Domremy Enquiry, comprised the Six Public and Nine Private Examinations, and ended with the drawing up of the Seventy Articles, the Act of Accusation, on March 26th. The Process in Ordinary began on March 27th, with the reading of the Seventy Articles and Jeanne’s examination upon them. She was brought into the Torture Chamber on May the 9th; but the decision of the greater number of the Assessors being against the use of extreme measures, nothing was done. The Sentence was read on May 24th, condemning her to perpetual imprisonment.

Of the legality of the Trial there were grave doubts, expressed both at the beginning and also later on, when some opportunity had been given by the Public Examinations for those not absolutely prejudiced against the Accused, to form an opinion as regards the impartiality of the Judges. On the first day, Houppeville, whose testimony was given in full at the Rehabilitation, was present in Court; but, having dared to express his opinion that the action to be undertaken was fraught with some danger, he was afterwards refused admission, and was sent for by the Bishop to be reprimanded. As he was not in the Diocese of Beauvais he refused submission; but his appeal to his own Chapter at Rouen was disregarded, and he was thrown into prison, from which he was only released some days later through the intervention of the Abbot of Jumièges.

Lohier, a celebrated legal authority, who was present in Rouen during the earlier part of the Examination, expressed his opinions to the Bishop at some length, stating that the whole Trial was absolutely worthless: (1) on account of its form, (2) that the Assessors were not at liberty to hold their own views, the Trial being in the Castle and therefore not in open Court, (3) that no opportunity was given to the party of the French King to speak for themselves, (4) that Jeanne herself was allowed no Counsel,[228] nor had proper documents been prepared to support the Accusation. The Bishop, furious at this interference, summoned a meeting at his house to discuss the matter, and announced his decision to take no notice of the opinions thus expressed, but to continue as before. On the following day, Lohier left Rouen, remarking to the Registrar of the Trial: “It seems to me they act more from hate than aught else: and for this reason I will not stay here, for I do not wish to be in it.”

Massieu, the Usher of the Court, afterwards stated that Jeanne had asked for Counsel, and had been refused; but there is no reference to any such request in the message he gives from her at the time of her citation.[229]

The Bishop’s violent resentment at any interference is noted by more than one witness; and, indeed, the whole conduct of the Trial may be not inaptly described in the words of one of the Assessors, Maître Grouchet: “all was violence in this affair.”

The Trial itself was held in the Castle of Rouen, where Henry VI. had just been spending Christmas in state.

At the First Session, in the Castle Chapel, the noise and disturbance were so great that it was decided that future Sessions should be held in a smaller room, and from this time the Court met in the Ornament Room, opening from the Great Hall. Two Englishmen kept the door.[230]

The Meetings of May 19th and May 29th, preliminary to the closing of the First and Second Processes, respectively were held outside the Castle in the Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor, possibly with a view to giving an air of greater publicity to the proceedings. The room in which the instruments of torture were exhibited to Jeanne is on the ground-floor of the only part of the old Castle now standing, called the Great Tower. The smaller tower, in which Jeanne’s prison was situated, was still in ruins until the beginning of the present century, and went by the name of the Tower of La Pucelle; but it has now entirely disappeared.

The three Registrars, Manchon, Boisguillaume, and Taquel (the last only after March 14th), were seated at the feet of the Judges. The clerks of Beaupère and Erard, Jean de Monnet and Jean de Lenozelles, were sometimes with them; two English clerks, under the direction of Loyseleur, were hidden behind a curtain.[231]

Jeanne was seated on a chair, and questioned, generally from 8 to 11 a.m., by the Bishop and the six University Delegates. Sometimes they all spoke together, insomuch that Jeanne protested: “Beaux Seigneurs, faites l’un après l’autre.”[232]

In the evidence given at the Rehabilitation, we learn that on more than one occasion Jeanne received advice from friendly Assessors, notably from Brother Duval and Brother Ysambard de la Pierre; but their well-meant interference seems only to have further incensed her Judges against her, and occasionally produced a violent altercation.

On the other hand, Jeanne was cruelly misled by Nicolas Loyseleur, one of the Canons of Rouen, who disguised himself as a fellow-countryman of the Marches of Lorraine, and, by false messages from her friends, wormed himself into the confidence of the Maid, even inducing her to allow him to act as her Confessor: nor did he scruple to report any admission she might make to the Bishop and the Inquisitor. The Registrars, Manchon and Boisguillaume, were even required by Cauchon to place themselves in a room adjoining the prison, provided with a so-called “Judas” ear, in order that they might take notes of the conversation between the prisoner and Loyseleur: but this, to their everlasting honour, they refused to do.

The Registrars appear to have had their difficulties from the very beginning. The notes taken by them at the morning sittings were read over in the presence of some of the Assessors at the Bishop’s lodgings in the afternoon, and compared with those made by the concealed English clerks. Differences of opinion arose very often; but the officials refused to allow their own notes to be overridden, and, whenever any disputed point was referred to the Accused, their version was always found to be correct. These notes were finally drawn up by Manchon in a complete form, and upon them is based the whole account of the Trial as it appears in the Latin translation, the subsequent work of Thomas de Courcelles.

ACT OF ACCUSATION PREPARED BY THE PROMOTER

The Seventy Articles

[The Seventy Articles, prepared by the Promoter, d’Estivet, which form the Accusation of the Trial in Ordinary, were read to Jeanne by Thomas de Courcelles, on Tuesday, March 27th. In her replies, here given, Jeanne refers constantly to previous answers. The dates of Examinations, in which these are said to occur, follow in notes.]

ARTICLE I. And first, according to Divine Law, as according to Canon and Civil Law, it is to you, the Bishop, as Judge Ordinary, and to you, the Deputy, as Inquisitor of the Faith, that it appertaineth to drive away, destroy, and cut out from the roots in your Diocese and in all the kingdom of France, heresies, witchcrafts, superstitions, and other crimes of that nature; it is to you that it appertaineth to punish, to correct and to amend heretics and all those who publish, say, profess, or in any other manner act against our Catholic Faith: to wit, sorcerers, diviners, invokers of demons, those who think ill of the Faith, all criminals of this kind, their abettors and accomplices, apprehended in your Diocese or in your jurisdiction, not only for the misdeeds they may have committed there, but even for the part of their misdeeds that they may have committed elsewhere, saving, in this respect, the power and duty of the other Judges competent to pursue them in their respective dioceses, limits, and jurisdictions. And your power as to this exists against all lay persons, whatever be their estate, sex, quality, and pre-eminence: in regard to all you are competent Judges.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I believe surely that our Lord the Pope of Rome, the Bishops, and other Clergy, are established to guard the Christian Faith and punish those who are found wanting therein: but as for me, for my doings I submit myself only to the Heavenly Church—that is to say, to God, to the Virgin Mary, and to the Saints in Paradise. I firmly believe I have not wavered in the Christian Faith, nor would I waver.”

ARTICLE II. The Accused, not only this year, but from her infancy, and not only in your Diocese, Bishop, and your jurisdiction, Deputy, but also in many other places of this kingdom, hath done, composed, contrived and ordained a number of sacrileges and superstitions: she made herself a diviner; she caused herself to be adored and venerated; she hath invoked demons, and evil spirits; consulted them, associated with them, hath made and had with them compacts, treaties, and conventions, hath made use of them, hath furnished to others, acting in the same manner, aid, succour, and favour, and hath, in much, led them on to act like herself; she hath said, affirmed, and maintained that to act thus, to use witchcraft, divinations, superstitions, was not a sin, was not a forbidden thing, but, on the contrary, a thing lawful, to be praised, worthy of approval; also she hath led into these errors and evil doings a very great number of persons of divers estates, of both sexes, and hath imprinted on their hearts the most fatal errors. Jeanne hath been taken and arrested within the limits of your diocese of Beauvais, in the very act (_flagrante delicto_) of perpetrating all these misdoings.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I deny ever having used witchcraft, superstitious works, or divinations. As to allowing myself to be adored, if any kissed my hands and my garments, it was not my doing or by my wish; I sought to protect myself from it, and to prevent it as much as in me lay. And as for the rest of the Article, I deny it.”

ARTICLE III. The Accused hath fallen into many diverse and detestable errors which reek of heresy. She hath said, vociferated, uttered, published and inculcated within the hearts of the simple, false and lying propositions allied to heresy, even themselves heretical, contrary to our Catholic Faith and its principles, to Gospel rules, and to the Statutes established or approved by General Councils; propositions, contrary not only to the Divine Law but also to Canon and Civil Law; propositions scandalous, sacrilegious, contrary to good manners, offensive to pious ears: she hath furnished help, counsel and favour to the people who dogmatized, affirmed, or promulgated such propositions.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I deny it, and on the contrary affirm that I have always upheld the Church so far as it lay in my power.”

ARTICLE IV. But it is time to instruct you more fully and more directly, my Lords and Judges, on the offences, excesses, crimes, and misdemeanours, committed by the Accused in the diocese of Beauvais and elsewhere, in many and divers places.

It is true that the Accused was born in the village of Grus [Greux], of Jacques d’Arc and Isabelle, his wife; that she lived until seventeen years old or thereabouts in the village of Domremy, on the Meuse, in the diocese of Toul, in the Bailly of Chaumont, in Bassigny, in the provosty of Montclère and Andelot. In her childhood, she was not instructed in the beliefs and principles of our Faith; but by certain old women she was initiated in the science of witchcraft, divination, superstitious doings, and magical arts. Many inhabitants of these villages have been known for all time as using these kinds of witchcraft: Jeanne hath herself said that she learned from several, notably from her godmother, many things touching her visions and the apparitions of fairies; through others also, she hath been penetrated by the detestable and pernicious errors of these evil spirits—so much so, that, in these interrogations before you, she hath confessed that even now she doth not know if these fairies were evil spirits or not.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“For the first part it is true, in so far as concerns my father, my mother, and the place of my birth. As to the fairies, I do not know what they are. On what touches my teaching, I learnt to believe, and have been brought up well and duly to do what a good child ought to do. For what concerns my godmother, I refer to what I have said on another occasion. You ask me to say the Creed? Ask my confessor, to whom I said it.”

ARTICLE V. Near the village of Domremy there is a great tree, big and ancient; it is called “the Charmed Tree of the Fairy of Bourlement”: near by is a spring; round this tree and this spring live, it is said, evil spirits called fairies, with whom those who use witchcraft are accustomed to come and dance at night.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“For the tree and the spring, I refer to my previous answers. The rest, I deny.”[233]

ARTICLE VI. Accustomed to frequent this tree and this spring, above all by night, sometimes also by day, but at the times when the Church celebrates the Divine Office, Jeanne, in order to find herself more alone, danced roundelays around this tree and this spring; from time to time she hung from its branches garlands of herbs and flowers woven by her own hands, accompanying her dances with songs mingled with invocations, sorceries, and other witchcrafts: the garlands thus left overnight on the following morning were not to be found.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer for a part to my previous answers; the rest I deny.”[234]

ARTICLE VII. Jeanne was in the habit of carrying about with her a mandrake, hoping thereby to secure fortune and riches in this world, she, in fact, believed that the mandrake has the virtue of procuring fortune.

“What have you to say about the mandrake?”

“I deny it entirely.”[235]

ARTICLE VIII. Towards her twentieth year, Jeanne, of her own wish, and without permission of her father and mother, went to Neufchâteau, in Lorraine, and was in service for some time at the house of a woman, an inn-keeper named La Rousse, where lived women of evil life, and where soldiers were accustomed to lodge in great numbers. During her stay in this inn, Jeanne sometimes stayed with these evil women, sometimes took the sheep into the fields, or led the horses to watering in the meadows and pastures: it was there that she learnt to ride on horseback and to use arms.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I said elsewhere. I deny the rest.”[236]

ARTICLE IX. Whilst she was in service with these women Jeanne indicted a young man before the Officials at Toul for breach of promise; many times she repaired to Toul for this end, and spent thus nearly all that she had. This young man refused to marry her, because he knew she had been connected with evil women. He died during the trial. Jeanne then, unable to remain longer, quitted the service of this woman.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“On the subject of this trial for marriage I have answered elsewhere and refer to my answer. I deny the rest.”[237]

ARTICLE X. After having quitted the service of La Rousse, Jeanne pretended, and still doth pretend, to have had continually during five years, visions and apparitions of Saint Michael Saint Catherine, and Saint Margaret. They revealed to her, she says, by order of God, that she should raise the siege of Orleans and crown Charles, whom she calls her King; and that afterwards she would drive out his enemies from the realm of France. In spite of her father and mother, she left home, of her own motion, of her sole inspiration, and went to Robert de Baudricourt, captain of Vaucouleurs, to whom she communicated, in virtue of the order of Saint Michael, Saint Catherine, and Saint Margaret, the visions and revelations that God had made to her, asking of the said Robert to find her the means to accomplish what had been revealed to her. Twice repulsed by Robert, she returned twice to her parents. Returning a third time to the attempt, on a pretended order sent to her by revelation, she was then admitted and received by the said Robert.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I said before.”[238]

ARTICLE XI. Having become familiar with the said Robert, Jeanne boasted that, after having done and accomplished all that had been commanded her of God, she would have three sons, of whom the first should be Pope, the second Emperor, and the third King. Robert de Baudricourt, hearing this, said to her, “Would I could be father to one myself, if they are to be such great people! my own value would thereby be the greater!” “Nay, nay, gentle Robert,” replied Jeanne, “it is not time; the Holy Spirit will accomplish it.”[239] This is the tale which the said Robert hath in many places often affirmed, told and published, and this in presence of prelates, lords, and high personages.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I have already said.[240] I never boasted that I should have three children.”[241]

ARTICLE XII. In order the more openly and better to attain her end, Jeanne asked of Robert de Baudricourt to have made for her a man’s dress and armour appropriate. This captain, with great repugnance, ended by acquiescing in her request. These garments and armour made and furnished, Jeanne, rejecting and abandoning women’s clothing, her hair cut a-round like a young coxcomb, took shirt, breeches, doublet, with hose joined together and fastened to the said doublet by twenty points, long leggings laced on the outside, a short mantle [surcoat] to the knees, or thereabouts, close-cut cap, tight-fitting boots or buskins, long spurs, sword, dagger, breastplate, lance and other arms in fashion of a man of war, affirming that in this she was executing the order of God, as had been prescribed to her by revelation.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I refer to what I said before.”

“Did you then take this costume, these arms, and all this warlike apparel by the order of God?”

“On this also I refer to what I said before.”[242]

ARTICLE XIII. Jeanne attributes to God, His Angels and His Saints, orders which are against the modesty of the sex, and which are prohibited by the Divine Law, things abominable to God and man, interdicted on pain of anathema by ecclesiastical censure, such as dressing herself in the garments of a man, short, tight, dissolute, those underneath as well as above. It is in virtue of these pretended orders that she hath attired herself in sumptuous and stately raiment, cloth-of-gold and furs; and not only did she wear short tunics, but she dressed herself in tabards, and garments open at both sides; and it is notorious that she was taken prisoner in a loose cloak of cloth-of-gold. She was always seen with a cap on her head, her hair cut short and a-round in the style of a man. In one word, putting aside the modesty of her sex, she acted not only against all feminine decency, but even against the reserve which beseems men of good morals, wearing ornaments and garments which only profligate men are accustomed to use, and going so far as to carry arms of offence. To attribute all this to the order of God, to the order which had been transmitted to her by the Angels and even by Virgin Saints, is to blaspheme God and His Saints, to destroy the Divine Law and violate the Canonical Rules; it is to libel the sex and its virtue, to overturn all decency, to justify all examples of dissolute living, and to drive others thereto.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I have not blasphemed God nor His Saints.”[243]

ARTICLE XIV. Jeanne affirms that she has done right in attiring herself in garments worn only by dissolute men; she doth profess that she will continue to retain them until she shall have received, by revelation, the express order of God: by this, she outrages God, the Angels, and the Saints.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I do no wrong in serving God; to-morrow I will answer you.”

[One of the Assessors]: “Did you have revelation or order to wear a man’s dress?”

“I have already answered that elsewhere. I refer to my previous sayings. To-morrow I will answer. I know well who made me take a man’s dress; but I do not know how I can reveal it.”[244]

ARTICLE XV. Jeanne, having many times asked that she might be permitted to hear Mass, hath been invited to quit the dress she now wears and to take again her woman’s dress; she hath been allowed to hope that she will be admitted to hear Mass and to receive Communion, if she will renounce entirely the dress of a man and take that of a woman, as beseems her sex; she hath refused. In other words, she hath chosen rather not to approach the Sacraments nor to assist in Divine Service, than to put aside her habit, pretending that this would displease God. In this appears her obstinacy, her hardness of heart, her lack of charity, her disobedience to the Church, and her contempt of Divine Sacraments.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I would rather die than revoke what I have done by the order of Our Lord.”

“Will you, to hear Mass, abandon the dress of a man?”

“I will not abandon it yet; the time is not come. If you refuse to let me hear Mass, it is in the power of Our Lord to let me hear it, when it shall please Him, without you. I recollect being admonished to take again a woman’s dress. As to the irreverence and such like things, I deny them.”[245]

ARTICLE XVI. Previous to, and since her capture, at the Castle of Beaurevoir and at Arras, Jeanne hath been many times advised with gentleness, by noble persons of both sexes, to give up her man’s dress and resume suitable attire. She hath absolutely refused, and to this day also she refuses with persistence; she disdains also to give herself up to feminine work, conducting herself in all things rather as a man than as a woman.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“At Arras and Beaurevoir I was invited to take a woman’s dress; then I refused, and I refuse still. As to the women’s work of which you speak, there are plenty of other women to do it.”[246]

ARTICLE XVII. When Jeanne found herself in the presence of Charles, thus attired and armed, she promised him these three things among others: that she would raise the siege of Orleans; that she would have him consecrated at Rheims; that she would avenge him on his enemies, who, all of them, English or Burgundians, should be, thanks to her, killed or driven out of the kingdom. Many times and in many places did she repeat publicly the same boasts; and, to give them greater weight, then and often afterwards, she did use divinations, and by these means unveiled the morals, the entire life, the most secret acts, of persons who came before her, whom she had never before seen or known; she boasted of knowing all by revelation.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“In the name of God I brought the news to my King that Our Lord would restore the kingdom to him, cause him to be crowned at Rheims, and drive out all his enemies; I was a messenger from God, when I told the King boldly to set me to work and I would raise the siege of Orleans. I mean, in so saying, the whole kingdom; and if my Lord of Burgundy and the other subjects of the King do not return to their obedience, the King will know how to make them by force. As to the end of the Article, of knowing Robert de Baudricourt and my King, I hold to what I said before.”[247]

ARTICLE XVIII. So long as Jeanne remained with Charles, she did dissuade him with all her power, him and those with him, from consenting to any treaty of peace, any arrangement with his adversaries; inciting them always to murder and effusion of blood; affirming that they could only have peace by sword and lance; and that God willed it so, because otherwise the enemies of the King would not give up that which they held in his kingdom; to fight against them thus, is, she told them, one of the greatest benefits that can happen to all Christendom.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“As to my Lord of Burgundy, I requested him by my ambassadors and my letters that he would make peace between my King and himself; but as to the English, the peace they need is that they may go away to their own country, to England. I have answered on the remainder of the Article; and I refer to this answer.”[248]

ARTICLE XIX. It was by consulting demons and using divinations, that Jeanne sent to look for a sword hidden in the Church of Saint Catherine de Fierbois: (perchance she had already maliciously, fraudulently, and deceitfully hidden or caused to be hidden this sword in the same church, to seduce the princes, nobles, clergy, and people, to induce them to believe more easily that she knew by revelation in what place this sword was). By this stratagem and others of a like nature she succeeded in inspiring an absolute faith in all her words.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I said before; I deny all the rest.”[249]

ARTICLE XX. She hath put faith in her ring, in her banner, in certain pieces of linen, and pennons which she carried or caused to be carried by her people, and also in the sword found by revelation, according to her, at Saint Catherine de Fierbois, saying that these things were very fortunate. She made thereon many execrations and conjurations, in many and divers places, publicly asserting that by them she would do great things and would obtain victory over her enemies; that to those of her people who carried pennons of this kind no ill could happen. She said all this at Compiègne on the eve of the day when, having sallied to attack my lord the Duke of Burgundy, she was taken prisoner and many of her followers were wounded, killed, or taken. She said as much at Saint Denis, when she incited her army to attack Paris.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I refer to what I have already said. In all I have done there was never any sorcery or evil arts. As for the good luck of my banner, I refer it to the fortune sent through it by Our Lord (_de bonâ fortunâ sui estandart se refert ad fortunium quod Dominus Noster in es transmissit_).”[250]

ARTICLE XXI. Jeanne, by temerity or presumption, hath caused to be written certain letters at the head of which she placed the names ‘Jhésus Maria,’ with a cross in the middle. These letters she caused to be addressed in her name to our Lord the King, to my Lord of Bedford, Regent of France, to the lords and captains who were then at the siege of Orleans, containing a number of things wicked, pernicious, contrary to the Catholic Faith, the tenour of which is found in the Article which follows:

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I did not send the letters of which you speak in pride or in presumption, but by command of Our Lord. I remember and acknowledge the contents of these letters, with the exception of three words. If the English had believed my letters, they would only have been wise; and before seven years are gone they will perceive it well enough!”[251]

ARTICLE XXII. Tenour of the letter:[252]

“What have you to say to this letter?”

“I remember having it written except three words, which I did not dictate. If the English had believed my words they would have acted wisely. Before seven years are gone, they will feel the truth of what I wrote to them, and for that, I refer to the answer which I made elsewhere.”

ARTICLE XXIII. The tenour of the letter contained in the preceding Article proves well that Jeanne hath been the sport of evil spirits, and that she often consulted them to know what she ought to do; or, at least, that, to seduce the people, she imagined these inventions by lying or wickedness.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I deny ever having done anything under the inspiration of evil spirits.”[253]

ARTICLE XXIV. Jeanne hath gravely misused the names “Jhésus Maria” and the sign of the cross placed beside them; it was understood between her and her people that, when they saw on her letters these words and this sign, they were to do the contrary of what she wrote: and, in fact, they did do the contrary.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I said before.”[254]

ARTICLE XXV. Usurping the office of Angels, Jeanne hath said and affirmed that she hath been sent by God; and she hath said this even for cases which tend openly to violence and effusion of human blood: a proposition the most foreign to all holiness, horrible and abominable to all pious souls.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“First, I begged them to make peace; and it was only in case they would not make peace that I was ready to fight.”[255]

ARTICLE XXVI. Jeanne, being at Compiègne in August of 1429, did receive from the Count d’Armagnac a letter of which the tenour forms the article which follows.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I said before.”[256]

ARTICLE XXVII. Tenour of the said letter.[257]

ARTICLE XXVIII. To this letter Jeanne did send in answer the letter signed with her name, found in the Articles which follow.

ARTICLES XXIX. AND XXX. Letter of Jeanne to the Count d’Armagnac.[258]

“What have you to say on these Articles, XXVII., XXVIII., XXIX., XXX., which have been read to you with great care, from the first word to the last?”

“I refer to what I answered on Article XXVI.”[259]

_Continuation of the Reading of the Articles in Open Court._

[The next day, Wednesday, March 28th, in the same room, near the great Hall of the Castle of Rouen, before the Bishop and Brother Jean Lemaître, assisted by 35 Assessors.]

Before them hath been resumed the reading, begun the preceding day, of the Articles in the document produced by the Promoter. Their contents in French, being shewn to Jeanne, Article by Article, she hath been questioned on each of these Articles and hath continued to reply, as here followeth, after having anew sworn to speak truth on everything touching the Trial.[260]

ARTICLE XXXI. From the time of her childhood and since, Jeanne hath boasted, and every day still doth boast, of having had, and of still having, numerous revelations and visions on the subject which, although she hath been on this charitably admonished and legally required to swear, she hath not made, nor wished to make, nor is now willing to make, any oath. She will not even make known the revelations made to her, by words nor by signs. This she hath postponed, contested, refused, and doth now also postpone, contest, and refuse. Many times hath she said and affirmed in a formal manner, in Court and outside, that she will not make known these revelations and visions to you, her Judges, even if her head should be cut off, or her body dismembered. “They shall not drag it from my mouth,” she hath said, “neither the sign that God revealed to me, nor the means whereby I knew that this sign came to me from God.”

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“As to revealing the sign and the other things, of which you speak, I may well have said I will not reveal them. I add, to what I before acknowledged that I should have said I would not reveal it without leave from Our Lord.”[261]

ARTICLE XXXII. By this refusal to make known these pretended revelations, you may and should presume strongly that the revelations and visions of Jeanne, if she had them always, came to her from lying and evil spirits rather than from good. And all the world may take it for certain, considering her cruelty, her pride, her dress, her actions, her lies, the contradictions here given in various Articles, that all these together constitute in this respect the most powerful of presumptions, both of law and right.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I did it by revelation, from Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; and I will maintain it even unto death. If I put on my letters the names ‘Jhésus Maria,’ it was because I was advised to do so by certain persons of my party; sometimes I used these names, sometimes not. As to that passage in my answer of which you remind me, ‘All that I did, I did by the counsel of Our Lord,’ it should be completed thus: ‘All that I did _well_.’”

“Did you do well or ill to advance on La Charité?”

“If it were ill done, it will be confessed.”

“Did you do well to advance on Paris?”

“The gentlemen of France wished to advance on Paris. In doing this, it seems to me they did their duty in going against their enemies.”

ARTICLE XXXIII. Jeanne hath presumptuously and audaciously boasted, and doth still boast, of knowing the future and of having foreseen the past, of knowing things that are in the present, but hidden or unknown; all which, an attribute of the Deity, she claims for herself, a simple and ignorant creature.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“It is in Our Lord’s power to give revelations to whom He pleases; that which I said of the sword of Fierbois and of things to come, I knew by revelation.”[262]

ARTICLE XXXIV. Obstinate in her temerity and presumption, Jeanne hath said, proclaimed, and published, that she recognized and discerned the voices of Archangels, Angels, and Saints; she hath affirmed and doth still affirm that she knoweth how to distinguish their Voices from human voices.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I hold by what I have already said: of my pretended temerity, and, of that which has been concluded against me, I refer to Our Lord, my Judge.”[263]

ARTICLE XXXV. Jeanne hath boasted and affirmed that she did know how to discern those whom God loveth and those whom He hateth.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I hold by what I have already said elsewhere of the King and the Duke d’Orléans; of the others I know not; I know well that God, for their well-being,[264] (_pro ediis corporum suorum_), loves my King and the Duke d’Orléans better than me. I know it by revelation.”[265]

ARTICLE XXXVI. Jeanne hath said, affirmed, and boasted, she doth say, affirm, and every day boast, that she hath known, and could know exactly—and that not only herself, but also others through her means recognized and surely knew—the Voice which came to her, although from its nature a voice must be invisible to every human being.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I hold by what I have said elsewhere.”[266]

ARTICLE XXXVII. Jeanne doth confess to having frequently done the contrary to what hath been commanded her by the revelations she doth boast to have had from God; for example, when she retired from St. Denis, after the assault on Paris, and when she leaped from the top of the tower of Beaurevoir. By this, it is manifest, either that she hath had no revelations from God, or that, if she hath had them, she hath despised them. And she it is, who, after this, doth dare to affirm that she is in all things guided and governed by commands from on high and by revelation! Besides, she hath said that, when she had had the order not to leap from the top of the tower, she was compelled to act contrary to this order, without being able to resist the constraint put upon her will; in the which she appears to think wrongly on the matters of Free-will and to fall into the error of those who believe that man is led by Fate or by some other irresistible power.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I hold by what I have said elsewhere. I state in addition that when I left St. Denis I had permission from my Voices.”

“In acting against your Voices, do you think you committed mortal sin?”

“I have answered elsewhere to that; I refer to that answer. On the concluding part of this Article, I refer me to God.”[267]

ARTICLE XXXVIII. Jeanne, from the time of her childhood, hath said, done, and committed a great number of crimes, sins and evil deeds—shameful, cruel, scandalous, dishonouring, unworthy of her sex; now she doth say and affirm that all that she hath done hath been with the approbation and by the will of God; that she hath done nothing and now doeth nothing which proceedeth not from God, by means of the revelations transmitted to her by the Holy Angels and the Holy Virgins, Catherine and Margaret.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I refer to what I have said elsewhere.”[268]

ARTICLE XXXIX. Although the Just sin seven times a day, Jeanne hath said and published that she hath never committed, or, at least, that she doth believe never to have committed, mortal sin. Nevertheless, as many Articles of the present accusation prove, she hath indeed practised, and on a vast scale, acts customary to nations who are at war, and others yet more grave.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have answered it; I refer to what I have said elsewhere.”[269]

ARTICLE XL. Forgetful of her salvation, impelled by the devil, she is not and hath not been ashamed several times and in many and divers places to receive the Body of Christ, having upon her a man’s dress of unseemly form, a dress which the laws of God and man do forbid her to wear.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have answered elsewhere. I rely upon what I have said before. I rely upon Our Lord.”[270]

ARTICLE XLI. Jeanne, as one desperate, for hate and contempt of the English, and foreseeing the destruction of Compiègne, which she believed to be imminent, did attempt to kill herself by throwing herself down from the top of a tower; at the instigation of the devil, she took it into her head to commit this action; she applied herself to commit it; she did commit it in so far as she was able; on the other hand, in so throwing herself down, she was so well impelled and guided by a diabolic instinct that she had in view rather the safety of her body than that of her soul and of many others. Often indeed, hath she boasted that she would kill herself rather than that she should be delivered to the English.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I rely upon what I have said before.”[271]

ARTICLE XLII. Jeanne hath said and published that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret and Saint Michael have bodies—that is to say, head, eyes, face, hair, etc.; that she hath touched them with her hands; that she hath kissed them and embraced them.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have already answered it, and I rely upon what I have said.”[272]

ARTICLE XLIII. Jeanne hath said and published that the Saints, the Angels, and the Archangels speak the French language and not the English language, because the Saints, the Angels, and the Archangels are not on the side of the English, but of the French; she hath outraged the Saints in glory, in implying to them a mortal hatred against a Catholic realm and a nation devoted, according to the will of the Church, to the veneration of all the Saints.

This Article having been set forth to Jeanne word for word, she only answered thus:

“I rely on Our Lord, and upon what I have replied before.”[273]

ARTICLE XLIV. Jeanne hath boasted and doth yet boast, she hath published and doth publish, that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have promised to lead her to Paradise, and have assured her that she will obtain heavenly joy if she preserve her virginity; she affirms she is certain of this.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I rely on Our Lord and on what I answered elsewhere.”[274]

ARTICLE XLV. Although the judgments of God are impenetrable to us, nevertheless Jeanne hath said, uttered, declared, and promulgated that she hath known and can know those who are Saints, Archangels, Angels, or the elect of God; she knoweth how to discern them.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I refer to what I have already said.”[275]

ARTICLE XLVI. She hath said that, before leaping from the tower of Beaurevoir, she did most lovingly entreat Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret for the people of Compiègne, saying to these Saints in a reproachful manner, “And how can God allow these people of Compiègne, who are so loyal, to die thus miserably?” In the which did appear her impatience and her irreverence towards God and the Saints.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I refer to what I have already said.”[276]

ARTICLE XLVII. Provoked with her wound, Jeanne, after the leap from the tower of Beaurevoir, seeing she had not attained her end, began to blaspheme God and the Saints, abjuring them with horrible taunts, insulting them terribly, to the great confusion of all those present. In the same way, when she was in the Castle of Rouen, many times, and on different days, did she blaspheme and deny God, the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints, in impatience and resentment at being brought for judgment before an ecclesiastical tribunal and forced to appear there.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I hold by Our Lord and by what I have already said.”[277]

ARTICLE XLVIII. Jeanne hath said that she did and doth still believe that the spirits which appear to her are Angels and Archangels and the Saints of God, as firmly as she believes in the Christian Faith, and in the Articles of that Faith, although she can report no sign which can be of a nature to prove that she hath in reality had this communication; she hath consulted neither Bishop, Priest, nor Prelate, nor any ecclesiastical person whatsoever, to know whether she ought to have faith in such spirits; yet more, she saith that her Voices have forbidden her to reveal anything to any one whosoever it may be, save first to a captain of soldiers, then to Charles her King, and afterwards to other persons purely laic. By this, she admits that her belief on this point is audacious, her faith erroneous, her revelations doubtful, having always kept them from the knowledge of the clergy and never having been willing to reveal them save to seculars.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I have answered it already. I refer to what is written. And as to the signs, if those who asked for them were not worthy, I could not help it. Many a time did I pray that it might please God to reveal it to some of this party. It is true, that to believe in my revelations I asked neither Bishop, Priest, nor any one else. I believe it was Saint Michael, from the good teaching he shewed me.”

“Did Saint Michael say to you: ‘I am Saint Michael’?”

“I have answered before.”

As to the concluding part of the Article, she answered: “I refer me to Our Lord.... As firmly as I believe Our Saviour Jesus Christ suffered death to redeem us from the pains of hell, so firmly do I believe that it was Saint Michael and Saint Gabriel, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret whom Our Saviour sent to comfort and to counsel me.”[278]

ARTICLE XLIX. On the foundation of this fancy alone Jeanne hath venerated spirits of this kind, kissing the ground on the which she said they had walked, bending the knee before them, embracing them, kissing them, paying all sorts of adoration to them, giving them thanks with clasped hands, taking the greatest familiarities with them; when she did not know if they were good or evil spirits, and when, by reason of all the circumstances revealed above, these spirits should have been rather considered by her as evil. This worship, this veneration, is idolatry: it is a compact with demons.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have already answered; for the conclusion, I refer me to Our Lord.”[279]

ARTICLE L. Every day and many times daily Jeanne doth invoke these evil spirits and consult them on what she should do,—notably on the manner in which she should answer in court. This seems to constitute, and doth in effect constitute, an invocation of demons.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have already answered it; I shall call them to my help as long as I live.”

“In what way shall you call them?”

“I beseech Our Lord and Our Lady that they will send me counsel and comfort, and then They send it to me.”

“In what words do you beseech this?”

“I say ‘Most sweet Lord, in honour of Thy Holy Passion I beseech Thee, if Thou lovest me, that Thou wilt reveal to me how I should answer these Clergy. I know well, as regards this dress, the command by which I have taken it; but I do not know in what way I should leave it off: for this, may it please Thee to teach me.’ And soon they come to me. I often by my Voices have news of my Lord of Beauvais.”

_The Bishop_: “What do your Voices say of Us?”

“I will tell you apart.... To-day they came to me three times.”

“In your chamber?”

“I have answered you; I hear them well. Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have told me what I should say on the subject of my dress.”[280]

ARTICLE LI. Jeanne hath not feared to proclaim that Saint Michael, the Archangel of God, did come to her with a great multitude of Angels in the house of a woman where she had stopped at Chinon; that he walked with her, holding her by the hand; that they together mounted the stairs of the Castle and together gained the Chamber of the King; that the Angel did reverence to the King, bowing before him, surrounded by this multitude of Angels, of which some had crowns on their heads and others had wings. To say such things of Archangels and the Holy Angels is presumption, audacity, lying, as in the holy books we do not read that they did a like reverence, a like demonstration, to any saint—not even to the Blessed Virgin, Mother of God. Jeanne hath said that the Archangel Saint Gabriel hath often come to her with the blessed Michael, and sometimes even with thousands of Angels. She hath also proclaimed that the same Angel, at her prayer, did bring in this company of Angels a crown, the most precious possible, to place upon the head of her King—a crown which is to-day deposited in the treasury of the King; that the King would have been crowned at Rheims with this crown, if he had deferred his consecration some days: it was only because of the extreme haste of his coronation that he received another. All these are lies imagined by Jeanne at the instigation of the devil, or suggested by demons in deceitful apparitions, to make sport of her curiosity,—she who would search secrets beyond her capacity and condition.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“On the subject of the Angel who brought the sign I have already answered. As to what the Promoter suggests on the subject of the thousands of Angels, I do not recollect having said it—that is to say, the number; I did certainly say that I had never been wounded without receiving great comfort and help from God and from the Saints Catherine and Margaret. As to the crown, on this also I have replied. Of the conclusion which the Promoter makes against my deeds, I refer me to God, Our Lord; and where the crown was made and forged, I leave to Our Lord.”[281]

ARTICLE LII. By all these inventions, Jeanne hath so seduced Christian people that many have in her presence adored her as a Saint, and in her absence do adore her still, composing in her honour masses and collects; yet more, going so far as to call her the greatest of all the Saints after the Virgin Mary, raising statues and images to her in the Churches of the Saints, and bearing about them medals in lead or other metal representing her—exactly as the Church does to honour the memory and the recollection of the canonized Saints—publicly proclaiming that she is sent from God, and more Angel than woman. Such things are pernicious to the Christian religion, scandalous, and prejudicial to the salvation of souls.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“As to the commencement of the Article, I have already answered; as to the conclusion, I refer to Our Lord.”[282]

ARTICLE LIII. In contempt of the orders of God and the Saints, Jeanne, in her presumption and pride, hath gone so far as to take command over men; she hath made herself commander-in-chief and hath had under her orders nearly 16,000 men, among whom were Princes, Barons, and a number of Gentlemen: she hath made them all fight, being their principal captain.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“As to the fact of being commander-in-chief, I have answered before; if I have been commander-in-chief, it was to fight the English. As to the conclusion of the Article I refer me to God.”[283]

ARTICLE LIV. Jeanne doth behave in an unseemly manner with men, refuses the society of women, wishes to live with men only, to be waited upon by them, even in her own room and in the most private details: a like thing hath never been seen nor heard of a chaste and pious woman.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“It is true that my command was over men; but as to my quarters and lodging, most often I had a woman with me. And when I was engaged in the war I slept fully dressed and armed, not being able always to find a woman. As to the conclusion of the Article, I refer me to God.”

ARTICLE LV. Jeanne hath abused the revelations and prophecies that she saith she hath had from God, to procure for herself lucre and temporal profit; by means of these pretended revelations, she hath acquired great riches, a great show and great estate in officers, horses, and attire; she hath obtained great revenues for her brothers and relations, imitating in this the false prophets, who, to acquire temporal gain or to obtain the favour of kings, were accustomed to pretend that they had had revelations from God on things which they knew would be to the taste of their princes; abusing the divine oracles, she hath thus attributed her lies to God.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I have answered elsewhere. As to the gifts made to my brothers, that which the King gave to them was of his grace, without my asking. As to the charge made by the Promoter and the conclusion of the Article, I refer me to Our Lord.”[284]

ARTICLE LVI. Jeanne hath many times proclaimed that she hath two counsellors whom she calls ‘Counsellors of the Well,’ and who have come to her since she hath been taken captive, as appears from the declaration made by Catherine de la Rochelle before the Officials in Paris.[285] This Catherine hath said that Jeanne, if she be not well guarded, will get out of prison, by the help of the Devil.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I hold by what I have already said; and as to the ‘Counsellors of the Well,’ I do not know what it means. I certainly believe that I overheard Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret there. The conclusion of the Article I deny.”

[And then she did swear by her oath[286] that she did not wish that the Devil should get her out of prison.[287]]

ARTICLE LVII. The day of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Jeanne did assemble the whole army of Charles, to make an attack on the city of Paris; she did lead the army against the city, affirming that she would enter it on that day—that she knew it by revelation: she directed all the arrangements possible for the entry. And, nevertheless, she is not afraid to deny it before us here in court. And at other places also, at La Charité-sur-Loire, for example, at Pont L’Evêque, at Compiègne, when she attacked the army of the Duke of Burgundy, she affirmed and foretold that which, according to her, would take place, saying that she knew it by revelation: now, not only did the things predicted by her not come to pass, but the very contrary happened. Before you she hath denied having made these predictions, because they were not realized, as she had said; but many people worthy of trust report[288] to have heard her utter them. At the time of the assault on Paris, she said that thousands of angels were around her, ready to bear her to Paradise if she should be killed: now, when she was asked why, after the promises made to her, not only did she not enter Paris but that many of her men and she herself had been wounded in a horrible manner and some even killed, she answered “It was Jesus, who broke His word to me.”

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“As to the beginning, I have answered it already. If I think of more later, I will willingly answer then. I never said that Jesus had failed me.”[289]

ARTICLE LVIII. Jeanne did cause to be painted a standard whereon are two Angels, one on each side of God holding the world in His hand, with the words “_Jhésus Maria_” and other designs. She said that she caused this standard to be done by the order of God, who had revealed it to her by the agency of His Angels and Saints. This standard she did place at Rheims near the Altar, during the consecration of Charles, wishing, in her pride and vain glory, that it should be peculiarly honoured. Also did she cause to be painted arms, in the which she placed two golden lilies on a field azure; between the lilies a sword argent, with a hilt and guard gilded, the point of the sword pointing upwards and surmounted with a crown, gilded. All this is display and vanity, it is not religion nor piety; to attribute such vanities to God and to the Angels, is to be wanting in respect to God and the Saints.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have already answered it; for the conclusions drawn by the Promoter, I refer to Our Lord.”[290]

ARTICLE LIX. At St. Denis in France Jeanne did offer and cause to be placed in the Church, in the most prominent place, the armour she wore when she was wounded while attacking the town of Paris; she desired that this armour should be honoured as relics. In this same town, she did cause to be lighted candles, for the melted wax to fall on the heads of little children, saying that this would bring them happiness, and making by such witchcrafts many divinations.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“As to my armour, I have answered; as to the candles lighted and melted, I deny it.”[291]

ARTICLE LX. In contempt of the laws and sanction of the Church, Jeanne hath several times before this tribunal refused to speak the truth: by this, she doth render suspect all she hath said or done in matters of faith and revelation, because she dares not reveal them to ecclesiastical judges; she dreads the just punishment she hath merited and of which she appears herself to be conscious, when, on this question, she did in court urge this proverb, that “for speaking the truth, one was often hanged.” Also she hath often said: “You will not know all,” and again, “I would rather have my head cut off than tell you all.”

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I never sought delay, except to answer more surely on what was asked me. When I am doubtful if I ought to answer, I ask delay to know if I ought to speak. As to the counsel of my King, because it does not touch on this case, I would not reveal it. Of the sign given to the King, I have told it, because the clergy did constrain me to do so.”[292]

ARTICLE LXI. Admonished of having to submit all her words and actions to the Church Militant, after that the distinction between the Church Militant and the Church Triumphant had been shewn to her, Jeanne declared that she submitted herself to the Church Triumphant and refused to submit to the Church Militant, confessing by this that she doth not rightly understand the Article of the Faith ‘I believe in the Church, One, Holy, Catholic,’ and that she is in error on this point. She hath said she would reveal them only to God, and that she referred her acts to God and to His Saints and not to the judgment of the Church.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I wish with all my power to give honour and reverence to the Church Militant. For referring my acts to the Church Militant, I must refer to Our Lord Who caused me to do them.”

“Will you refer to the Church Militant as to what you have done?”

“Send me the clerk on Saturday next, and I will answer.”[293]

ARTICLE LXII. Jeanne hath laboured to scandalize the people, to induce them to believe in her talk, taking to herself the authority of God and His Angels, presumptuously seeking to seduce men from ecclesiastical authority, as do the false prophets who establish sects of error and perdition and separate themselves from the unity of the Church; a thing pernicious in the Christian religion, which, if the Bishops did not provide against it, might destroy ecclesiastical authority; on all sides, in fact, raising up men and women who, pretending to have revelations from God and the Angels, will sow untruth and error—as hath already happened to many since this woman hath arisen and hath begun to scandalize Christian people and to publish her knaveries.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I will answer next Saturday.”

ARTICLE LXIII. Jeanne is not afraid to lie in court, and to violate her own oath when on the subject of her revelations; she doth affirm a number of contradictory things, and which imply contradiction among themselves: she doth not fear to hurl malediction against a whole nation, the rulers of that nation and its greatest people; she doth speak of them without respect, allowing herself a tone of mockery and derision such as no woman in a state of holiness would allow; which sheweth well that she is ruled and guided by evil spirits and not, as she hath boasted, by God and the Angels. Christ said of false prophets, “Ye shall know them by their fruits.”

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I refer to what I have said, and, for the conclusion, to God Our Lord.”[294]

ARTICLE LXIV. Jeanne doth pretend to know that she hath obtained pardon of the sin committed when, in despair, driven by the evil spirits, she threw herself from the tower of the Castle at Beaurevoir: yet the Scriptures say that no one knoweth if he is worthy of love or hate, nor, in consequence, if he is purged of sin and justified.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have answered you, and to that I refer. Of the charge and the conclusion, I refer me to Our Lord.”

ARTICLE LXV. Many times Jeanne hath said that she asked of God to send her special revelations by the Angels and by the Saints Catherine and Margaret upon what she ought to do: for example, in the matter of learning if she ought to make known the truth in court on certain points and certain facts which are personal to herself. It is to tempt God, to ask Him that which ought not to be asked of Him, because there is no need, and man may himself suffice for it by his own research. Thus, by the leap from the tower of Beaurevoir she doth seem manifestly to have tempted God.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I have answered it, and will not, without the leave of Our Lord, reveal what has been revealed to me. It is not without need that I beseech God. I would He might send me yet more, so that it might be discerned that I am come from God and that it is He Who hath sent me.”

ARTICLE LXVI. Of many of the deeds and words that have just been noticed some are opposed to the Divine Law, to Gospel Law, to Canon Law, to Civil Law, and to the rules of General Councils; others are witchcrafts, divinations, or superstitions; others breathe heresy and errors in faith; others are attempts against peace and tend to the effusion of human blood; others constitute blasphemies against God and the Saints and are wounding to pious ears. In all this, the Accused, by her audacious temerity, at the instigation of the Devil, hath offended God and sinned against Holy Church; she hath been a cause of scandal; she is on all these points notoriously defamed: she should be punished and corrected by you.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I am a good Christian; for all with which you charge me I refer to Our Lord.”

ARTICLE LXVII. All and each of these transgressions the Accused hath committed, perpetrated, said, uttered, recited, dogmatized, promulgated, put in action, as much in your jurisdiction as elsewhere, in many and divers places of this realm, not once only but many times, in divers times, days and hours. She hath fallen again and again into all these errors; she hath furnished counsel, help, and favour to those who have committed them with her.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“I deny it.”

ARTICLE LXVIII. Because a persistent clamour hath struck your ears not once only, but many times; because public rumour and an information based on what hath gone before hath made you recognize that the Accused is vehemently suspect and defamed; you have decreed that there is reason to bring an action against her, and to proceed therein, by you or one of you, by causing the said woman to be cited, and by setting her to answer—as hath been done.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“This Article concerns the Judges.”

ARTICLE LXIX. By all which precedes, the Accused is vehemently suspect, scandalized and as far as possible defamed by all honest and serious people. But by all that hath gone before she is neither corrected nor amended; she hath postponed and doth still postpone; she hath refused and doth still refuse to correct or amend herself; she hath continued and persevered, doth continue and persevere, in her errors, although by you the Judges, and by a great number of notable clergy, and other honest persons, she hath been charitably and otherwise duly and sufficiently warned, summoned and required.

“What have you to say to this Article?”

“The misdeeds brought forward against me by the Promoter, I have not done. For the rest, I refer me to God. Of all the misdeeds brought forward against me, I do not think I have committed any against the Christian faith.”

“If you have done anything against the Christian faith, will you submit to the Church and to those to whom correction belongs?”

“On Saturday, after dinner, I will answer you.”

ARTICLE LXX. All and each of these propositions contained in these Articles are true, notorious and manifest; the public voice and rumour hath occupied and doth occupy itself therewith; the Accused hath recognized and acknowledged these things as true, many times and sufficiently, before witnesses proved and worthy of belief, in and out of court.

“What have you to say on this Article?”

“I deny all that I have not recognized and confessed.”

CONCLUSION.—Having attained conviction of the truth of all or part of the preceding Articles in a manner to justify the proposed end, which is that you may be enabled to pronounce in recognition of the cause, the Promoter doth conclude that it will be ultimately judged by you, upon the whole, according to law and right.

And the said Promoter humbly imploreth your offices on all these things, as may be suitable.

The Seventy Articles preceding [p. 341] which form the Act of Accusation for the Trial, were reduced to Twelve by Maître Nicolas Midi; the twelve Articles are here given.

Footnote 213:

_Chronicles of the Dukes of Alençon._

Footnote 214:

Philip the Good, son of Jean Sans-Peur, the Duke murdered at the Bridge of Montereau in 1418 by the Armagnac faction; he was consequently an ally of England. Anne, his sister, married John, Duke of Bedford. Efforts were constantly made by both sides to secure the sympathies of so powerful an ally; but after the death of his sister in 1432, the Duke’s attachment to the English cause waned; and in 1435, a week after the death of Bedford, he made peace with Charles VII., and signed the Treaty of Arras, which practically restored France to the King. He died in 1467, and was succeeded by his son Charles the Bold.

Footnote 215:

Jean de Luxembourg, Sire de Luxembourg and de Choques, nephew of the Constable Waleran de Luxembourg. A captain of Free-Lances in the service of the Duke of Burgundy, afterwards Count de Ligny and Guise, and a knight of the Toison d’Or. He remained true to the English, even after his chief had made terms with Charles, and died in 1441, still obstinately refusing to recognize the Treaty of Arras.

Footnote 216:

Louis de Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne, 1414, and Chancellor of France for Henry VI., 1425, surnamed “Le Renard”; afterwards Archbishop of Rouen, Bishop of Hély, and Cardinal. A warm adherent of the English cause, and a consistent supporter of Bedford and Warwick. It was he who received information of the capture of Jeanne on May 25th, and himself went with the news to the Parliament. When the tide turned, and Charles VII. was able to establish himself in his kingdom, the Bishop retired to England, and there died, 1443.

Footnote 217:

Jean D’Aulon. Formerly a squire in the service of the King, appointed Chief of Jeanne’s Household by Charles VII., in 1428. He remained with her from that time till her capture at Compiègne; was taken prisoner with her, and carried to Beaulieu, but was ransomed during the autumn. He was afterwards knighted, and made Seneschal of Beaucaire.

Footnote 218:

Lionel Bastard de Wandonne; now _Wandomme_, a castle in Artois; a captain in the service of Jean de Luxembourg, to whom the Maid finally surrendered at Compiègne. For his share of the reward he received 300 pounds _rente_. He was afterwards Count de Nesle and Beaulieu, in Vermandois.

Footnote 219:

The much-vexed question of the date of the Capture seems to be decided by these two last contemporary documents. The same date, May 23rd, is also given in the Chronicle of William of Worcester.

Footnote 220:

The news, received in the letter from Jean de Luxembourg, was communicated by his brother, the Bishop of Thérouanne, to the Parliament.

Footnote 221:

Or let herself down, as some state, by a rope that was too short to reach the ground.

Footnote 222:

Massieu.

Footnote 223:

Cusquel.

Footnote 224:

Taquel.

Footnote 225:

Lebouchier.

Footnote 226:

Massieu.

Footnote 227:

_Ibid._

Footnote 228:

According to the rules of Inquisitorial Trials it was not necessary to grant an advocate to the accused. In the “Directorium Inquisitorum” the Decretal on the treatment of Heretics empowers the Bishop and the Judge of the Inquisition, acting conjointly, to dispense with other assistance, and to act alone.

Footnote 229:

See “Execution of the Mandate,” Feb. 20th.

Footnote 230:

Manchon.

Footnote 231:

_Ibid._

Footnote 232:

Massieu.

Footnote 233:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 8th Private Examination, 17th; and 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 234:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th.

Footnote 235:

Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

Footnote 236:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd, and 3rd Public Examination, February 24th.

Footnote 237:

Cf. 2nd Private Examination, March 12th.

Footnote 238:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th; 3rd Private Examination, March 12th.

Footnote 239:

This answer is given in French in the text.

Footnote 240:

No previous answer is recorded.

Footnote 241:

Cf. 2nd Private Examination, March 12th.

Footnote 242:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 3rd Private Examination, March 12th; and 8th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 243:

The two following questions and answers appear in the Minute only:—

“But, Jeanne, the Holy Canons and Holy Writ declare that women who take men’s dress or men who take women’s dress, do a thing abominable to God. How then can you say that you took this dress at God’s command?”

“You have been answered. If you wish that I should answer you further, grant me delay, and I will answer you.”

“Will you not take the dress of a woman to receive your Saviour on Easter Day?”

“Neither for that nor for anything else will I yet put off my dress. I make no difference between man’s dress and woman’s dress for receiving my Saviour. I ought not to be refused for this question of dress.” Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th, and 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 244:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 3rd Private Examination, March 12th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th. These questions and answers come after Article XIII. in the minute.

Footnote 245:

Cf. 7th Private Examination, March 15th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th.

After Article XV., the following sentence is inserted in the Extracts, but is not in the Procès. “She added that the Demoiselle de Luxembourg prayed the Seigneur de Luxembourg not to give her up to the English.”

Footnote 246:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 247:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 4th Private Examination, March 13th.

Footnote 248:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th.

Footnote 249:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 250:

Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 251:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 252:

_Vide_ 5th Public Examination, March 1st: pages 36–38.

Footnote 253:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th.

Footnote 254:

Cf. 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 255:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 256:

Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

Footnote 257:

_Vide_ 5th Public Examination, March 1st: pages 34–35.

Footnote 258:

_Vide ante_, page 35.

Footnote 259:

Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

Footnote 260:

The following incident occurs in the Minute only:

The Bishop, referring to the promise given on the previous day by Jeanne that she would answer on the subject of her dress, asks that, before proceeding with the reading, this answer may be given. To which Jeanne replies:

“The dress and the arms that I wear, I wear by the permission of God: I will not leave them off without the permission of God, even if it cost me my head: but, if it should so please Our Lord, I will leave them off: I will not take a woman’s dress if I have not permission from Our Saviour.”

Footnote 261:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 7th Private Examination, March 15th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 262:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 1st Private Examination, March 10th; 3rd Private Examination, March 12th; 5th Private Examination, March 14th.

Footnote 263:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 7th Private Examination, March 15th.

Footnote 264:

Minute reads: “pour l’aise de son corps.”

Footnote 265:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 3rd Public Examination, Feb. 24th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 266:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd.

Footnote 267:

Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 1st Private Examination, March 10th; 7th Private Examination, March 15th.

Footnote 268:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 7th Private Examination, March 15th.

Footnote 269:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 6th Private Examination, March 14th.

Footnote 270:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 271:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 5th Private Examination, March 28th.

Footnote 272:

Cf. 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 273:

Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

Footnote 274:

Cf. 5th Private Examination, March 14th; 6th Private Examination, March 14th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

Footnote 275:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 276:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 277:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 6th Private Examination, March 14th.

Footnote 278:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th.

Footnote 279:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 1st Private Examination, March 10th; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th; 7th Private Examination, March 15th; 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 280:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th; 4th Private Examination, March 13th; 5th Private Examination, March 14th.

Footnote 281:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 1st Private Examination, March 10th; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th; 4th Private Examination, March 13th.

Footnote 282:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 283:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th.

Footnote 284:

Cf. 1st Private Examination, March 10th.

Footnote 285:

This is the only known reference to this declaration of Catherine de la Rochelle.

Footnote 286:

Her usual oath was ‘En nom Dé’ or ‘Par mon martin’ (bâton).

Footnote 287:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

Footnote 288:

These reports do not appear in the official documents.

Footnote 289:

Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 4th Private Examination, March 13th.

Footnote 290:

4th Public Examination, February 28th; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 1st Private Examination, March 10th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th; 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 291:

Cf. 8th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 292:

Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 6th Public Examination, March 3rd; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th.

Footnote 293:

Cf. 7th Private Examination, March 15th; 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

Footnote 294:

Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF ACCUSATION.

ARTICLE I.

A woman doth say and affirm that when she was of the age of thirteen years or thereabouts, she did, with her bodily eyes, see Saint Michael come to comfort her, and from time to time also Saint Gabriel; that both the one and the other appeared to her in bodily form. Sometimes also she hath seen a great multitude of Angels; since then, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have shewn themselves to her in bodily form; every day she sees these two Saints and hears their voices; she hath often kissed and embraced them, and sometimes she hath touched them, in a physical and corporeal manner. She hath seen the heads of these Angels and these Saints, but of the rest of their persons and of their dress she will say nothing. The said Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have also formerly spoken to her near a spring which flows at the foot of a great tree, called in the neighbourhood “The Fairies’ Tree.” This spring and this tree nevertheless have been, it is said, frequented by fairies; persons ill of fever have repaired there in great numbers to recover their health. This spring and this tree are nevertheless in a profane place. There and elsewhere she hath often venerated these two Saints, and hath done them obeisance.

Besides this, she doth say that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret appear and shew themselves to her adorned with most beautiful and most precious crowns. At this time and very often since, they have announced to her, by the order of God, that she was to go in search of a certain secular Prince, promising that, by her help and succour, this same Prince should, by force of arms, recover a great temporal domain and the honour of this world, and should obtain victory over his adversaries: this same Prince received her, and furnished her with arms and soldiers for the carrying out of what has just been said. Further, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have ordered this same woman, by the command of God, to take and to wear a man’s dress, which she hath borne and doth still bear, persisting in obeying this order, to the extent that she saith she would rather die than give up this dress, adding that she will only abandon it by the express order of God. She hath even preferred not to assist in the Office of the Mass and to deprive herself of the Holy Communion of the Eucharist, at the time when the Church commands the faithful to receive it, rather than to resume female dress and to quit this man’s habit.

The said woman hath gone so far, under the inspiration of these two Saints, that without the knowledge and against the will of her parents, at the age of seventeen, she did quit the paternal roof and joined herself to a great troop of soldiers, with whom she lived night and day, having never had, or at least very rarely, another woman with her. These two Saints have said and prescribed to her many other things for the which she declares herself sent by the God of Heaven and the Church Victorious, composed of Saints who already enjoy celestial blessedness; it is to them that she submits as right all she hath done. As to the Church Militant, she hath deferred and refused to submit herself, her deeds, and her words to it, although many times required and admonished so to do, saying always that it is impossible to her to do contrary to what she hath, in her Trial, affirmed to have done by the order of God; and that for these things she will not refer to the decision or the judgment of any man alive, but to the judgment of God alone.

The said Saints have revealed to this woman that she will obtain the glory of the blessed and will gain the salvation of her soul if she doth preserve the virginity which she vowed to these Saints the first time she saw and recognized them. As a result of this revelation, she doth affirm that she is as assured of her salvation as if, now and in fact, she were already in the Kingdom of Heaven.

ARTICLE II.

The same woman saith that the sign which was received by the Prince to whom she was sent—a sign which decided this Prince to believe in her and to aid her to carry on the war—was, that Saint Michael came to the said Prince, accompanied by a multitude of Angels, of which some had crowns and others had wings; with them also were Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret. She and the Angel proceeded together, their feet touching the ground, by the road, the staircase, and the Prince’s chamber; the Angel was accompanied by other Angels and by the said two Saints; he gave to the Prince a crown, very precious and made of the purest gold, bowing before him and doing him reverence. Once she hath said that when her Prince received this sign, it seemed to her he was alone, although many other persons were close by; another time she hath said that it seemed to her that an Archbishop had received the sign of the crown and had given it to the Prince, in the presence of several temporal lords.

ARTICLE III.

The same woman doth say and affirm that he who visits her is Saint Michael; that which makes her believe in him is the good counsel, the comfort, and the good teaching which he doth give her, and because he hath named himself to her, and hath told her that he was Saint Michael. She hath in the same way recognized Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; she knoweth how to distinguish the one from the other, because they name themselves to her and greet her.

On the subject of the pretended Saint Michael who appeared to her, she believes that it is truly Saint Michael; and the sayings and deeds of this Michael she believes to be true and good as firmly as she believes that Our Lord Jesus suffered and died for our redemption.

ARTICLE IV.

The same woman doth say and affirm that she is certain of what should happen on the subject of certain future things, as surely as she is certain of those which she sees passing under her eyes. On the subject of occult things she doth boast to know or to have known them by means of the revelations which have been made to her by the Voices of Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret: for example, that she will be delivered from her captivity, and that the French will do, under her guidance, the greatest exploits that they have ever done in all Christendom; for example, again, she saith she hath known by revelation without any one pointing them out to her, men whom she had never seen, and herself revealed and pointed out the existence of a sword which was hidden in the earth.

ARTICLE V.

The same woman doth say and affirm that, by the command and good pleasure of God, she hath taken and borne and continueth still to bear a man’s dress. Further, she doth say that, because she hath had God’s command to bear this habit, it was necessary that she should have a short tunic, cap, jerkin, breeches, hose with many points, hair cut close above her ears, keeping no garment which might indicate her sex. She doth say and affirm that she hath, in this dress, several times received the Sacrament of the Eucharist. She hath not desired and doth still not desire to resume woman’s dress, although many times required and charitably admonished so to do. At times she saith that she would rather die than leave off the dress which she bears; at times she saith that she will leave it off only by the command of God. She doth also say, that if she again found herself with this dress among those for whom she hath armed herself, she would act as she did before her capture; and this would be, she doth add, one of the greatest benefits that could happen to the whole kingdom of France. Also, for nothing in the world will she swear to wear this dress or to take arms no more. In all this she doth say that she hath done and doeth well, obeying God and His Commandments.

ARTICLE VI.

The same woman doth avow and acknowledge that she hath caused to be written many letters and warnings on the which were placed these names “_Jhésus Maria_,” with the sign of the Cross. Sometimes, she put a cross, and between her and her party this signified that she did not wish them to do what in this same letter she told them to do. At other times she caused it to be written that she would have those who did not obey her warnings killed, and “by the blows she would give they would see who had the true right from the God of Heaven.” She hath often said that she hath done nothing but by the revelation and order of God.

ARTICLE VII.

The same woman doth say and confess that, being of the age of seventeen, by revelation, as she saith, and spontaneously, she went to seek a Knight whom she had never seen, abandoning for this the paternal roof, against the will of her parents. These, when they had knowledge of her departure, were wild with grief. This same woman ordered the Knight to conduct her, or to have her conducted, to the Prince already mentioned. The said Knight, or Captain, furnished this woman, on her demand, with a man’s dress and a sword, and appointed and commanded for her conduct a Knight, a Squire, and four servants. When they had come to the Prince, this woman told him that she wished to fight against his adversaries. She promised to establish him in great sovereignty and to vanquish his enemies; and for this she had been sent by the God of Heaven. She saith she hath acted well, having had revelation and the command of God.

ARTICLE VIII.

The same woman doth say and affirm that she, of herself, no one compelling her, did throw herself down from a very high tower, wishing rather to die than to be placed in the hands of her enemies and to live after the destruction of the town of Compiègne. She saith also that she was not able to avoid this fall, although Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret had forbidden it to her. To offend them is, she herself saith, a great sin. But she knoweth that this sin was remitted to her after she had confessed it; she saith she received revelation of this.

ARTICLE IX.

The same woman saith that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have promised to conduct her to Paradise, if she doth preserve with care the virginity of body and soul which she vowed to them. Of this she saith she is as assured as if she were already in the glory of the blessed. She doth not think she hath committed mortal sin; for, if she were in a state of mortal sin, she saith it seemeth to her that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret would not visit her each day as they do.

ARTICLE X.

The same woman doth say and affirm that God doth love sundry persons still living, designated by her and named, more than He doth this woman: this, she knoweth by revelation from Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret, who speak frequently to her, but in French and not in English, because these Saints are not on the side of the English. Since she hath known by revelation that their Voices were for the Prince aforesaid she hath ceased to love the Burgundians.

ARTICLE XI.

The same woman doth say and confess that to the Voices and the Spirits now under consideration, whom she calls Michael, Gabriel, Catherine and Margaret, she doth often do reverence, uncovering, bending the knee, kissing the earth on which they walk, vowing to them her virginity, at times kissing and embracing Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; she hath touched them with her own hands, corporeally and physically; she hath asked of them counsel and help; at times she doth call them, and they even come to her without being called; she accedes to and obeys their counsels and their commands; she hath always obeyed them, without having asked counsel thereon from whomsoever it be—father, mother, curé, prelate, or any ecclesiastic whatsoever. She doth believe no less firmly that the Voices and the revelations she receives by the medium of the Saints of whom she speaks come from God and by His order: she believes it as firmly as she believes the Christian Faith and that Our Lord Jesus Christ suffered for us Death and Passion. She doth add that, if it were an evil spirit who had come to her under the appearance and mask of Saint Michael she would quite well have known how to distinguish that it was not Saint Michael. Finally she saith, that of her own wish and without any one pressing her thereto, she hath sworn to Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret, who appeared to her, to reveal to no one the sign of the crown given to the Prince to whom she was sent, until she should have permission from God to reveal it.

ARTICLE XII.

The same woman doth say and confess that if the Church wished that she should do anything contrary to the order she doth pretend to have received from God, she would not consent, whatsoever it might be. She doth affirm that she knows well, that all contained in her Trial has come to her by the order of God, and it would be impossible for her to do contrary to what she doth. Thereupon she doth not wish to refer to the decision of the Church Militant, nor to any one, whoever it be in the world, but to God alone, Our Lord, Whose commands she doth always execute, above all in what doth concern her revelations, and in what she doth in consequence. This answer and all the others are not from her own head, she saith, but she hath made and given them by order of her Voices and revelations: she doth persist [in this], although by the Judges and others of the Assessors, the Article of Faith, ‘The Church, One, Holy, Catholic,’ hath often been recalled to her, and it hath often been shewn to her that all the faithful are bound to obey the Church Militant and to submit to it their words and actions—above all in matters of faith and in all which concerns sacred Doctrine and Ecclesiastical sanction.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO THE REHABILITATION.

It was not until nearly twenty years after the death of Jeanne d’Arc that any attempt was made by those in authority to vindicate her memory or even to acknowledge the services she had rendered to the kingdom of France.

In 1450, however, after the occupation of Normandy and the submission of the town of Rouen, the idea appeared to have occurred to Charles VII. that to suffer the stigma of heresy and witchcraft to rest on the name of the Maid of Orleans, who had “led him to his anointing,” was to throw a doubt upon his own orthodoxy, and to justify the taunt of his enemies that he had been the mere tool of “a lyme of the Fiend.” On February 13th, 1450, therefore, he issued a Declaration empowering one of his Counsellors, Guillaume Bouillé, to enquire into the conduct of the Trial undertaken against Jeanne by “our ancient enemies the English,” who, “against reason, had cruelly put her to death,” and to report the result of his investigations to the Council.

Bouillé was Rector of the University of Paris, Dean of the Theological Faculty, Dean of Noyon, a Member of the Great Council, and at one time Ambassador to Rome. It is very probable that he was the author of the first memorial issued in favour of Jeanne, throwing doubts upon the validity of the Rouen sentence—a memorial which, according to some, was prior to the Enquiry of 1450 with which we are now dealing.

It was to an able and competent person therefore, that Charles committed the Enquiry, which was held at Rouen on March 4th and 5th, less than three weeks after the issue of the Royal Mandate.

Seven witnesses were heard; namely, Toutmouillé, de la Pierre, Ladvenu, and Duval,—all Dominicans of Saint Jacques, Rouen; the Notary Manchon, the Usher Massieu, and Beaupère, one of the chief Examiners. But the Court took no further interest in the matter; and, although in the opinion of several legal authorities consulted by De Bouillé, the Process of Condemnation was held as null and void, the proceedings were carried no further: the Enquiry was forwarded to the King and Council, and the whole question once more fell into abeyance.

Two years later, the Cardinal-Bishop of Digne, Guillaume d’Estouteville, Legate in France for Pope Nicholas V. took up the Enquiry, at the formal request of Isabel d’Arc, mother of the Maid, who claimed, on Civil as well as on Ecclesiastical authority, the rehabilitation of her daughter, and the restoration of the family to the position they had lost by the imputation of heresy cast on them in the person of one of their number.

The failure of the former Enquiry was due, in great part, to the fear of arousing the hostility of the English, and also of meeting with opposition from the Ecclesiastical authorities, by bringing forward an action instituted by the Sovereign against proceedings which had received the unquestioned sanction of the Holy Office and the University of Paris, and which were also guaranteed by the protection of the English King. The expedient of shifting the entire responsibility on to the shoulders of the d’Arc family obviated these difficulties, and enabled the Case to be taken as a purely private one, an appeal against a judgment given on false premisses. The reversal of this verdict could offend no one, as the action was brought against Defendants none of whom were living to meet the charge, and who could therefore be represented only by their titular legal successors. Their innocence in the whole matter made the case a perfectly harmless one—a legal fiction which might satisfy many and could injure none.

The first act of the Cardinal d’Estouteville was to associate with himself the Prior of the Convent of the Jacobins at Paris, Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of France; and, together, they proceeded to an Enquiry at Rouen in April, 1452, at which witnesses to the number of twenty-one, including some of those heard in 1450, gave their evidence. The Cardinal being obliged by his duties to leave Rouen, the Enquiry was left in the hands of Bréhal and of Philippe la Rose, the Treasurer of the Cathedral. There were still difficulties in the way. The Pope feared to wound English susceptibilities; and, in spite of the efforts of the Cardinal and of the petition presented to Rome by Isabel d’Arc and her two sons, the proceeding languished; and three more years passed without any definite step being taken.

In 1455, however, the Pope Nicholas V. died, and his successor Calixtus III. [Borgia], less timorous, acceded to the request of the d’Arc family, granting a Rescript authorizing the process of revision, and appointing as delegates for the Trial the Archbishop of Rheims (Jean Jouvenal des Ursins), the Bishop of Paris (Guillaume Chartier), and the Bishop of Coutances (Richard de Longueil), who afterwards associated with themselves the Inquisitor, Jean Bréhal.

The Case was solemnly opened on November 7th, 1455, in the Church of Notre Dame at Paris, when the mother and brothers of the Maid came before the Court to present their humble petition for a revision of her sentence, demanding only “the triumph of truth and justice.” The Court heard the request with some emotion. When Isabel d’Arc threw herself at the feet of the Commissioners, shewing the Papal Rescript and weeping aloud, while her Advocate, Pierre Maugier, and his assistants prayed for justice for her and for the memory of her martyred daughter, so many of those present joined aloud in the petition, that at last, we are told, it seemed that one great cry for justice broke from the multitude.

The Commissioners formally received the petition, and appointed November 17th, ten days later, for its consideration, warning the Petitioners of the possible danger of a confirmation of the previous Trial, instead of the reversal they looked for, but promising careful consideration of the Case should they persist in their appeal.

On November 17th the Court met a second time at Notre Dame; the Papal Rescript was solemnly read, and the Advocate for the Petitioners brought his formal accusation against the Judges and Promoter of the late Trial—none of whom, as has been said, were then alive—carefully excluding the Assessors concerned in the case, who, he said, were led to wrong conclusions by false deductions. At the close of the Advocate’s address, the Archbishop of Rheims and the Bishop of Paris declared themselves ready to act as Judges in the Appeal Case, in conjunction with the Inquisitor Bréhal, appointing the following December 12th for the inaugural sitting, and citing all those concerned in this Case to appear before them on that day.

The Trial opened on December 12th. The family of d’Arc were represented by the Procurator, Guillaume Prévosteau, who had formerly been appointed Promoter in the case instituted by Cardinal d’Estouteville: but the Plaintiffs alone were represented, no one appearing to answer for either of the accused Judges nor for the Promoter d’Estivet. The Case was adjourned until December 15th, in order that Advocates for the Defendants might be summoned to appear.

The Court met accordingly on the 15th December; but, in spite of mandates and citations placed on Church-doors and other public places, no one was found to come forward as representatives of the accused; and a further delay of five days was therefore granted. At the same time, the Commissioners formally constituted the Tribunal and appointed their Officers: Simon Chapitault as Promoter or Advocate-General, Ferrebouc and Lecomte as Registrars for the Court. The Registrars of the former Trial, being present, were asked if they wished in any way to defend the Process in which they had been concerned; but, on their replying in the negative, they were requested to lay before the Court any documents relating to the previous Trial which they might have in their possession. By this means the Commissioners were enabled to have before them the actual Minute of the Trial of 1431, written in Manchon’s own hand and presented by him, and also to obtain his formal attestation of the authenticity of the Official Procès-Verbal, upon which their further enquiries were to be based.

The “Preliminary Enquiry” made in 1452, by command of the Cardinal d’Estouteville and his delegates, was formally annexed, by request of the Promoter, to the official documents of the Trial of Rehabilitation; but the earlier Enquiry of 1450, having been made under secular authority, was unfortunately treated as of no value, and not included in the authorized Case.

On December 18th the Promoter lodged his request on the part of the family of d’Arc, and prayed for a Judgment of Nullity on the previous sentence, on the ground that, both in form and substantiation, it was null and void, and that it should therefore be publicly and legally so declared.

On December 20th—the last day appointed for the appearance of any representatives of the accused—only the Advocate for the family of Cauchon presented himself. He made a declaration to the effect that the heirs of the late Bishop had no desire to maintain the validity of a Trial with which they had no concern, and which took place either before they were born or when they were very little children; that Jeanne had been the victim of the hatred of the English, and that therefore the responsibility fell rather upon them; finally they begged that the Rehabilitation of Jeanne might not be to their prejudice, invoking for themselves the benefits of the King’s amnesty granted after the conquest of Normandy.

The Procurator having declared his willingness to agree, the heirs of Cauchon were put out of the question; and the other Defendants, not having appeared, were declared contumacious, and cited once more to appear on February 16th following. On the same day [Dec. 20th] the Promoter formulated his Accusation, and brought before the notice of the Court certain special points in the previous Trial which tended to vitiate the whole: 1st, the intervention of the hidden registrars and the alterations, additions, and omissions made in the Twelve Articles; 2nd, the suppression of the Preliminary Enquiry, and the obvious predisposition of the Judges; 3rd, the incompetence of the Court, and the unfairness of the treatment received throughout by the Accused, culminating in an illegal sentence and an irregular execution.

The Promoter then asked that enquiries might be instituted into the life and conduct of the Maid, and as to the manner in which she had undertaken the reconquest of the country. Orders were accordingly given, that information should at once be taken at Domremy and Vaucouleurs, under the direction of Reginald de Chichery, Dean of Vaucouleurs, and of Wautrin Thierry, Canon of Toul.

While these enquiries were being made, a document containing 101 Articles was drawn up,[295] setting forth the case of the Plaintiffs for the consideration of the still-absent Defendants, and stating at great length the grounds, both in fact and reason, for the demand of a revision of sentence.

On the day fixed for the final citation of the Defendants—Feb. 16th, 1456,—the Court again assembled; and on this occasion the accused were represented by their legal successors: the Promoter of the Diocese of Beauvais, Brédouille, as representative of the authority of the Bishop, Guillaume de Hellande; and Chaussetier, the Prior of the Convent of Evreux, as representing the Dominicans of Beauvais, to whose Order Jean Lemaître, the other Judge of the Maid, belonged. Both of these disclaimed any responsibility for the former Trial, but submitted themselves to the mandate of the Court; and, no objection being offered to the 101 Articles, these were accepted by the Judges, and the case was proceeded with.

The Enquiry of 1456 extended over several months. Thirty-four witnesses were heard, in January and February, at Domremy and Vaucouleurs; forty-one, in February and March, at Orleans; twenty at Paris, in April and May; nineteen at Rouen, in December and May; and on May 28th, at Lyons, the Vice-Inquisitor of the province received the deposition of Jean d’Aulon, whose evidence is specially important, as being that of the Steward of the Maid’s household, and the most devoted of her followers.

After the close of these Enquiries and their formal reception as part of the Process, the Advocate of the d’Arc family petitioned the Judges to give their attention to certain Memorials drawn up on the Case by learned men, which documents he prayed might also be inserted among the formal proceedings of the Trial. The request being granted, Eight Memorials were presented and formally annexed to the Authentic Documents of the Process. The whole case was then admirably summed up, for the guidance of the Judges, in the ‘Recollectio’ of the Inquisitor, Jean Bréhal, and on this document the final Sentence of Rehabilitation was subsequently based.

On the 18th of June, Jean d’Arc and the Promoter, Chapitault in the name of the Plaintiffs, appeared at the Palace of the Bishop of Paris, and prayed that a day might be fixed for the conclusion of the Case. In answer to this request the following 1st of July was appointed for the purpose, and an announcement to that effect was ordered to be placed on all the doors of the Cathedral at Rouen.

On July 2nd the Pontifical Delegates met and appointed the following Wednesday, July 7th, for the pronouncement of the final Sentence; and on that day, at 8 a.m., the Court assembled in the Hall of the Archiepiscopal Palace, and the formal Sentence of Rehabilitation was solemnly read by the Archbishop of Rheims. This was followed by a procession and sermon on the same day in the Place St. Ouen, and by a second sermon on the day following in the Old Market Place, where a Cross to perpetuate the memory of the martyrdom was then erected, “for the salvation of her soul.” This Cross remained until the end of the following century, when it was replaced by a fountain, with a statue of the Maid under an arcade surmounted by a Cross; the fountain now standing was erected in 1756.

Footnote 295:

Of these 101 Articles, the first thirty-three form the basis of the succeeding enquiries made at Paris, Orleans, and Rouen.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JEANNE D’ARC.

1411–12. January 6th Birth at Domremy. 1424 (?). Summer First visions. Sojourn at Neufchâteau. 1428. Call to mission in France. May Visit to Vaucouleurs (?), May 13th; Ascension Day. 1428–9. February Second visit to Vaucouleurs. Visit to Duke of Lorraine. Pilgrimage to Saint Nicolas. February 12th Battle of the Herrings. February 13th (First Return to Vaucouleurs. Sunday in Lent) February 23rd, Departure from Vaucouleurs, with Wednesday Jean de Metz and others. March 5th, Saturday Fierbois. March 6th, Sunday Arrival at Chinon. March 8th, Tuesday Interview with the King. March 22nd, Tuesday in First letter to the English. Holy Week. 1429. March 27th, Easter Day.

_Note._—The year, in the fifteenth century, is computed from Easter.

April Stay at Tours. Household appointed. Banner painted. Joins the army at Blois. April 27th, Start for Orleans. Wednesday (?) April 29th, Friday Arrival at Orleans. May 4th, Wednesday Fort of Saint Loup taken. May 5th, Ascension Day Third letter to the English. May 6th, Friday Fort of the Augustins taken. May 7th, Saturday Jeanne wounded. May 8th, Sunday Siege of Orleans raised. May 10th, Tuesday Leaves for Blois. May 12th, Thursday Tours. May 13th, Friday Meeting with King Charles. May 23rd, Monday Loches. June 2nd, Thursday Selles: grant of arms to Jeanne and her family. [June 6th, Monday Selles: Incident of the horse.] June 9th, Thursday Return to Orleans. June 11–12th Siege of Jargeau. June 14th Attack on Meung. 1429. June 16th Siege of Beaugency. June 17th, Friday Arrival of the Constable of France. June 18th, Saturday Battle of Patay. June 19th, Sunday Return to Orleans. June 24th, Friday Jeanne encamps at Gien. June 29th, Wednesday Start for Rheims. July 1st, Friday Arrival before Auxerre. July 5th, Tuesday Arrival before Troyes. July Meeting with Brother Richard. July 9th, Saturday Surrender of Troyes. July 10th, Sunday Entry into Troyes. July 12th, Tuesday Departure from Troyes. July 14th, Thursday Chalons. July 15th, Friday Departure from Chalons. July 16th, Saturday Charles enters Rheims. July 17th, Sunday Coronation of Charles. July 21st, Thursday Charles touches for “the Evil” at Saint Marcoul. July 22nd, Friday Charles receives keys of Soissons and Laon at Vailly, July 23rd, Saturday and of four other towns. July 29th, Friday Skirmish at Château Thierry. August 4th, Thursday Charles signs fifteen days’ truce with the Duke of Burgundy. August 13th, Saturday Skirmish at Dammartin. August 18th, Thursday Compiègne entered. August Senlis and Beauvais surrender; flight of Bishop. August 23rd, Tuesday Jeanne leaves Compiègne for Saint Denis; letter from the Count of Armagnac received when starting. August 26th, Friday Jeanne at Saint Denis. August 28th, Sunday Secret treaty of Charles VII. with the Duke of Burgundy, to Christmas. September 8th, Thursday Attack on Paris. Jeanne wounded. (Nativity B.V.M.) September 10th, Retreat ordered by Charles. Saturday September Jeanne’s armour hung up in the church at Saint Denis. September 13th, Tuesday Charles leaves Saint Denis. September 18th, Sunday Second treaty of Charles VII. With the Duke of Burgundy. October Jeanne at Bourges. November Saint Pierre-le-Moustier assailed and taken. November 9th, Wednesday Siege of La Charité. November Truce with Burgundy till Easter. 1429–30. December Passed in visiting the towns she January had freed. Orleans visited for February the last time on January 19th. March 3rd At Sully with the King. Leaves Sully, accompanied by D’Aulon and Pasquerel, and goes to Lagny. April Franquet d’Arras taken and executed at Lagny. Alleged miracle. 1430. April 16th, Easter day April Easter-tide Melun—warning of capture. April 23rd, Sunday Henry VI. lands at Calais. May 13th, Saturday Jeanne at Compiègne (Archbishop of Rheims then in the city). During this month she visits Senlis, Soissons, and other towns. May Jeanne repulsed on the Oise whilst trying to relieve Choisy, then besieged by the Duke of Burgundy. Jeanne in Compiègne; prediction in the church of Saint Jacques. May 22nd, Monday. Jeanne goes to Crespy for reinforcements. May 23rd, Tuesday Jeanne’s return to Compiègne, and capture. Letter of Duke of Burgundy to the people of Saint-Quentin, announcing the capture. May 25th, Ascension Day News of capture reaches Paris. May Jeanne a prisoner for several days at Marigny. May In prison at Beaulieu. 1430. June 6th At Noyon. July 14th, Friday Cauchon’s mission to the Duke of Burgundy. July 29th, Saturday Henry VI. arrives at Rouen. August In prison at Beaurevoir. October Leap from the Tower of Beaurevoir. Prophecy of the relief of Compiègne “before Martinmas.” October 25th Relief of Compiègne. Nov. (about the middle) Jeanne sold by Jean de Luxembourg. Jeanne taken to Arras, then Crotoy. December (late) Brought to Rouen. 1430–1. January 3rd, Wednesday Order of surrender of Jeanne as “suspect of heresy,” from Henry VI. To the Judges.

I. CAUSE DE LAPSE.

_Trial Ex Officio._

January 9th, Tuesday First day of the Trial. Preliminary meeting in the Bishop’s house. Appointment of officers. January 13th, Saturday First consultation of the Bishop with the Doctors; the result of the Domremy enquiry discussed (?) Articles of Accusation to be prepared. January 23rd, Tuesday Second consultation with the six Doctors. Articles approved. Delafontaine appointed to make further enquiries. February 13th–17th, Officers make oath of fidelity. Tuesday-Saturday 1430–1. February 19th, Monday Consultation of the Bishop with twelve Doctors. Decision that the Case shall be proceeded with, and the Inquisitor or his Deputy invited to attend. The Deputy Inquisitor, being summoned, pleads inability. February 20th, Tuesday The Deputy Inquisitor again appears, but still refuses to act as Judge without Commission from his Superior. It is decided to write to the Chief Inquisitor. Jeanne is cited to appear the next day. February 21st, First Public Examination, in the Wednesday Chapel-Royal. Jeanne’s guardians appointed from the King’s Body Guard. (42 Assessors.) February 22nd, Thursday Second Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. The Deputy Inquisitor declares his assent to the Trial. Beaupère charged with the examination. (48 Assessors.) February 24th, Saturday Third Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (52 Assessors.) February 27th, Tuesday Fourth Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (54 Assessors.) March 1st, Thursday Fifth Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (58 Assessors.) March 3rd, Saturday Sixth Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (41 Assessors.) The Bishop decides to continue the Examination privately. March 4th–9th, The Examinations are considered by Sunday-Friday the Bishop and some of the Doctors, and it is decided to question Jeanne on sundry doubtful points. March 10th, Saturday First Private Examination, in prison, conducted by Delafontaine, assisted by two Assessors and two witnesses. March 12th, Monday Second Private Examination, in prison, in the morning. Third Private Examination, in prison, in the afternoon, the Bishop not present. In the Bishop’s house, on the same day, the letter from the Inquisitor, appointing his Vicar to act as his Deputy, is read; and the Vicar is appointed to act as Judge. March 13th, Tuesday The Vicar joins with the Bishop and appoints his officers. Fourth Private Examination,—the first at which the Inquisitor is present as Judge. March 14th, Wednesday. Fifth Private Examination, in prison, in the morning. Sixth Private Examination, in prison, in the afternoon. 1430–1. March 15th, Thursday Seventh Private Examination in prison. March 17th, Saturday Eighth Private Examination, in prison, in the morning. Ninth Private Examination, in prison, in the afternoon. March 18th, Passion Consultation of the Bishop with Sunday twelve Assessors, in the Bishop’s house. They adjourn till March 22nd, to deliberate over the examinations already held. March 22nd, Thursday Consultation at the Bishop’s house. Résumé of the answers of Jeanne read to twenty-two Assessors. March 24th, Saturday The Judges, Delafontaine, and six Assessors visit Jeanne in prison, and the examinations are read over to her in French by Manchon. March 25th, Palm Sunday The Bishop and four Assessors visit Jeanne in prison. The complete papers of the Process ex officio are given to the Promoter that he may prepare the Articles of Accusation for the Trial in Ordinary. March 26th, Monday At a meeting at the Bishop’s house, twelve Assessors and the two Judges being present, it is decided to proceed on the following day to the Trial in Ordinary, to be conducted by the Promoter.

_Trial in Ordinary._

1430–1. March 27th, Tuesday Solemn sitting in the Great Hall of the Castle; the two Judges and 38 Assessors present. The Act of Accusation, in Seventy Articles, is produced by the Promoter, and read to Jeanne by Thomas de Courcelles. Questions are put to her on each Article. March 28th, Wednesday. The same continued—35 Assessors present. March 31st, Easter Eve. The Judges and 9 Assessors visit Jeanne in prison, to question her on sundry points upon which she had asked for delay. 1431. April 1st, Easter Day. April 2nd–4th, The Judges and certain of the Monday-Wednesday Assessors employ themselves in reducing the Seventy Articles to Twelve; these are finally drawn up by Nicholas Midi. April 5th, Thursday The Twelve Articles are sent to the Assessors for their opinion, which they are asked to send in by April 10th. April 12th, Thursday Consultation of 22 Assessors, who decide that Jeanne must be condemned. During the following week many other opinions, all more or less in accordance with this, are sent in. April 18th, Wednesday Jeanne is ill. The two Judges and 7 Assessors visit her in prison; and the Bishop addresses to her a charitable exhortation. April 19th, Thursday The Twelve Articles are sent to the University of Paris. (May 14th) These are discussed in full assembly on April 29th; then by the Faculties of Theology and Decrees, separately; and finally, the Resolutions of these Faculties are adopted by the University and forwarded to Rouen. May 2nd, Wednesday Solemn assembly in the Ornament Room; the two Judges and 63 Assessors present. Jeanne is summoned and admonished by the Bishop; and a solemn preachment is made to her by the Archdeacon of Eu. May 9th, Wednesday The Judges and 9 Assessors summon Jeanne to the Torture Chamber in the Great Tower, and threaten her with torture. May 10th, Ascension Day. May 12th, Saturday Consultation in the Bishop’s house; the Judges and 12 Assessors present. It is decided not to torture Jeanne. May 19th, Saturday Solemn assembly in the Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor—51 Assessors present. The Resolutions of the University of Paris are read, and the opinions of the Assessors taken. May 23rd, Wednesday Solemn meeting in a room near the prison. The Judges and 7 Assessors are accompanied by the Bishops of Noyon and Thérouanne. Jeanne is summoned, and solemnly admonished by Pierre Maurice. The Final Sentence is appointed for the next day. May 24th, Thursday Public assembly in the Cemetery of St. Ouen; the Cardinal of England and the Bishop of Norwich present. Exhortation from Érard. Abjuration of Jeanne. Sentence of perpetual imprisonment. In the afternoon, the Deputy Inquisitor and sundry Assessors visit Jeanne in prison.

II. CAUSE DE RELAPSE.

May 28th, Monday The Judges and 4 Assessors visit Jeanne in prison, having been informed of her relapse. May 29th, Tuesday Solemn meeting in the Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor, 40 Assessors present. Consultation on the relapse of Jeanne. Decision of the Assessors that she must be delivered up to the secular arm as a relapsed heretic. May 30th, Wednesday Massieu delivers the order of execution to Jeanne. Visit of sundry Assessors and of the Bishop to the prison. Jeanne receives the Holy Communion. Final Exhortation from Nicholas Midi at the public assembly in the Old Market Place. Sentence pronounced against Jeanne. Her Death. June 7th, Wednesday Information taken after the death of Jeanne by certain persons who visited her in prison on May 30th. June 8th, Thursday (1) Letter from the King, Henry VI., to the Emperor, announcing the trial, sentence, and execution of Jeanne. June 12th, Monday Letter of Guarantee for those concerned in the Trial, from Henry VI. June 28th. (2) Letter from Henry VI. to the same effect as (1), to prelates and nobles. Letter of the University of Paris to the Pope. August 8th Sentence pronounced against a monk who had spoken ill of the Judges.

INDEX

Abjuration of Jeanne, 130–133, 206, 208, 327

Adelie, Guillaume, 106

Agincourt, viii, ix, 72

Aimery (or Aymerie), Guillaume, 244, 306

Alain, Jacques, 227

d’Albret, Lord, 271

d’Alençon, John Duke, 30, 60, 71, 237, 238, 260, 264, 272–281, 290; _Chronicles_ of, 332

Alépée, Maître Jean, 302

Alexander, viii

Alfred the Great, xiv

Ambeville, herald, 248

Anche, or Anceinsi, 281

Apparitions and illusions, 124, 147–153, 176

d’Arc, Isabel, mother of Jeanne, 215, 225, 321, 372, 373

d’Arc, Jacques, father of Jeanne, 213, 215, 225

d’Arc, Jean, brother of Jeanne, 321

d’Arc, Jeanne; _see_ Jeanne

d’Arc, M. Lanery, 332

d’Arc, Pierre, brother of Jeanne, 321

Archangel Michael, x; _see_ St. Michael

Arles Cathedral, 42

d’Armagnac, Thibauld, 293

d’Armagnac, Count, 34; letters 34–5

Armagnac faction, 332

Armour, Account for Jeanne’s, 275

Arras, 49, 104, 348; Treaty, 332, 334

d’Arras, Franquet, 78

Articles of Jeanne’s Accusation, 98, 101, 102, 105, 113–117, 119, 184–185, 341–366. The twelve, 324, 325, 366–371

Arundel, Earl of, 333

Assessors at Trial, 55, 97, 119, 179, 189–190

d’Aulon, Sieur Jean, 267, 309–320, 334

Auxerre, Jeanne at Mass in, 12

Avignon, xvi

d’Avignon, Marie, 269, 270

Avit, Jean de Saint, 160, 190

Avranches, Bishop, 160, 190

Baignart, Maître Robert, 293

Bailly, Nicolas, 225, 229

Banner, Jeanne’s, 30–1, 58–9, 89, 90, 283, 316–7, 361; of the Crucifixion, 284, 285; Account for, 30

Barbier, Maître Robert, 100, 118

Barbin, Jean, 269

Barrey, Edith, 6

Barrey, Jean, 6

Basle, Council of, xvii, 177

Basset, Jean, 99

Bastard of Orleans; _see_ Dunois

Baudricourt, Robert de, x, 11, 12, 26, 65, 219, 226, 227, 229, 304, 308, 345, 348

Bavon, Anna, 205

Beaucaire, 334

Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, xvii

Beaugency, 237, 263, 266, 278, 293

Beaupère, Maître Jean, 9, 15, 16, 22, 47, 56, 95, 96, 100, 103, 119, 121, 166, 171, 176, 177, 183, 209, 252, 254, 340, 372

Beaurevoir Castle, 46, 54, 74, 104, 178, 348, 353, 363; Jeanne’s leap, 78, 85

Beauvais, Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of, xviii, xix, xx, xxii; Presides at Jeanne d’Arc’s trial, 3; jurisdiction and charge, 4; invites Deputy of the Chief Inquisitor to the trial, 8; warned of responsibility, 14, 76, 163; decides on private examination of Jeanne, 55; in Jeanne’s prison, 61, 64; summons Deputy Inquisitor to Bishop’s residence, 66; invokes aid of Chief Inquisitor, 66, 67; enquiries at Domremy, 303; reviews prior proceedings against Jeanne, 93; Accusation to be prepared, 94; Canonical Admonition to Jeanne, 102, 106–108; address to Assessors, 110–112; sends Accusation of Jeanne to Paris, 119; states result, 120; pronounces sentence, 129; intolerant and irregular proceedings at trial, 159, 166, 167, 173, 182, 204, 339; free agent in Jeanne’s trial, 179; his final Adjudication, 138–9; Mandate to produce Jeanne, 140–141; Jeanne declares him guilty of her death, 158–9, 195; declaration to English, 160, 162; refuses change of prison, 169; biased action, 171; his copy of Process, 181; alleged a traitor by an Englishman, 186; taunted, 187, 199, 208–9, 273; imprisons an opponent, 201; seeks opinion in Jeanne’s submission, 259; impartial remark, 209; wept at Jeanne’s execution, 191; English anger, 212; alleged to have sent tainted fish to Jeanne, 253; threatens Assessors, 254; negotiated ransom of Duke of Orleans, 280; his death, 300; his action _re_ Jeanne annulled, 322

Bec, Jean du, 328

Bec, Abbot of, 127

Bedford, John Duke of, Regent, vii, xv, xvii, xviii, 36, 37, 332, 334, 349

Bedford, Duchess of, 193, 205

Begot, Jean, 225

Bellier, Guillaume, 242

Benedict XIV, Pope, 34

Benedicite, Maître Jean, 171; _see_ d’Estivet

Berwoist, John, 7, 68, 338

Bertin, Nicolas, 135

Bethune, Jeanne de, 46

Blois, 242, 260, 310, 311

Boisguillaume, 146, 165, 182, 183, 185, 197, 297–300, 305, 340

Bonnet, Simon; _see_ Senlis

Bouchier, Jacques, 295, 296

Bouillé, Maître Guillaume, xxi, 157, 372

Boulainvilliers, 6

Bouligny, Réné de, 270

Bourbon, Charles de, Count de Clermont, 13, 60, 71, 115

Bourchier, Jacques, 250

Bourges, 318

Bourlement, Pierre de, 20, 217, 221

Boussac, Jean de la, Marshal of France, 115, 233, 267

Brédouille, 375

Bréhal, Jean, Inquisitor, 178, 321, 373

Bridget of Sweden, viii

Brittany and Lorraine, Duke of, xii, 30, 279

Brolbster, William, 97

Bruce, Robert, xiv

Burgundians, x, xviii, 9, 19, 54, 230, 333, 348

Burgundy, Duke of, ix, xii, xv, 91, 239, 335, 348, 349; letter, 335–6

Burgundy, Jean de Nevers, Duke of, 241

Cadiz, ix

Cagny, Percival de, 332

Calais, ix

Calot, Laurence, 295

Cannes, Jacques, 135

Cannoneer, Maître Jean the, 315

Cardinal of England; _see_ St. Eusebius

Cardinal of Winchester, 190

Cardinal St. Martin-les-Monts; _see_ d’Estouteville

Castille, Etienne, 205

Castres, Lord Bishop of, 265; _see_ Chartres

Catherine de la Rochelle, 52, 360

Catherine of Sienna, viii

Cauchon, Pierre; _see_ Beauvais

Caval, Maître Nicolas, 207

Chalons, 214, 215

Champeaux, Jean de, 249

Champrond, Enguerrand de, 95

Chapitault, Maître Simon, 328

Chapitault, Simon, 374, 376

Charles VI, 21

Charles VII. (as Dauphin and King) cautious to accept Jeanne’s aid, xi; Jeanne’s first interview, 45, 238–9, 242, 274, 282–3; directs enquiry by clergy, 243, 274; advised to accept Jeanne’s offer, xi, 242, 275, 307, 309; receives a golden crown at instance of an angel, 70–71, 358; Jeanne, the angel, 149, 153; poverty of exchequer, 270; belief in Jeanne, 266; consecration at Rheims, 51, 271, 361; armour for Jeanne, 275, 310; before Chartres, 165; his army at Paris, xv, 360; grants arms to Jeanne’s brothers, 59; his sign and secret through Jeanne, 27, 59, 290; peace with Duke of Burgundy, 332; directs enquiry into verdict, xxi, 371; his Queen, 11; victories foretold, 37, 225; defined a heretic, 172, 188

Charles, Simon, President, 291, 292

Chartres, Bishop of, 274; _see_ Castres

Château-Thierry, 50, 264

Chatellain’s, G., _Histoire de Philippe le Bon_, 334

Chatillon, Archdeacon Jean de, 100, 112, 117, 121, 182, 202

Chaumont, Bailly of, 217

Chaussetier, Prior of Evreux, 375

Chichery, Reginald de, 375

Chinon fortress, vii, x, 11, 13, 28, 71, 223, 224, 231, 232, 241, 242, 245, 259, 270, 273, 291; _see_ Coudray, Tour de

Christian Faith, 113

_Chronicle_ of de Cagny, 332, 333

Chronological Table, 377–383

Church, The, ix., 104, 116, 122, 124, 125, 130, 131, 144, 189

Church Militant, 321, 362, 367, 371

Church Triumphant, 362

Clairoy, Mount of, 333

Classidas; _see_ Glasdale

Clement VIII., Pope, 34

Clergy and Angel, 73

Colbert Library, 331

Colin, Messire Jean, 222

Colles, Maître Michel, 200

Colles Guillaume; _see_ Bois-Guillaume

Compaing, Maître Pierre, 250

Compiègne, xvi, 4, 39, 54, 57, 74, 75, 283, 332, 334, 336, 349, 355, 356, 361

Constable of France, Arthur, Count de Richemont, 279

Contes, Louis de, (“Imerguet”, “Mugot”) 249, 259–264, 281, 296

Coquerel, Hector de, 327

Corneille de Compiègne, Abbot of, 117

Cormeilles, Abbot of, 127

Coudray, Tour de, 13, 71, 260; _see_ Chinon

Coulange-les-Vineuses, 29

Coulent, Admiral de, 233

Coulon, Jean, 265

Council of Bâle, 159

Courcelles, Thomas de, 56, 89, 94, 95, 96, 101, 102, 118, 119, 134, 136, 152, 166, 171, 181, 255–8, 338, 341

Coutances, Richard de Longueil, Bishop of, 321, 373

Crespy-en-Valois, 240

Crotay, Geoffrey de, 99

Crotoy, Castle, 42

Crown of Charles VII, 60, 70, 71, 72

Cusquel, Maître Pierre, 191–3

Dante, xvi

Daron, Pierre, 304

Delachambre, Guillaume, 106, 253

Delafontaine, Maître Jean, 56, 57, 61, 64, 67, 69, 74, 77, 79, 85, 89, 95, 99, 164, 168, 190, 202

Démétriade, Lord Bishop of, 327

De Rotslaer, a Fleming, 32

Deschamps, Maître Gilles, 100

Desert, Maître Guillaume du, 208

Desjardins, Maître Guillaume, 253, 254

Divineress, 145

Domremy, v, viii, xxvi, 6, 19, 213, 214, 215, 216, 229, 303, 375, 376

Dragomiroff, General, v

Du Boys, Nicolas, 327

Duchemin, Maître Jean, 101

Duchesne, Jean, 271

Duguesnay, Maître Maurice, 100

Dunois, Jean Count de, 232–241, 243, 293, 310, 311

Dupuy Library, 331

Dupuy, Jean, 281

D’Urfé Library, 331

Duval, Brother Guillaume, 163, 164, 340, 372

d’Elbret, Lord, 318

England’s victories, ix

England, thoughts of invasion, 65

English and French armies compared, xixii

English King, fear of, 372

English fear of Jeanne, 235, 236; and of her escape, 199; before Orleans, 233; and flight, 263, 268

English soldiers intimidate priests, 169, 170, 174–5, 190

English susceptibilities, 373; superstitions, 211

English expulsion from France, 88

Érard, Guillaume, 117, 118, 121, 127, 130, 170, 172, 173, 188, 194, 203, 206, 254, 255, 290, 340

Erault, Maître Jean, 265

Ermengard, Maître Erard, 100

Estellin, Beatrix, 6, 213, 215–6

d’Estivet, Guillaume, 185, 190, 254, 299, 374

d’Estivet, Canon Jean, Promoter of trial, 3, 68, 95, 97, 179, 197, 253, 322

d’Estouteville, Cardinal Guillaume, 178, 323, 373

Etienne of Sionne, Messire, 216

Etienne, called La Hire, 115

Evreux, 112

Excommunication Sentence, 145–6

Fabre, M. Jules, 252, 281

Fairies, 343, 366

Fairies Tree, 214

Fanouillères, Thomas de, 328

Fastolf, Sir John, 11, 280, 311, 312

Fauquembergue, Clement de, 336

Fave, Maître Jean de, 211

Fay, Geoffrey de, 225

Fécamp, The Lord Abbot of, 100, 127, 140, 182, 201, 253, 254

Fécard, Jean, 56

Ferrebouc, François, 332, 374

Feuillet, Gerard, 56, 61, 64, 67, 69, 74, 77, 79, 85, 89, 95, 103, 119, 171

Fiefvet, Thomas, 61, 66

Fleury, Jean, Clerk to the Bailly, 207

Floquet, Julien, 135

Folenfont, Georges, a heretic, 163, 301

Fournier, Messire Jean, 227

France, depressed condition on advent of Jeanne d’Arc, viii-ix, 270, 307; effect of English conquests, ix; contrast of army to English, xi; campaign under Joan of Arc, xv; distracted between rivalries of Burgundy and Orleans, xv; self-centred, xv, xvi; a conscious nation, xvii; much abused, 172; Jeanne declares her mission to save, 88, 306–7

French war-cry, 89

Fronte, Messire Guillaume, 216, 217

Garivel, Maître François, 243

Gastinel, Maître Denis, 101, 118

Gaucourt, Sieur Raoul de, 233, 241–3, 259, 292, 314

Gaucourt, Lady de, 282

Geneva, 331

Gerard, Maître, 101

Gérardin, of Epinal, 19, 220

Gerardin, Jean, 20

Gerardin, Nicolas, 20

Geresme, Brother Nicolas de, 234

Gien, town of, 245

Glasdale, William (Clasdas), Bailly of Alençon, 236, 247, 265, 289

Graverend, Maître Jean, 129, 141

Great Council of England, 179, 181

Greux, Village, 6, 216, 219

Gris or Grey, Sir John, 7, 39, 68, 103, 135, 338

Grouchet, Maître Richard, 209, 340

Guesclin, Bertrand du, 30

Guesdon, Laurence, 301

Guesdon, Maître Jacques, 101

Gouys, Jean de, 328

Haiton, Guillaume, 106, 117, 135

d’Harcourt, Sieur Christopher, 238

Hauviette, wife of Gerard of Syonne, 219

Havet, Guillaume, 250

Hellande, Guillaume de, 375

Henry IV, of England, xvii

Henry V, viii, 242

Henry VI of England, 119, 181, 253, 256, 335, 349; declared King of France, viii, crowned at Paris, 80; Jeanne’s letter, xiii, xviii, 36–38; his queen Margaret, 275

Heresy, 66, 160, 339, 371; Decree of, 143–4

Hillet, Adam, 97

Holy Council, The, 114, 116, 160, 190

Holy Scripture cited by Jeanne’s Judges, 109, 110, 124, 125

Honecourt, Jean de, 230

Houbent, Nicolas de, 61, 64, 66, 69, 74

Houppeville, Maître Nicolas de, 182, 190, 193, 200–2, 254

Huré, Reginald, 251

Hussites, letter to, xiii, and Cardinal Beaufort, xvii

Illiers, Sieur Florent d’, 276

Inquisition, xix, 8

Isabel of Bavaria, Queen, viii, 21, 226, 283

Jacob, Messire Dominique, 215

Jacquard, Jean, 231

Jacquier, Guillot, 216, 229

Jargeau, 237, 263, 266, 276–8

Jargeau, Captain of, 32, 48, 52

Jeanne d’Arc, home and parentage, viii, 6, 213; birth on feast of the Epiphany, ix; mother’s teaching, 6; god-parents, 6, 213; childhood, 19; occupation of youth, 9, 214; share in village festivals at Ladies’ Tree, 20, 21, 92, 219, 343, 344; imagination fired by fable and folk-lore, ix, x; early vision, x, 10, 63; religious observances, 10, 218; mandate from Archangel Michael, St. Catherine and St. Margaret, x, 23, 39, 41, 137, 353; domesticated and pious, viii, 213, 215, 216, 226, 228, 229, 231, 241, 249, 250; would fall on her knees at sound of church bells, 215, 220, 221; modesty of speech, 231, 243; reproved evil speech, 245, 280, 308; divine influence, 224, 231, 235, 239, 241; visits Neufchâteau, 9, 10; father’s dream, 64; action for marriage, 62, 64, 344; father’s anger, 65; Uncle Laxart conducts her to Robert de Baudricourt, declares her mission to save France, 11, 218, 219, 304; Baudricourt incredulous, 227; her tone impresses Jean de Metz, x, 223; begs conduct to the King, 223; early dress, 223, 228; escorted to Duke of Lorraine, 11, 218, 224; given a horse and money, 218, 226; returns to Vaucouleurs, 12; issues therefrom clad as a warrior, 12, 223, 228, 230; journey to the Dauphin, her escort, 230; journey to Chinon, x, 224, 231; writes for interview, 28; presented to the King—the Dauphin, 13, 225, 231, 282–3, 308; inspired recognition, 13; her prophecy, 225, 226, 227, 228, 230, 280, 282, 307; sign given to King Charles, 59, 60, 61, 69, 115, 239, 244, 348, 362; accompanied an angel to presence of Charles VII, 71, 283, 358, 367; angel came for a great purpose, 72; Jeanne admits herself to be the angel, 149; applies for and discovery of a sword in church of St. Catherine de Fierbois, 27, 28, 349; King refers her to clergy of Chinon, 274; and Poitiers, xi, 242, 243, 274; examined at Poitiers by prelates and theologians, xv, 242, 243–4, 245, 271, 282, 291, 306–8; Archbishop of Rheims gives credence, xi; King advised to accept her aid, 275, 282; her confessor, Pasquerel, 284; King gives her armour, 260, 275, 310; provides page, 260; steward, 308; and military household, 59, 260, 399; method of sleeping in war, 360; horse presented by Duke d’Alençon, 30, 260, 274; her horses, 51, 59, 78, 218, 226; skilful horse-woman, 30; King’s force entrusted to her, 31, 359; her banners, 30, 31, 47, 48, 59, 89, 90, 93, 283, 349; entry into Orleans and successful sally, 260–3, 267, 275, 284–5, 310–17; attack on bridge fort, 32, 236, 262; details of the relief of Orleans, 233–6, 246–7, 285–6; letter to besiegers of Orleans, 235, 246–7, 286–7; challenges copy, 12; her wounds, 14, 32, 236, 262, 278, 288–9, 290, 297; martial skill, xii, 272, 281, 294, 297; Count Dunois believed her conduct in war more divine than human, 233, 235; at Loches, 270; homage of the people, 50, 270; denies she allowed it, 342, 359; celebrates Mass with army in sight of English, 249; leads Dauphin’s army with success, xii; urges attack on other towns, 237; strikes English with terror, xvii, 253; advises Dauphin, at Loches, to go quickly to Rheims, 238; tells source of her counsel, 238–9; conduct at assault on Jargeau, 276–8; at Beaugency, 293; at Patay, 293; siege of Troyes, 239–40; enters Troyes with the King, 49, 50, 292; witnesses consecration of Charles at Rheims, xii, 44, 50, 51; waives personal reward for taxes exemption of Domremy, 215; at Château-Thierry, 50; assault on Paris, 14, 361; deposits her white armour in church of St. Denis, 29, 88–9, 361; at Bourges, 318; takes Saint Pierre-le-Moustier, saves pillage of church, 246, 318–19; siege of La Charité, 53–4, 378; alleged to have restored life to a child, 52; appeal to King Charles to permit her return to rural life, xiv, 240–1; a rival in Catherine de la Rochelle, 53; continues to share national struggle by request, xiv; her statesmanship, xiv; advice neglected, xv; great French nation self-centred her view, xv; at Crespy, 57, 332; leaves for relief of Compiègne, xvi, 57, 333; ambushed in a sally, 333; captured with her steward, 58, 334, 335; by Burgundians, xvi, 4, 178; taken to Jehan de Luxembourg, 334; to Rouen, 334; predicts preservation of Compiègne, 334; taken to Marigny, 335; letters announcing her capture, 335, 336; rejoicings in Paris, 336; Inquisition claims her as a heretic, 337; and University of Paris, 337; Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, acting for the Regent Bedford, offers a King’s ransom, xviii, 337; removed to Beaulieu Castle, 334, 337; attempted escape, 81; delivered to the Duke of Bedford for £15,000, 334, 337; prison changed to Beaurevoir, 337; her leap from its tower, 54, 74, 75, 85, 337, 353, 355, 356, 363, 364, 369; removed to Arras, thence to Crotoy, finally to Rouen, 337; trial opened in Chapel Royal, Rouen Castle, 3, xix; its Inquisitorial form, 338; constitution of the court, 3, 8, 14, 22, 33, 34, 98, 99, 103; objections to method of trial, xix-xx; by at least two assessors, 182, 257, 339; course of trial reviewed, 339–41; promoters or counsel for prosecution, 3, 9; application to hear Mass prior to opening of case refused, 4; the charge, 4; applies for counsel, but refused, 173; offered but declines counsel from assessors, 102; statements as to counsel, 180, 182, 187, 193, 195, 204, 209, 339; urged as to whole truth in matters of faith, 5; requested to answer on oath, 5; conditionally declines, 5, 9, 15, 22, 33, 44; makes oath in the matter of faith, not of revelations, 6, 342; declines to say her _Pater_ except in Confession, 7; sworn on second day, after remonstrance, 9; held in a lay prison on an ecclesiastical charge, xviii, 162, 163; shameful prison treatment, xvii, 7, 174, 189, 192, 195, 304, 338; her jailer, 195; her male attire, 12; done nothing in the world but by order of God, even to taking male attire, 26, 46, 65, 79, 114–15, 347, 351; if released will wear woman’s dress, 21, 95; desire to hear Mass, in what attire not settled, 81; in war received sacrament in male dress, 51; adherence to male dress, 87, 88, 189; had a Voice from God for help and guidance, 10; craved no reward from the apparition or Voice than her soul’s salvation, 13; the Voice her adviser, 16, 83, 306, 307; votive candles to St. Catherine and St. Margaret, 82–3; source of her counsel, 320; believed as firmly as her belief in the Christian faith and that God hath redeemed us that the Voice came to her from God, 17, 195, 356, 370; warned that she would be captured, 57; the Voice heard during her trial, 22, 39; comforted by her Voices, 62, 67, 118; her prayer for counsel, 358, 364; her request to Voices, 75–6; advised in certain things for the King alone, 17; faith in her mission from God, 87, 115, 203, 356; the Voice accompanied with brightness or light, 10, 18, 27, 75; her visions, 15, 16, 306; faith in the grace of God, 18; for details of visitation by Voices refers judges to examination at Poitiers, 24, 46; unless with Divine authority refuses details, 352; subtlety of questions put to her, 160, 184, 196, 202, 203, 215, 299, 305; warns judge of his responsibility by her trial, 14, 16, 76; comfort from St. Michael, 24, 25, 84; interrogated as to St. Michael and St. Gabriel, 45; came in God’s name, send me back to God, 15; waits on our Lord, 90, 91, 108; declared herself a messenger from God, 348; loves the Church and our Christian Faith, 86; always upheld the Church, 343; dedicated her virginity to God, 62–3; her virginity, 91, 177, 205, 272, 309; correspondence and interrogations as to “three Pontiffs,” 34–6; her letters to Henry VI. and his generals to yield French towns, 36–8, 286–7; doubt as to authenticity of letter to Henry VI., xiiixiv; augurs further loss to English, 38–9; her rings, 40, 91–2; questioned as to a mandrake, 42, 344; guiltless of mortal sin, 43, 77, 78, 354, 370; hope of deliverance, 76, 80–81, 147, 148; trusts for salvation, 77; questioned as to Brother Richard, 49, 50; private examinations, 56, 64, 65, 67, 69, 74, 77, 79, 85, 89; hoped to deliver the Duke of Orleans, 65–6, 280; charges formulated, 78; questioned as to death of Franquet d’Arras, 78; articles of accusation prepared, 94, 119; denies witchcraft, 342; allegations of witchcraft, divination, and evil arts, 342, 343, 344, 348, 349, 357; questions and answers read over in prison, 95; prosecution describe her early years, allege neglect of religious instruction, 343; charged with living in a house of ill fame, 344; denies boast that she would be mother of three famous children, 345; adoption of male attire, 345–6; pleads to hear Mass in male attire, 96–7, 347; exhortations, 96–7, 106–119; replies to the six articles of exhortation, 113–117; trial in ordinary for belief, 98–106; assessors deliberate, 99–101; promoter against Jeanne said to act solely through zeal for the Faith, 101; canonical admonition, 102; interrogated on articles, 102–3; denies alleged misdeeds, 365; interrogated in prison on submission to the Church. If not in conflict with visions and revelations will submit to Church Militant, 103; God first, then Church Militant, 104, 108–110, 113–114, 189; her illness, 106–7, 228, 253, 255; medical men supplied to serve an end, 107; in event of death craves burial in holy ground, 108; hopes King will build a chapel for prayer, 290; declares herself a good Christian, 110; makes her devotions in passing to and fro Chapel of Castle, 171–2, 204; visited by enemies in disguise, 258, 298–9, and enticed to confess to Loyseleur within hearing of others, 165, 183–4; biased tribunal, 164, 204; Bp. of Beauvais’ agents interview her without effect, 111; Archdeacon Chatillon attempts instruction and admonishes, 113, 116; God her Creator caused her action, to God she refers, 114, 208; exhorted to submit to Church Militant, 116, 122–6, 190; if taken to the Pope will reply, 114, 189, 210; refers her answers to Rome, 128; willing to submit to Council of Bâle, 159; threatened to be treated as a heretic, 114, 116, 126; alleged intention to place her in an iron cage, 192, 205, 211; and tortured if refusing certain answers, 117, 119, 257, 300, 339; intrepid reply, 126; twelve articles of charge, approved by Paris University, considered and endorsed by judges, 119–121, 185; charged with frustrating peace, 348; denies this in case of Burgundy, but would oppose English till out of France, 349; her self-defence, xx-xxi; publicly exposed and preached to, 127, 172, 173; bishop pronounces sentence, 129; interrupted by recantation of Jeanne, 130–132, 208; will submit to the Church, 173, 176, 186; condemned to perpetual imprisonment, 133; insulted by soldiers, 211; in a lay prison, xviii; asks to be taken to an ecclesiastical prison, 169, 173; adopts feminine attire, 134, 173, 186, 189, 204, 207; again in male attire, 135, 174, 177, 179, 193; her explanation, 136, 159, 163, 177; abjures her recantation, 137–8; adjudication of judges, 138–140; to receive sentence in old market, Rouen, 141; takes the Sacrament, 151, 160, 175, 180, 187, 193, 207; sentence of death, xxi, 142–5; of excommunication, brought to the old market place, 142,163, 191, 256, 305; preached to, 191; forced from platform to stake without sentence of secular judges, 161, 163, 194, 300, 301; English soldiers around her, 170, 175; asked pardon of the English and Burgundians, 154; lays her fate upon Bishop of Beauvais, 158–9, 195; horror on learning proposed mode of death, 158; her execution, xxi; devout demeanour at the stake, 161, 164, 170, 175, 199; when in the flames begged the Cross to be held before her, 161, 175, 195; Jesus her dying utterance, 161, 176, 273, 301, 305; pity excited by her execution, 191, 192, 255; contrition of her executioner, 161, 163, 194; exact place of execution, 170, 175; death desired by the English, 186; her ashes cast into the Seine, 193, 207, 301, 302, 305; her appearance in June, 1429, 30; no authentic portrait known, 49; her abstemious diet, 237, 243, 296; prison diet, 15, 16; pious and simple life, xiii; physical hardihood, xiii; her presence controlled vice and raised tone of French army, xii-xiii, 243, 245, 249, 250, 251, 264, 268, 270; hospitable to poor, 221, 224, 272; problem as to her knowledge of logic and theology, xix; testimony to virtue and courage, xxvi, 319; eloquent and forensic, yet prudent and simple in answers, xxvii, 177, 179; Charles VII. orders posthumous enquiry nearly twenty years later, v, xxi, 371; abortive, 372; enquiry ordered by Pope Nicholas V., xxii, 372; no definite result, 373; Pope Calixtus, on petition of Jeanne’s mother, Isabella, causes solemn enquiry at Paris, xxii, 373–376; sworn information of events in the last days of Jeanne’s life, 147–8, 150; official Latin text of trial and rehabilitation, xxv; sentence of rehabilitation xxiii, 321–328, 376

Jeanne d’Arc family, _see_ d’Arc

_Jhesus Maria_ on banner, 31, 91, 361; on letters, 35, 36, 349, 350, 352, 369

Josephine, Empress, 249

Joyart, Mengette, 222

Jumièges, Abbot of, 127

La Basque, standard-bearer, 316, 317

La Charité sur Loire, 53, 73, 317, 352, 361

Lacloppe, Bertrand, 218

Ladies’ Tree, _see_ Tree

Ladvenu, Br. Martin, 148, 150, 168, 170, 175, 191, 193–5, 328, 338, 372

Lagny, 29, 52, 78

La Hire, Maréchal, 233, 235, 250, 263, 264, 277, 279, 293, 308, 311, 312, 314

La Macée, Lady, 305

Lambert or Lombart, Jean, 306

Lancaster, House of, xvii

Lapse, The, 121–134, 326

Lapau, Mme., 260

La Rose, Philippe, 373

La Rousse, woman, 9, 217, 219, 344

La Saussaye in diocese of Evreux, 209

Laval, Guy and André de, 30

Laverdy, M., 331

Laxart, Durand, 218, 225, 230

Laxart, Jean de, 6, 215

Lebouchier, Maître Guillaume, 100, 106

Lebouchier, Messire Pierre, 198

Lebuin, Michael, 225

Lecamus, Canon Jacques, 151

Lecomte, Denis, 332, 374

Ledoux, Maître Jean, 100, 118

Le Drapier, Perrin, 218

Lefevre, Maître Jean, Bishop of Démétriade, 101, 205, 210, 338

Lefumeux, Messire Jean, 231

Leguise, Bishop Jean, 240

Le Marie, Guillaume, 244, 306

Lemaître, Maître, Jean, Vice-Inquisitor of Beauvais, 8, 66, 67, 94, 95, 98, 99, 105, 129, 132, 133, 140, 141, 142, 168, 182, 193, 194, 322

Lenozolles, Maître Jean de, 290, 340

Leparmentier, Maugier, 300

Le Renard, _see_ Thérouanne

Leroyer, Catharine, 21, 227

Leroyer, Henry, 223, 227, 228

Le Royer, Thévenin, 218

L’Esbahy, Jacques, 248

Letters to English, 36–8, 235, 246–7, 286–7

Letter of Duke of Burgundy, 335

Letter of Count d’Armagnac, 34–5, 351; Jeanne’s reply, 35

Ligny, Count de, 178, 294, _see_ Luxembourg, Jean

Limoges, ix

Lingué, Jean, 6

Lisle, 177

Loches, 268, 270

Lohier, Maître Jean, xix, xx, 166–7, 254, 257, 339

Loire, camps on the, 237

Longueville, Lord Prior of, 100

Loré, Sieur Ambroise de, 275, 279

Lorraine, its traditions, viii, ix, 9

Lorraine, Charles, Duke of, 11, 30, 214, 218, 226, 272, 230

Lorraine, Réné of Anjou, Duke of, 11

Louis XI., vii, 245, 275, 289

Louviers, siege proposed, 157, 158

Loyseleur, Nicolas, 56, 117, 118, 130, 134, 148, 152, 165, 166, 167, 169, 179, 182, 183, 202, 258, 298–9, 340, 341

Lude, Sieur de, 278

Luxembourg, Jean de, 58, 334, 335, 336; his wife, Jeanne de Bethune, 46; _see_ also Ligny, Count de

Luxembourg, Count Waleran de, 46, 334

Luxembourg, Messire Louis de, Archbp. of Rouen, 163, 294; _see_ Thérouanne

Machet, Gerard, Bishop of Castres, 238

Maçon, Maître Jean, 248

Maçon, Robert le, 238

Mailly, Jean de, Bishop of Noyon, 255–6

Manchon, Guillaume, 56, 68, 77, 95, 126, 136, 146, 165, 172, 178–187, 188, 197, 212, 298, 331, 340, 372, 374

Mandrakes, 42

Manuel, Pierre, 304

Margaret of Anjou, 11, 275

Margaret of Bavaria, 272

Margaret of Scotland, 223

Marguerie, André, 101, 117, 118, 121, 192, 202, 208–9

Marie, Messire Thomas, 211

Marigny, 335

Marriage, action against Jeanne, 62, 64, 344

Martel, Charles, 27

Martin V., Pope, 34

Mary of Anjou, Queen, 46

Massieu, Maître Jean, 56, 68, 85, 117, 135, 141, 170, 171–176, 198, 339, 372

Maugier, Pierre, 373

Maurice, Maître Pierre, 56, 89, 95, 96, 101, 103, 121, 122, 148, 149, 166, 171, 180, 209, 302

Maxey-sur-Vays, 19, 225

Meaux, Bishop of, _see_ Versailles

Meaux, Viscountess de, 46

Mehun, 237

Melun, 57, 73

Melville, Lord, xi

Merlin, prophecy, 21, 188, 241

Message, Mathieu, 244

Metz, Jean de Novelemport, called Jean de, x, 12, 136, 218, 223–5, 226, 228, 230, 265, 291, 301

Meung, 249, 263

Meung-sur-Loire, 237, 278, 289

Meung-sur-Yèvre, 245, 317

Midi, Maître Nicolas, 56, 61, 64, 67, 69, 74, 77, 79, 85, 89, 94, 95, 96, 100, 103, 106, 109, 119, 121, 134, 142, 166, 171, 176, 177, 207, 255, 258, 295, 300

Milan, Duke of, 6

Milet, Colette, 295

Milet, Pierre, 295, 296

Minet, Messire Jean, 6

Minier, Pierre, 209

Moen, Jean, 216

Monnet, Maître Jean, 258–9, 340

Montargis, battle, 232, 242

Moreau, Jean, 303

Morel, Maître Aubert, 101, 117, 118, 119

Morel, Jean, 6, 215

Morin, Maître Jourdin, 274, 282

Mortemer, Abbot of, 127

Mugot, _see_ Contes, L. de

Musée de Trocadéro, Paris, 49

Musnier, Simonin, 221

Muton, Guillaume, 103

Naples, vii

Napoleon I., v

Neufchâteau, 9, 10, 212, 214, 216, 218, 220, 344

Newman, Cardinal, xxii

Nibat, Jean de, 100

Nicholas V., Pope, xxi, 372

Normandy, 371

Norwich, Bishop of, 127

Novelomport, Jean de, 12; _see_ Metz

Noyon, Bishop and Diocese of, 4, 121, 127, 142

Oath, administration of, 5, 6, 7

Olivier, Alain, 328

Orient, Pierre, 97

Orleans family, xv

Orleans, Charles, Duke of, 72, 280

Orleans, Duke of, 12, 65, 307, 353

Orleans held by patriots, ix; its siege, vii, 31, 32, 35; relief ordered, x; siege raised by Jeanne d’Arc, 233–237, 242, 245, 246–7, 249, 260–263, 266–270, 275–6, 284–289, 292, 293, 296, 297, 307, 300–317

Ourches, Albert d’, 228

Paris, vii, xv, 181, 352; its assault, 14, 28, 73, 78, 353; Church of Notre Dame, 373; National Library, 331, 332; Parliament of, 336; University of, xxi, 119, 120, 122, 138, 177, 336

Paris, Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of, 321, 373

Partada, Alphonse de, 314

Pasquerel, Brother Jean, 32, 281, 282

Patay, Battle of, xii, 266, 280, 289, 293

Peter of Pomfret, ix

Petit, Gerard, 229

Philip II, 273

Philip the Fair, xxii

Picard ravages, 9

Pigache, Maître Jean, 209

Pinchon, Jean, 99

Poitiers, vii, ix, xi, xviii, xix, 24, 136, 265, 305; book at, 25; Church of, 116; Clergy of, 201, 244

Pole, William de la, Earl of Suffolk, 36, 241, 248, 263, 265, 277, 278

Pollichon, _see_ Poulengey

Pont l’Evêque, 73, 361

“Pontiffs, Three,” 34

Pope and Empire, xvi

Pope Calixtus, v, xxii, 178, 373

Pope Nicholas V., 372, 373

Pope of Rome, 33, 36, 91, 114, 116, 128, 131, 145, 159, 160, 189, 210

Poulengey, Bertrand de, 12, 136, 218, 224, 226, 228–231, 265; _see_ Pollichon, B.

Poulnois, Hauves, 283

Pouthon, the Burgundian, 335

Preaux, Abbot of, 127

Pressy, Sieur Jean de, 47

Preston Manor, Sussex, 42

Prévosteau, Guillaume, 374

Process or transcript of trial, 180, 181, 187, 188, 196, 197, 200, 210, 325, 326, 327

Prophecy—France lost by a woman, saved by a maid, 226, 227

Prophecy of d’Avignon, 269

Queen of Charles VII, 270, 271

Quesnay, Maurice de, 106

Quicherat, xxv, 242

Rabateau, Jean, 24, 243, 265, 269, 306

Raguier, Hemon, Treasurer, 215, 275, 283

Raiguesson, Jean, 6, 215

Rais, Gilles de Laval, Seigneur de, 233

Raymond, 260

Regnault de Chartres, xiv; _see_ Rheims

Rehabilitation Sentence, 321–328, 371

Relapse, 135–146, 326

Reynel, Maître Jean de, 257

Rheims xii, 215, 237, 239, 244, 245, 264, 292, 304, 361; Jeanne’s house, 51

Rheims Cathedral xii, xiv, 51

Rheims, Jean Jouvenal des Ursins, Archbishop of, 321, 373

Rheims Reginald, Archbp. of 324

Rheims, Regnault de Chartres, Archbp. of, xi, xiv, xix, 24, 115, 118, 201, 233, 240, 305

Ricarville, Guillaume de, 245

Richard II, ix

Richard, the Archer, 224, 226, 228, 230

Richard, Brother, 42, 48, 53

Richelieu, 289

Ricquier, Jean, 301

Rose, Philippe de, 178

Roncessey-sous-Neufchâteau, 216

Rouel, Jean de, 257

Rouen, v, xix, 119, 372; Castle, 3, 110, 117, 119, 121, 290; the Ornament Room, 8, 340, 351; Archiepiscopal Chapel, 120, 138, 139, 328; Trial of Jeanne d’Arc, 3, 99, 121, 132, 181, 252; Jeanne’s Imprisonment, 96, 106, 192, 195, 199, 205, 255, 294, 299, 303, 305; Cemetery of Saint Ouen, 127, 132; Market Place, 170, 327

Roussel, Guillaume, 328

Roussel, Jean, 328

Roussel, Raoul, 118

Rouvray, Battle, 11

Royal Letters of Jeanne’s Surrender, 3

Saint Bernard, 119

St. Catherine, x, 23, 24, 26, 39, 40, 47, 60, 62, 65, 69, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 84, 88, 90, 92, 109, 115, 131, 137, 345, 352, 355, 357, 358, 363, 366, 368, 370

St. Catherine de Fierbois, village, 12, 27, 28, 89, 349

St. Charles, 234, 235

St. Denis, 13, 14, 29, 62, 88, 349, 353, 354, 361; war cry, 89

St. Eusebius, Cardinal of England, 127, 161, 187, 209

St. Gabriel, 118, 357, 366, 371

St. Lo of Rouen, Prior of, 127

St. Louis, 234, 235

St. Margaret, x, 23, 24, 26, 39, 40, 47, 60, 62, 65, 71, 74, 77, 84, 88, 90, 92, 109, 115, 131, 137, 345, 352, 354, 357, 358, 363, 366, 368, 370

Saint Mesmin, Amian de, 248

St. Michael, 25, 39, 42, 44, 45, 64, 84, 85, 199, 255, 344, 355, 357, 358, 366, 368, 370

St. Michel au Peril-de-la-Mer, Abbot of, 127

St. Nicholas du Port, 226, 277–8, 229

St. Ouen of Rouen, Abbot of, 127

St. Ouen, Jeanne preached to at, 172, 187, 191, 255, 259, 295, 376

St. Peter and his Successors, 124, 131

St. Pierre-le-Moustier, 246, 318

St. Quentin, Burgundy’s letter to people, 335

St. Thomas, 160

St. Urbain, town of, 12

Scales, Lord, 37, 248, 278

Scotland, King of, vii

Séguin, Pierre, 244

Selles-en-Berry, 30, 271

Senlis, Bishop of, 51, 78

Shakespeare, ix

Sicily, Yolande, Queen of, 275, 309

Soissons, 4, 54

Sologne, the, 260, 284

Stafford, Earl of, 183, 294

Suffolk, Earl of, 21; _see_ Pole

Surname, girls take mother’s, 95

Surreau, Laurent, receiver-general, 257, 328

Sword obtained at St. Catherine de Fierbois, 28, 89, 349, 353

Talbot, John, Earl of Shrewsbury, 37, 234, 235, 248, 266, 279, 280

Talbot, William, 7, 338

Taquel, Nicolas, 68, 146, 185, 195–198, 298, 340

Teresa, viii

Thermes, Simon de, 229

Thérouanne, Bishop of (Cardinal de Luxembourg), 121, 127, 142, 208, 334

Thévenin, Jeannette, 6, 213, 215, 216

Thierry, Maître Reginald, 245

Thierry, Wautrin, 375

Thiesselin, Jeannette, 6, 213, 215, 217

Thou, Jacques de, 248

Tilly, Janet de, 232

Torcenay, Jean de, Bailly of Chaumont, 225, 229

Toul, 344

Touraine, Jacques de, 56, 89, 103, 106, 119, 166, 171, 183, 252, 257

Touroulde, Dame Marguerite la, 270–272

Tours, 28, 268, 283, 284

Torture, 117, 119, 126, 339

Toutmouillé, Brother Jean, 148, 150, 157, 372

Tree at Domremy, Ladies’ or Fairies’, 20, 214, 217, 219, 221, 229, 343, 344, 366

Tremouille, Seigneur de la, 60, 71, 78, 115

Tressart, Maître Jean, 192

Trèves, Sieur de, 238

Trèves, Lady de, 282

Trial, _see_ Process

Troyes, xii, 48, 49, 292; treaty of, viii, 226

Turquetil, Maître Eustace, 172

Turrelure, Pierre, 306

Vallée, Maître Guillaume, 190

Vatican, 331

Vaucouleurs, x, 9, 214, 225, 226, 227, 230; remains of castle, 11, 12, 65

Vaucouleurs, Alain de, 226

Vaux, Pasquier, de, 61, 64, 66

Venderès, Nicolas de, 99, 117, 118, 121, 135, 139, 147

Vendôme, Count de, 74

Verneuil, battle of, 277

Versailles, Pierre de, Abbot of Talmont, 243, 265, 269, 270, 274, 282

Vienne, Colet de, 12, 218, 224, 226, 228, 230

Villars, Sieur de, 232, 314

Viole, Maître Aignan, 297

Wandonne, Lionel Bastard de, 335

Ward, Jean Dieu-le-, 218

Warwick, Earl of, 106, 162, 164, 169, 174, 179, 183, 186, 189, 190, 197, 200, 212, 232, 254, 294, 299, 335, 338

Washington, George, xiv

Waterin, Jean, 220

Well Sunday, 20, 214, 217, 219

William of Worcester, 336

Woman’s dress, Jeanne and, 21, 46, 47, 95, 114–115, 134, 136, 138, 159, 169, 174, 186, 204, 228, 347, 348, 367, 368

Ysambard de la Pierre, 66, 67, 69, 77, 79, 85, 89, 118, 134, 135, 159–162, 164, 168, 188, 190, 194, 340

RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.

ERRATA

p. 121, l. 25} p. 127, l. 21} p. 142, l. 16} _read_ ‘Thérou_a_nne’ _instead of_ ‘Thérou_e_nne.’ p. 208, l. 28} Index, p. 395}

P. 156, l. 10 _read_ “In the Original, the whole of the _first_ Enquiry is in French, the second and third are in Latin.”

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Made corrections menioned in ERRATA. 2. Changed “Berwoit” to “Berwoist” on p. 68. 3. Added numbers for second footnote on p. 232 and third footnote on p. 355. 4. Changed “Mehun” to “Meung” on p. 317. 5. Silently corrected typographical errors. 6. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed. 7. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. 8. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.