CHAPTER LVI

THE THREE IRISH CHURCHES

[Sidenote: The Establishment.]

In the year 1756 Archbishop Stone made a speech in the Irish House of Lords which the reporter said was much the best he had ever heard there. Stone showed that the Reformation never had a fair chance in Ireland. In England the people had been ripe for change, but in the smaller island it was far otherwise: 'The establishment at first of the Protestant religion was an act of power quite opposite to the inclination of the natives, who were, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, generally in rebellion, with the Spanish Court to inflame them more on this account.' During the reigns of the first two Stuarts this feeling continued unabated, and after the massacre of 1641 all attempts to reclaim the natives were hopeless. Strafford had done something, and would have done more 'had he not been entirely governed by a peevish, weak, narrow-spirited Archbishop Laud, who placed more importance in the colour of a rag or erecting a monument in the east or middle of a church than in the great essentials of religion.' Ussher, the only man who might have united the Protestants, was laid aside, and the Scotch colony prevented the settlement of Ulster from serving the Church. Papists were encouraged by these dissensions, and would have driven the Reformation altogether out of Ireland but for the constant support of England. Stone was an Englishman and by no means a model Primate, but he had studied without prejudice the history of the country in the government of which he had so large a share.[284]

[Sidenote: Jeremy Taylor.]

Bramhall, whom Cromwell called the Irish Canterbury, naturally became Primate at the Restoration, and the Laudian system was fully established. The difficulties surrounding the Church may be understood from the experiences of Jeremy Taylor. Poor and unbeneficed, in 1647 he had published the 'Liberty of Prophesying,' and had endeavoured to determine the true relation between Church and State. 'The temporal power,' he said, 'ought not to restrain prophesyings, where the public peace and interest are not certainly concerned.' He knew that 'a union of persuasion is impossible to be attained.' Taylor came to Ireland in 1658 with the Protector's licence and protection, and worked quietly as a clergyman under Lord Conway's patronage. At the Restoration he became Bishop of Down and Connor and administrator of Dromore, and little more than two years later he preached Bramhall's funeral sermon. The Primate had been softened by age, perhaps his mind had been enlarged by foreign travel and by controversy with Hobbes, and it was against the Bishop of Down that the Presbyterians exerted their full force. The gentle Margetson, who succeeded to Armagh, was not one to make the rent worse. Taylor found a great difference between philosophising as a scholar and governing as a bishop. The ministers told him that they would not acknowledge his office, and that they believed the Presbyterian polity to be of divine right. After several attempts at conciliation he treated thirty-six parishes as vacant and filled them with incumbents from England. The Presbyterians turned their faces to Scotland, and their organisation grew without any reference to the Established Church of Ireland. Bishop Taylor died in 1667, much of his later time being occupied in the hopeless task of trying to convert the Roman Catholics by argument, and in answering the critics of his 'Dissuasive from Popery.' The diocese was not fortunate in the shepherds who succeeded him.[285]

[Sidenote: A bad bishop.]

Roger Boyle was Bishop of Down for only five years, and made no particular mark. Margetson checked his efforts to repress the Presbyterians. His translation to Clogher was promotion in point of money, and was also desirable because Lord Ranelagh would get something out of the first-fruits. He was followed by Thomas Hacket, whom Essex recommended as a fit person long known to him and to whom he had given a living in Hertfordshire. Hacket was English by birth, but educated at Trinity College, Dublin, and he had been Dean of Cork. According to his own account, he found both Papists and Presbyterians impossible to deal with, and he soon ceased to try; keeping out of his diocese as much as possible. The King ordered strict residence, but Clarendon found that Hacket had been six years absent. He had some good men under his nominal charge who gave a lamentable account, 'many of the clergy being absent from their cures and leaving them to mean and ignorant curates, such as will serve cheapest, which gives a grievous advantage to the adversaries of our religion.' One of these incumbents was Robert Maxwell, who drew 900_l._ a year from several benefices 'but never resided upon any.' The lame foot of justice halted until 1694, when a royal commission suspended Hacket for non-residence, and then deprived him for simony. He was one of the worst enemies that the Church of Ireland ever had.[286]

[Sidenote: Bishops ignorant of Irish.]

The twelve bishops consecrated together at the Restoration were all of British birth or parentage. Three had been educated at Oxford, three at Cambridge, the rest at Trinity College, Dublin, but some of the latter were Oxford doctors also. Robert Leslie, who was particularly obnoxious to the Presbyterians, had been at Aberdeen as well as Oxford and Dublin. Most of them were worthy men, many of them great benefactors to the Church in which they filled high places, but it does not appear that any spoke Irish. They could, therefore, have no missionary influence in the wilder districts. This was all in pursuance of the Laudian policy. Strafford trusted no Irishman nor anyone born in Ireland, and he thwarted the efforts of Bedell to reach the native Irish through their own language, leaving that work to the friars. Jeremy Taylor's idea of civilising the Celts was to make them learn English. The Scotch in Ulster, whom Strafford tried to destroy and who instead destroyed him, were also estranged by the determination of the Irish Government and most of the bishops to acknowledge none but what the sceptic Petty called 'legal protestants,' and to treat Presbyterians and Anabaptists as 'fanatics.'[287]

[Sidenote: Condition of the clergy.]

The dignitaries were much too numerous for the requirements of the Church, and they were pretty well paid. From a report made for Ormonde's information in 1668 by Dean Lingard of Lismore, we know that Primate Margetson had over 3500_l._ a year, including his fees as Prerogative Judge and King's Almoner. Archbishop Boyle of Dublin had 1200_l._ a year and the expectation of more: he was also Lord Chancellor. Dr. Mossom of Derry received 1800_l._ Of the others, twelve had incomes from 1600_l._ to 1000_l._, five between that and 600_l._ The poorest bishoprics were Clonfert and Kildare, being worth respectively 400_l._ and 200_l._ Christ Church, Dublin, worth 600_l._, was the best deanery. 'The inferior clergy of Connaught,' adds Lingard, 'are very poor, the whole country being swallowed up by impropriations.' Bedell, and later Robartes, fought against pluralities, and no doubt there were some scandalous cases, but there were a great many parishes in which no clergyman, and especially no married clergyman, could live decently on glebe and tithe. At the beginning of the seventeenth century this had gone very far. The abbeys had got hold of the tithes generally, and after the dissolution the Crown granted them to laymen. The greatest deficiency was in Connaught, where the vicar who did the work got commonly but 40_s._ a year and sometimes only 16_s._ At the beginning of the eighteenth century things were not much better. When engaged in obtaining the remission of first-fruits and tenths, Swift reported that hardly one parish in ten had a glebe and still fewer a house. The livings were so small that five or six had to be joined to make up 50_l._ a year. The clergy 'for want of glebes were forced in their own or neighbouring parish to take farms to live on at rack-rent.' So much went to collectors that the first-fruits and tenths were worth only 500_l._ a year net to the Crown, and Swift succeeded in getting them remitted. He was less successful with impropriations still in the Queen's hands worth about 2000_l._ annually to her and a great impoverishment to the Irish Church, amounting to one-third or one-half of the real value of each benefice affected. Goldsmith's good parson

to all the country dear And passing rich with forty pounds a year

was in Ireland, and Chaucer's fuller portrait of such a man might find application there too.[288]

[Sidenote: The Bible in Irish.]

An Act of 1537 provided that English should be the general language and that all children should be brought up to speak it, spiritual promotion in particular being confined to those who could do so. If a person not so qualified was admitted to orders, he was to be sworn under penalties to learn English as soon as possible, and the bishop was subject to a fine of 3_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ if he failed to administer the oath. The New Testament was, nevertheless, translated into Irish in 1602, and James I. ordered that it should be read in Irish-speaking places. The book soon became scarce, for the Roman Catholic clergy bought up as many copies as possible. The Irish types provided by Queen Elizabeth found their way to Douai, and did service against the Reformation. There was no attempt to translate the Old Testament from the original tongue, but after the publication of the Authorised English version, Bedell managed to get it done into Irish. Strafford, Bramhall, and Chappell all opposed him; nothing was printed, and the poor Irish scholar employed by the bishop was persecuted and denied his reward. When Bedell died, his friend Denis Sheridan preserved the manuscript. During the Civil War nothing could be done, but the sheets were preserved by Bishop Jones. It was not until long after the Restoration that the work was again taken in hand, the translation being then a 'confused heap, pitifully defaced and broken.' Andrew Sall, a converted Jesuit, was employed; Narcissus Marsh and Price of Cashel being active in the matter. The Chancellor-Archbishop Boyle was afraid of the Act of Henry VIII., and Dopping was affected by the same consideration. Robert Boyle, who wished to do something for the country whence he drew an income, furnished the funds, fresh types were cut, a second edition of the New Testament was published in 1681, and a first edition of the Old in 1685. The belated work was perhaps more useful in the Scotch highlands than in Ireland, for the time had long passed since the Reformation might have appealed to a Roman Catholic people in their own tongue.[289]

[Sidenote: The Presbyterians.]

The Protestant sects of English origin gave little trouble after the Restoration, though the Castle plot in 1663 showed that some of the old leaven was still working. But the Presbyterians, who were in fact a colony from Scotland, had powerful support from that country, and active ministers could pass to and fro without difficulty and with little interference from Ormonde, who was not naturally intolerant. Most of his relations belonged to the Church of Rome. When Robartes succeeded him in 1669, some favour was shown to the Presbyterians, but the reign was too short to do much. Berkeley showed very marked indulgence to the Roman Catholics, and it was not his cue to persecute Nonconformists. Essex was inclined to toleration, but did not underrate the difficulties. When Ormonde returned to Dublin Castle in 1677 he found things very much changed. By the law of 1665 no minister not of episcopal ordination could administer the Sacrament without paying 100_l._ each time. It was, nevertheless, constantly done, thousands assembled to hear preachers who often came from Scotland, and Presbyterian Church government was quietly established. Ormonde thought the most dangerous party in Ireland to the King's government was that of the Protestant Nonconformists, 'taken simply by themselves without the consideration of foreign incitement or assistance.' He knew that men came from Scotland to escape Lauderdale and his myrmidons, but it was impossible to prosecute them without doing the same with the Papists, and after many years tacit toleration that would make great trouble. If both parties were attacked the prisons would be full, the population driven from their homes and work, and the revenue destroyed. His advice was to let things alone without any pronouncement for toleration, since that would be ascribed to fear. Ulster, he said, was full of 'the worst Protestants and Papists in the whole kingdom.' The latter would very probably rebel if they saw a chance, and the great thing was not to give one. Speeches in the Long Parliament about the extirpation of Popery in Ireland were 'some cause or at lease some pretence for the beginning of that rebellion in 1641, as the prospect of the division between the late King and the two Houses of Parliament was the encouragement. I have to spread the army very thin to keep Tories in awe and the English in heart.' The main strength of Irish Presbyterianism was, and is, in Ulster, but when Ormonde was writing the above its organisation had been extended to several places in the other three provinces. There was some active persecution during the period of reaction after the Popish plot was exploded, but all Protestants, except the Quakers, joined in the great effort against James II. When the danger was over, full toleration was still denied to the Nonconformists.[290]

[Sidenote: The Roman Catholics.]

The Church of Rome retained her hold on the native population of Ireland. Though in constant danger, a number of priests stayed in the country during the Commonwealth period, and the Act of Abjuration only made things worse. Ormonde tried to divide the Roman Catholic clergy, but he failed to get the Remonstrance adopted. He thought he might even then have succeeded had he been left longer in the Government, but in this he was probably wrong. Peter Walsh's party dwindled fast, and to modern eyes it appears that this was inevitable. The appointment of Berkeley, coinciding with the treaty of Dover, stopped all active repression for the time, and Essex, who tried to copy the dividing policy of Ormonde, had even less chance of success. Occasional fits of Protestant zeal in England might for a time banish some bishops and drive some friars and Jesuits into hiding, but the framework of the Church and the secular clergy were not much disturbed. Ambitious and restless priests had something to fear from the English Government, but nothing to expect. Promotion came from Rome; a safe asylum and sometimes good means of support were afforded by France and Spain.

[Sidenote: Oliver Plunket.]

Oliver Plunket, whose judicial murder has been dealt with above, was appointed Primate by Clement IX. in 1669. On his way he made some stay in London, where he was well received by Queen Catherine, and reached Dublin in March 1670. Robartes was Lord Lieutenant and, search having been made for the new Archbishop before he came, he thought it prudent to move at night only. When Berkeley arrived, all was changed. Plunket was received at Dublin Castle, though not quite openly, and he explained that he could not help going there often, since Lady Berkeley, the chief secretary, and others were of his own faith. He was on good terms with his rival Margetson. There were at that time 1000 secular priests in Ireland and from 600 to 800 regulars who came and went. When Essex became Lord Lieutenant he was inclined to tolerate the Roman Catholic clergy if they kept quiet, but the pressure of the English Parliament in 1673 obliged him to take steps which drove most of the Roman Catholic bishops from Ireland and many of the regulars. He tried to protect the remnant of the Remonstrants which Berkeley had been ordered to do, but did not. Plunket, not otherwise given to harsh judgments, was very bitter against Peter Walsh, and against anything that looked like Jansenism. He himself remained in Ireland under the name of Thomas Cox, and he was not seriously molested until the days of Oates's plot. He held provincial assemblies, established schools, and in four years confirmed 48,655 persons, some of whom were sixty years old, and repressed vice to the utmost. Drunkenness he especially abhorred, and forbade the clergy to indulge in whisky; to give an example, he himself did not drink at meals. 'Give me,' he says, 'an Irish priest without this vice, and he is assuredly a saint.' It must be remembered that the clergy were extremely poor and that this devoted Primate had not more than 20_l._ in the world.[291]

[Sidenote: Peter Talbot.]

[Sidenote: O'Molony.]

Peter Talbot became Archbishop of Dublin nearly at the same time as Plunket was appointed to Armagh, and the two were soon in controversy about precedence. Talbot was a political priest much practised in intrigues and altogether different from the Primate. He was supported by the Duke of York, but not much liked by any party. Both Archbishops were imprisoned for supposed complicity in the 'Popish plot,' but no real evidence appeared against either. Talbot died in the Castle of stone, from which he had long suffered, and Plunket forced his way to him and administered the last rites. Probably the warders were not very unwilling. More important than Talbot was John O'Molony, 'the most dangerous because the wisest man of their clergy,' in Essex' opinion. He was appointed to Killaloe in 1671, and showed his ability by bringing about a good understanding between Plunket and Talbot and between Talbot's brother, the future Tyrconnel, and Ormonde's brother-in-law, Colonel Fitzpatrick. He had good preferment in France, so that he could spend some money if required. Essex feared that if the divisions were healed he would be unable to get any information. O'Molony had influence at the French Court even before he became a bishop, and he conferred with Plunket when at Paris on his way to Ireland.[292]

[Sidenote: Some other bishops.]

O'Molony, though he evidently liked being in France, did not neglect his duties in Ireland. After three years' uninterrupted residence, he escaped in 1681 just before the execution of Plunket, and gave a short account of the ecclesiastical state of Ireland. In Ulster the only bishop remaining at the moment was Patrick Tyrrell of Clogher, who wandered about as secretly as possible. In Leinster there were James O'Phelan, who managed to live among friends in his diocese of Ossory, and Mark Forstall of Kildare, who was a prisoner in Dublin Castle. In Munster, Brenan, Archbishop of Cashel, lived quietly with his relations, while Peter Creagh of Cork lurked in hiding near Killaloe; he was betrayed by a servant who mistook him for O'Molony. Wetenhall, the Protestant Bishop of Killaloe, had Creagh arrested and imprisoned at Limerick, but he was afterwards sent to Dublin and left at large under surveillance. James Duley, Bishop of Limerick, was taken before a magistrate, but allowed to go free on account of his age and infirmity. In Connaught, where the Protestant minority was small, De Burgo of Elphin and Keogh of Clonfert were able to live quietly, though not quite safely. The inferior clergy throughout Ireland were practically tolerated, not being considered as directly under foreign jurisdiction like the bishops. O'Molony was specially suspected on account of his known dealings with the French Government, and was supposed to be the contriver of the imaginary invasion which brought Oliver Plunket to the scaffold. He came to believe that 'there is no Englishman, Catholic or other, of what quality or degree soever alive that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest of his own in England.'[293]

[Sidenote: Recusants after James II.]

James II. naturally wished to provide for the endowment of his own Church, and he proposed to create a fund by keeping vacant the archbishopric of Cashel and three other sees. Bishop O'Molony's advice was to take all benefices, giving a pension to the Protestant incumbents who could 'pretend' to nothing more than a lease for life. The Acts of Attainder and of Absentees would have gone a long way towards carrying this out without troubling about life interests. When the Jacobite cause was finally lost, the Irish penal code came into being. Being in a minority, the victors never felt quite safe, and having suffered much were not in a forgiving mood. As to the results of this oppression Berkeley asked, 'Whether it be not a vain attempt to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry exclusive of the bulk of the natives?' In another place he says, 'The house of an Irish peasant is the cave of poverty; within you see a pot and a little straw; without, a heap of children tumbling on the dunghill.' Swift at various periods asserted that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were in point of power no more considerable than women and children; and in 1731, when the persecution had done its work, he added that the estates of Papists were very few, 'crumbling into small parcels, and daily diminishing.' In 1745, the year of Swift's death, Berkeley besought the Roman Catholics of his diocese of Cloyne not to rise in favour of the Pretender, lest they should lose the little that was left to them. Four years later he addressed the priests, dwelling upon their common Christianity and urging them, as the only people who had the necessary influence, to use it for the advancement of industry among their people. Respecting his character more than his office, the priests, or at least many of them, took his advice in good part, but Petty had long before pointed out that the idleness of the Irish was less due to original sin than to the absence of inducement to work.[294]

[Sidenote: Slow growth of toleration.]

In Locke's opinion 'that Church can have no right to be tolerated by the magistrate, which is constituted upon such a bottom, that all those who enter into it do thereby _ipso facto_, deliver themselves up to the protection and service of another prince. For by this means the magistrate would give way to the settling of a foreign jurisdiction in his own country, and suffer his own people to be listed, as it were, for soldiers against his own government.' Notwithstanding this consideration, which used to weigh heavily with statesmen, full legal toleration has long been achieved. Intolerance between man and man will, it is to be hoped, become less bitter and less baleful with time. Clerical influence in civil affairs will continue to diminish, but will still be strong for long years to come. In the meantime we have the three Irish Churches keeping the peace between themselves, but distinctly divided. The Protestant Episcopalians look back to St. Patrick and trace their succession to the early days of Christianity, but in modern Ireland they represent mainly the immigrants from England since the Tudor re-conquest. The Presbyterians are the Scotch colony in Ulster with some outposts in the other provinces. The bulk of the native population adheres to Rome.[295]

FOOTNOTES:

[284] _Additional MSS._ 38538. The report is signed William Henry, apparently he who was Dean of Killaloe in 1761; it is addressed to a duke, probably Newcastle.

[285] Patrick Adair is very hard on Taylor, showing little reverence for his learning and eloquence; as for his theology, 'he had sucked in the dregs of much of Popery, Socinianism and Arminianism,' _True Narrative_, p. 245. Later lights on Taylor's Irish experience are in Mr. Gosse's biography, 1903. Writing to Conway on July 4, 1665, Rawdon says: 'His lordship is so close at his study replying to the answers to his book against Popery, that he is hardly got out of his closet,' Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_.

[286] Essex to Arlington, August 17, 1672, State Papers, _Ireland_; Hacket to Conway, _ib._ December 13. Clarendon to Hacket, May 25, 1686, in _Clarendon and Rochester Corr._, i. 404.

[287] Mason's _Hist. of St. Patrick's_, p. 193. 'The numerous companies of priests and friars amongst them take care they shall know nothing of religion, but what they design for them; they use all means to keep them to the use of the Irish tongue, lest if they learn English they might be supplied with persons fitter to instruct them; the people are taught to make that also their excuse for not coming to our churches, to hear our services, or converse with us in religious intercourses, because they understand us not, and they will not understand us, neither will they learn that they may understand and live.'--Taylor's _Dissuasive from Popery_, preface, _Works_, x. 124. Bedell said 'Those people had souls which ought not to be neglected till they would learn English'--_Two Lives_, p. 41.

[288] Macaulay saw only part of the question when he wrote (chap. vi.): 'The most absurd ecclesiastical establishment that the world has ever seen. Four Archbishops and eighteen Bishops were employed in looking after about a fifth part of the number of churchmen who inhabited the single diocese of London. Of the parochial clergy a large proportion were pluralists and resided at a distance from their cures. There were some who drew from their benefices incomes of little less than a thousand pounds a year, without ever performing any spiritual function.' Lingard's report to Ormonde, 1668, calendared among State Papers, _Ireland_, p. 674. Collier's _Ecclesiastical Hist._, vii. 383. Swift to Harley, September or October 1610, in his _Correspondence_, ed. Ball, i. 200.

[289] A sufficient account of the Irish translation of the Bible is in Bedell's _Life_, copiously annotated by the editor, T. Wharton. Jones, 1872. See also my _Ireland under the Tudors_, chap. liv., and the article on Andrew Sall in the _Dictionary of National Biography_. _Irish Statutes_, 28 Hen. VIII., cap. 15.

[290] Writing to Arlington, October 12, 1673, _Essex Papers_, i. 174, Essex says the Dissenters in Ulster had increased from under 14,000 of all sorts in Strafford's time to about 100,000 men fit to bear arms. On October 19, 1674, he praises the moderation of the Bishop of Down towards Dissenters, _ib._ p. 262. For a less tolerant episcopal view, see Bishop Otway of Killala to Essex, _Essex Papers_, ed. Pike, pp. 94, 113. Ormonde to H. Coventry, September 4, 1677, _Additional MSS._ 32095. Reid's _Presbyterian Hist._, ii. 336. In 1679 the Presbytery of Down acknowledged Ormonde's 'favour and noble candour' to them, _ib._ p. 572. Avaux repeatedly mentions the favour shown by James to Quakers. Writing to Strype on August 5, 1690, Bonnell says they 'at first took civil offices under King James, and were looked upon by us and by the Roman Catholics as the same with them; but latterwards, when they saw how things were like to go, they sided more with us.' It was not forgotten that Robert Barclay had been educated by Jesuits, and it was easy to say that the Quaker leaders did 'inwardly own Ignatius Loyola as their founder,' _Secret Consults of the Romish Party_, p. 90.

[291] Moran's _Life of Plunket_, chaps. v. to viii. _passim_. 'I made use of some friars, who always have their little wrangles with their secular clergy, to set up factions against some of their Bishops, &c.'--Essex to Ormonde, November 14, 1673, in _Essex Papers_.

[292] Bishop Forstall's letter of June 5, 1680, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 257. Rev. John O'Molony to Propaganda from Paris, July 19, 1669: 'In aula apud regni administros non sum ignotus, in rebus agendis et tractandis non penitus ignarus,' _ib._ i. 488. Essex to Ormonde, November 14, 1673, _Essex Papers_. Brady's _Episcopal Succession_, ii. 47, 120.

[293] Bishop of Killaloe to the Propaganda from Havre, June 13, 1681, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 258. O'Molony calls his rival Wetenhall 'heterodoxus Laonensis vir ex omni isto clero pessimus et mendacissimus.' Letter of the same, also from France, to Bishop Tyrrell, March 8, 1689, in King's _State of the Protestants_, appx. 17. At Paris in 1689 O'Molony was a thorn in Melfort's side, Macpherson, i. 339.

[294] O'Molony to Tyrrell, _ut sup._ Swift's Letter on the Sacramental Test, 1708, Drapier's sixth letter, 1724, Presbyterians' Plea of Merit, 1731. Berkeley's _Querist_, no. 255, Letter to the Roman Catholics of Cloyne, 1745, Word to the Wise, 1749, _Works_, ed. Fraser, vol. iii.

[295] Locke's letter concerning toleration (the first).

APPENDIX

ORMONDE TO BENNET

Bodleian Library, MS. Carte 143. [Pages 164-169.]

To M^r Secretary Bennett Dublin, _August 22, 1663_.

S^r

As it is my duty by yo^u to give his Ma^{tie} frequent accoumpts of his commands when I receive them, and of the state of his Affaires vnder my management, soe when any thing extraordinary happens or may reasonably be apprehended I conceive it a more speciall duty to represent it seasonably that his Ma^{tie} may apply such remedyes and preuentions as may be proper to obviate the disturbance of his Goverment.

It is well knowne to his Ma^{tie}that when he arriued in England this kingdome was absolutely in the power and for the most parte in the possession of such as one way or other had been engaged against his interest, and that the endeauours of some and acquiescence of others for his restoration was vpon confidence and vpon something very neere a promis on the Kings parte that they should enjoy what was in their hands as Adventurers by the Act past in England in the 17 of the last King & as souldiers according to the lotts that fell to their share by the distribution of the vsurpers. Soone after his Ma^{ties} comeing to London applications weare made to him by such a representatiue of those that had the power of the Kingdome as could most obleege them. Their first addresses consisted of recognitions, congratulations, and a present, afterwards propositions weare made for the reduction of the kingdome to be governed in spiritualltys and temporaltyes by the good old way established by law, and last of all a petitionary addresse to be secured in their propertyes pursuant to his Ma^{ties} gracious intentions made knowne to them by his declarations and more private vndertakeings. In the two former there was noe difficulty his Ma^{tie} graciously accepted the one and readyly consented to the other, but the latter tooke vp much tyme, by reason of the irreconcileable pretentions of the English & Irish, and of the difficulty of his Ma^{ties} complying with those as irreconcileable obligations that were vpon him to many of both nations, to those Irish that had redeemed their defection by their hearty endeauour (though vnsuccessefull) to keepe his Ma^{ties} goverm^t ouer them, and to those English that with successe had redeemed their faileings by an early invitation and voluntary submission to his Goverment, yet at length a declaration and then an Act was past after much debate betwixt the English and Irish before the King and his Councell there, a liberty without president at the consideration of a bill, but yet perhaps reasonable in this case of w^{ch} alsoe there was noe example against the exposition made by his Ma^{ties} Com^{rs} of this bill and their decrees giuen vpon it, the cry on the English side is great some of them affirming that not aboue the 6^{th} parte of those that claymed as innocents being heard yet 800000 acres are restored to old proprietors. Whether the cry be reasonable or the computation right I will not indeed I cannot determine. The King made choice of Com^{rs} of good reputation for ability & integrity, and I presume whateuer the cry may be they will giue a good account of their proceedings. That w^{ch} most satisfyed me in the Act was that his Ma^{tie} haueing diuested himselfe of the power of Judgeing & distributeing possessions and that in a way satisfactory to two Protestant Councells and a Protestant Parliam^t and named Protestant vnconcearned Com^{rs}. It would thenceforth be impossible to fix vpon him the scandall of partiallity towards Irish and papists, then w^{ch} a more dangerous cannot in my opinion be invented, and I thought this the more out of danger in that his Ma^{tie} voutchafe[296] to assure me he would not by his letters interpose in the Judiciall parte of the settlement of this Kingdome. Two things weare by the Act intrusted with his Ma^{tie} the one vpon emergencies where the Justice of Particular cases should appeare to him to require it to direct the putting in of claimes, the other was to direct whome of the former proprietors of Howses in Corporations (who should be found innocent) should be restored to their Howses, and not to valueable exchanges in landes adjacent, the first of these powers was left in the King that if by any vnavoydable accident some person might be soe remote as that he could not put in his claime by the limited tyme his Ma^{tie} might vpon the euidence of such accident releeue such a person, but those letters (as one may guesse by y^e number of them) haue not been refused to any that haue sought for them, and the Com^{rs} haue his Ma^{ties} command in such reuerence that they haue giuen way to the retracting of old & putting in new claimes vpon letters soe directing, though thereby some doe beleeve they violate the intention of the Act vnder collour of obedience to the King's command and it is more then probable that thereby alsoe a way hath been opened to the forgeing of such conveyances & settlements as experience had shewen would be of force and in consequence of that to perjury in prooveing such deedes.

The other power his Ma^{tie} reserued to himselfe to the end that whereas provision was made in the Act that though the former inhabitants in Corporations should be found innocent they should not be restored to their Howses but to equivalent satisfaction for them, that the townes might be for publique security inhabited by Protestants and English, yet in case of extraordinary merritt His Ma^{tie} was trusted to dispence with the rigor of that provision and restore such meriting person to his antient dwelling, but in this as in the other case it should seeme that noe pretender to such fauour hath been refused and some provisionall letters haue beene sent that in case such a person should be found innocent he should be restored to his Howses in Corporations, and for some men will be restored to 20 some to 90 and some to 100 Howses in one Citty and be at liberty to lett in what inhabitants he thinks fitt to the vtter disappointment of that security and improvem^t w^{ch} was designed by the Act, If this be the case as I doubt it is very like it, the conclusion will be that those powers left in his Ma^{tie} for the releefe of particular extraordinary cases haue been extended promiscuously without examination to all pretenders to them.

There remained nothing now to compleate a beleefe in this people of his Ma^{ts} extraordinary fauour to the Irish but to interpose his authority in poynt of Judgement and to direct the Com^{rs} that whateuer euidence should be produced against my L^d of Antrym of the highest guilt from the beginning to the ending of the Irish Rebellion yet they should iudge him innocent and that vpon the ground of haueing receiued precedent instructions from the late King & subsequent approbation for all his actings, some Inferences naturally arriseing thence I will not mention. I pray God there may neuer come a tyme when they may be easylyer vrged then well answered, but it is very frequently & too plausibly said this breakeing in vpon the prescribed methode of the Act cutts of all present & future security that the King may as well declare any of them who haue most contributed to his restoration to be nocent within the rules by w^{ch} the English are to be tryed and that without proofe, as my L^d of Antrim to be innocent against proofe, and that if there be noe security in an Act of Parliam^t they know not where to seeke for it or when they haue it, from this liberty w^{ch} it is not possible to restrayne proceede my apprehensions.

All the ill people planted heere by the vsurpers and all the officers & souldiers that haue been disbanded since the Kings coming in are still heere and put togither I doubt they are the greater number of English.

There is noe mony in the Treasury noe victuall in any Garrisson or store ammunition is scant enough, there are noe necessarys to make a trayne of Artillery march, and w^{ch} is wors then all this if a quarrell should be raised and stated to be betweext an English and an Irish Interest (as to the vulgar it would) the common souldier could not be trusted nor would many officers I doubt be ouer keene in the Service, & God defend vs from a necessity of Armeing Irish.

A question is raised whether the tyme prefixed by the Act for Judgeing of Innocents ended not the 2^d of July. Whether it did or noe diuers English as I heere & particularly those on my Lord of Antrims estate resolue not to giue vp possession vpon any decree made since the 2 of July: The issue to be expected is that either the sherriff will refuse to demaund possession or he will be opposed if he doe, his legall remedy in case of opposition is to rayse the power of the county and such assemblys at this tyme are not I think to be wished, and if he think himselfe not warranted to give possession there does not appeare to me any authority to force him to it or punish him for not doeing it, the standing courts of Justice are armed but the Act as I am told by those that vnderstand it hath not giuen any such to y^e Com^{rs}. The difficulty I fore see I may be in is that the Kings officer and his Authority will in appearance receiue an affront or I must apply some extraordinary and perhaps vnseasonable remedy to it. I humbly desire I may receiue the Kings direcions in this poynt.

Though this description of the condition of this Kingdome be long yet I haue omitted many circumstances & consequences deducible from what I haue said, by w^{ch} the hazardous state wee are in might be made more euident, what I haue presumed by yo^u to represent to his Ma^{tie} is to the end he should haue before him the disorders that may happen w^{ch} yet I shall imploy my vttermost industry to preuent.

Since I began this letter I haue receiued yours of the 15 currant but shall aske your leaue to deferr the answering any thing requireing answer till the next post.

S^r

Your most affectionate humble servant

You will receiue this post seuerall letters for the promotion of some B^{hps} one in favour of S^r Tho: Wharton on very iust grounds, and one for S^r Theophilus Jones a person exceedingly merriting in the worke of his Ma^{ties} restoration and very fitt at this tyme and alwaies to receiue fauour and encouragem^t.

Heere goes alsoe a letter for Coll. Milo Power w^{ch} is but the Coppy of one graunted to him before but in some way lost by him.

FOOTNOTES:

[296] _Or_ (?) vouschafe.

INDEX

TO

THE THIRD VOLUME

Abercorn, James Hamilton, 1st Earl of, 222

Acton, Richard, 285

Adair, Patrick, 4, 90, 104

Albemarle, George Monck, 1st Duke of, Lord Lieutenant 1660 ... 5, 16, 24, 229

Albeville, White, Marquis of, Irish intriguer with Spanish title, 275, 302

Alden, Philip, 37, 96

Aldworth, Sir Richard, 204

Alexander VII. (Chigi), Pope, 53

Alexander VIII. (Ottoboni), Pope, 199, 301

Anderton, Rev. Hugh, 143

Anglesey, Arthur Annesley, 1st Earl of, Vice-treasurer 1660-1667 ... 5, 16, 40, 44; protests against the Cattle Bill, 69, 72, 75, 79, 80, 110, 123, 128, 129; dismissed from the Privy Seal, 140-143; his lost History, 142

Antrim, Randal Macdonnell, 1st Marquis of, 25; restored to his estate, 39-43; Ormonde's reflections on, 335, 336

-- Alexander Macdonnell, 3rd Earl of, 197

-- county, 193

Arabia, Ireland like, 214

Ardagh, 55

Ardee, fortified by James II., 267, 271, 272, 293

Argyle, Archibald Campbell, 9th Earl of, 149

Arklow, 304

Arlington, Henry Bennet, 1st Earl of, 11; founds Portarlington, 27-29, 67, 74, 131, 141, 333

Armagh, 288, 292, 293

-- county, 113, 137, 157, 160, 288

Armourer, Sir Nicholas, Governor of Duncannon, 94, 105

Arran, Richard Butler, Earl of Duke of Ormonde's son, Lord Deputy 1682 ... 68, 135, 144, 167, 182

-- Islands, 39

Arundel of Wardour, Henry Lord, 165

Ash, Captain J., 249

Ashley: _see_ Shaftesbury

Aston, Captain William, 162

Athlone, 99, 149, 151, 265, 266, 293

Aubigny, Ludovic Stuart seigneur de, 53, 58

Aughrim battle, 175, 222, 284

Aungier, Lord: _see_ Longford

Avaux, Jean-Antoine de Mesmes, Count of, French Ambassador to James II., 195, 197; his instructions, 209, 210, 211, 213-215, 217, 219, 222; his contempt for the King, 224, 226, 231, 236, 237, 239, 240, 246, 247, 250, 256, 262, 272; his hostility to Lauzun, 273, 274, 275, 277, 280; leaves Ireland, 281, 282, 287, 326

Baker, Major Henry, Governor of Londonderry, 240, 241

Ballinacargy, 252

Ballyshannon, 193, 271

Bandon, 186, 202, 205, 313

Bangor, co. Down, 261

Bantry, 217, 218

Barberini, Cardinal Francesco, 57, 61

Barillon, French Ambassador, 187, 195, 206

Barnesmore Gap, co. Donegal, 253

Barry, Sir James, Chief Justice: _see_ Santry

Beachy Head, 275, 300

Beaufort, Duke of, in France, 81, 83

Beaumaris, 151

Bedell, William, Bishop of Kilmore, 54, 134, 323, 324

Belfast, charter forfeited, 173, 189, 193, 261, 262, 264; mortality in the hospital, 269; arrival of William III., the Lough like a wood, 290, 291

Belleek, 252

Bellew, Walter, 2nd Baron, 265

-- Castle, 279

Belturbet, battle at, 253, 278, 279

Bennet, Sir Henry: _see_ Arlington

Benson, Quartermaster, 150

Berkeley of Stratton, John, 1st Baron, President of Connaught 1662-1666, Lord Lieutenant, 1670-1672, his character, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104-108, 112, 138, 167, 325, 327

Berkeley, Sir Maurice, 99

Berry, Colonel, 254

Berwick, James FitzJames, Duke of, Arabella Churchill's son, 163; accompanies James II. to Ireland, 206, 212, 220, 222, 253, 256; burns Newry, 264, 272, 278, 292; at the Boyne, 294, 296, 298; burns Charleville, 311

Beverley, Sir Thomas, member of Court of Claims, 30, 42, 43, 46

Bingham, Captain, 149

Birch, Colonel John, 21-23, 270

Blackwater river (in Ulster), 288; (in Munster), 82

Blake, Sir Valentine, 25

Blayney, Henry Vincent, 5th Baron, 213

Blessington, Murrough Boyle, 1st Viscount, 150

Blood, Thomas, the conspirator, 35, 37, 38, 101, 102

Boisseleau, French brigadier, 206, 217, 273, 278

Bolingbroke, Viscount, 300, 308

Bonnell, James, Accountant-General, 284, 314, 326

Bonrepaus, French diplomatist, 195

Borlase, Sir John, Lord Justice in 1641 ... 53, 317

-- Edmund, author of the 'Execrable Irish Rebellion,' 141

Bourke, Hubert, 133

Bow Church, 232

Boyle, Michael, Primate and Chancellor, 20, 39, 94, 101, 138, 147, 148, 154, 223, 228, 310, 322

-- Henry, 205, 313

-- Robert, 229, 324

-- Roger, Bishop of Down, 321

-- family, 310; _see_ Blessington, Orrery, Burlington

-- co. Roscommon, 271

Boyne river, 203, 257, 275, 286, 288, 293, 294; the battle, 295-299; its historical importance, 300, 301, 303, 305, 318

Brady, Rev. Nicholas, 202, 207

Bramhall, Primate John, 8, 10, 320

Bray, 302, 304

Brecknock, Ormonde's English earldom, 7

Breda, declaration of, 11

Brenan, Archbishop John, 329

Brest, 217, 273, 305

Brewster, Sir Francis, 143

Bridgeman, Sir Orlando, 48

-- Lord (apparently meaning the 1st Baron Bradford), 167

Bristol, George Digby, 2nd Earl of, 43

Brittas, Theobald Bourke, 3rd Baron of, 133

Broghill: _see_ Orrery

Brook, Captain, 160

Brookhill, co. Antrim, 309

Brown, Geoffrey, 18, 25

Browne, Sir Valentine, 204, 205

Browning, Micaiah, 249

Buckingham, George Villiers, 2nd Duke of, 74, 84, 87-90, 92, 101, 116, 122

Bulkeley, Robert, 2nd Viscount, 151

Bundrowes, 251, 255, 256

Burgo, Bishop Dominic de, 329

Burke or de Burgo, Archbishop John, 60

Burlington, Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 79, 133, 313

Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 65, 89, 90, 232, 258

Bury, Sir William, 4

Bussy-Rabutin, Count, 273, 281

Butler, Colonel Edmund, 242

-- Captain, 68

-- family: _see_ Arran, Galmoy, Mountgarret, Ormonde, Ossory

Caillemote, Colonel La, 288, 297

Canary Company, 70, 71, 80

Capel, Sir Henry, 133

Cappoquin, 82

Capranica, 137

Capuchins, 54

Carey, Sir George, 317

Carlingford, 137, 138, 264, 268

Carlow, 16, 208

Carmelites, 54

Caron, Redmond, Franciscan, 56-58, 65

Carrickfergus, 68, 149, 193; siege by Schomberg, 262-264; William III. lands, 290

Carteret, Sir George, 75

Cartwright, Thomas, Bishop of Chester, 168, 206; dies in Dublin, 284, 290

Castle Caulfield, 257

Castleblayney, 288

Castlehaven, James Touchet, 3rd Earl of, his memoirs, 140, 141, 311

Castlemaine, Roger Palmer, Earl of, 170, 199

-- Lady: _see_ Cleveland

Castlemartyr, 113, 186, 311

Castlemore, co. Mayo, 92

Catherine of Braganza, Queen, 327

Catiline, 163

Cavan, flight of Protestants from, 252, 255; combat there, 278, 279

Cavanagh, Maurice, 165, 166

Chapelizod, 317

Charenton, 152

Charlemont, 91, 149, 214, 215, 246, 250; capitulates to Schomberg, 288, 289

Charles V., Emperor, 112

Charles II., proclaimed in Dublin, 3; sanctions the Irish Convention, 5; receives money from Ireland, 6; holds out expectations, 7; fills vacant sees, 8; bound by his father's legislation, 11; his Declaration, 13; excuses its imperfections, 16; his hand forced on the land question, 23; his grant to Arlington, 28; 'horribly angry' with the Irish Parliament, 32, 34; his action in the Antrim case, 39-43; his rash promises, 45; his influence on the Cattle Bill, his inconsistency, 80; his treatment of Clarendon, 84-86; led by Buckingham, 88; never loses confidence in Ormonde, 89; rebukes Robartes, 95; his opinion of Berkeley, 98; pardons Blood, 102; exercises the dispensing power, 105, 109; gives away the Phoenix Park, 111; abandons his tolerant policy, 113-115; restores Ormonde to favour, 116; defrauds his Exchequer, 120, 125; sups with Ormonde, 122; makes improvident grants, 126; his opinion of Orrery, 130; afraid to pardon Oliver Plunket, 139; dismisses Anglesey, 142; under his brother's influence, 146

Charles Edward, the young Pretender, 308

Charleville, 113, 144, 310, 311

Charnock, Stephen, 35

Chester, Clarendon at, 151; Tyrconnel at, 167, 168; James II. at, 195; Schomberg at, 260, 261, 264; William III. at, 290

Chichester, Sir Arthur, 142, 317

Cholmondeley, Mr., 168

Chudleigh, Thomas, 83

Churchill, Sir Winston, Commissioner of Claims, 28, 30, 43, 46, 49

Cladyford, co. Tyrone, 194, 214, 216

Clanbrassil, Henry Hamilton, 2nd Earl of, and his wife (Lady Alice Moore), 104, 105

Clancarty, Donough MacCarthy, 1st Earl of, 15, 17, 36

-- -- -- 4th Earl of, 220, 223, 253

Clanmalier, Lewis O'Dempsey, 2nd Viscount, 28, 29

Clanricarde, Ulick Do Burgh, 1st Marquis of, 12, 21

Clare, 6, 14, 15, 46, 126, 316

-- Daniel O'Brien, 3rd Viscount, 298

Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, Lord Chancellor of England, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12, 24, 25; his opinion of Arlington, 27, 30-32, 40, 41, 43-46, 53; opposes the Cattle Bill, 70-72, 74, 75; Irish attacks on him, 84-86, 98, 101, 216

Clarendon, Henry Hyde, 2nd Earl of, Lord Privy Seal, 150; Lord Lieutenant, 151; his idea of toleration, _ib._; his journey to Holyhead, _ib._; his ideas on Church patronage, 153; his opinions about Irish lawyers, 155; supports Catherine Sedley, 157; overshadowed by Tyrconnel, 159; his subservient spirit, 165; leaves, Ireland, 166, 167-172, 174-176, 216, 218, 222, 225, 226, 284; his wife entertains at the Castle, 312, 313, 321

Clarges, Sir Thomas, Monck's brother-in-law, 43

Clement IX. (Rospigliosi), Pope, 100, 327

Cleveland, Barbara Villiers, Lady Castlemaine and Duchess of, 1, 84, 102; enriched at the expense of Ireland, 111, 112, 120

Clifford, Thomas, Lord, 96, 98

Clones, 252, 279

Clonmel, 11, 113, 116, 144, 208, 313

Cloyne, 97

Coghlan, Joseph, 231

Cole, Sir Michael, 176

Colebrooke river, 254

Coleman, Edward, 139

Coleraine, 190, 193, 212, 213, 246

Comber, 188, 190, 191

Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, 182

Comyn, Eustace, his 'mad narrative,' 138

Connaught, 6, 14, 15, 46, 91, 92, 99; Presidency suppressed, 112, 126, 250, 252, 271

Conway, North Wales, 151

-- Edward, 1st Earl of, 105, 118, 122, 132, 309, 320

Cooke, Colonel Edward, 46

Coote, Sir Charles: _see_ Mountrath

-- Captain, 177

Cork, 3, 21, 117, 118, 127, 149, 186; James II. at, 208, 281, 282, 313, 329

-- Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 207, 317

Costello, Dudley, 91, 92

Costigan, John, 91

Coventry, 151; letter from, 168

-- Henry, 30, 113, 122, 125

-- Sir William, 72

-- Sir John, 102

Craven, William, Earl of, 182

Creagh, Bishop Peter, 329

Crichton, Colonel David, 251

Crispin, Captain, 83, 84

Croly, Daniel, 203

Crom Castle, co. Fermanagh, 251, 254

Cromwell, Henry, 35

-- Oliver, 1, 2, 4, 8, 12, 17, 35, 39, 73, 90, 150, 183, 189, 209, 261, 284, 299, 320

Crookshanks, John, 38

Culmore, 241, 243, 249

Cunningham, Colonel John, 215

Cunningham's Dragoons, 257

Curlew Mountains, 271

Curragh of Kildare, 180, 312, 313

Cutts, John, afterwards Lord, 297

Daly, Patrick, 59

-- Dennis, made a judge by James II., 155, 156, 208; threatened with impeachment, 235

Danby, Thomas Osborne, 1st Earl of, 120, 122, 182

Danes in William III.'s service, 268, 288, 297-299

Darcy, Bishop Oliver, 54, 56, 57, 59

Davies, Sir William, 107, 111

Dean, deserter from Schomberg, 262

Dease, Bishop Oliver, 59

Dee river, 261

Delamere, Henry Booth, 2nd Baron, 289

Dempsey, James, 59

-- Colonel, 292

Derby, Lord, 168

Digby, Simon, Bishop of Limerick, 223

Dillon, Corporal, 68

-- Cary, 116

-- Thomas, Viscount, 40, 91

Dixie, Captain, 251

Dodwell, Henry, 229

Dolben, John, Archbishop of York, 65

Dominicans, 207

Domvile, Sir William, Attorney-General 1660-1686 ... 5, 17, 18, 40, 170

Donagh, co. Fermanagh, 253, 254

Donegal, 177, 253

-- Arthur Chichester, 1st Earl of, 68

Donore, 299

Dopping, Antony, Bishop of Meath, 223, 227, 231, 236, 283, 284

Dorchester, Lord, 74

-- Lady: _see_ Sedley

Douai, 324

Douglas, Andrew, 249

-- General James, 270, 295, 296

Dover, Treaty of, 114, 165, 327

-- Henry Jermyn, created Baron, 206, 280-282, 287

Down, 134, 193, 261, 320, 321

Downpatrick, 161

Drogheda, 66, 127, 266, 272, 293; surrenders to William III., 298

Dromahaire, 192

Dromore, co. Down, 54, 56, 193, 212, 264, 310, 320

Drybridge, 297

Dryden, John, 73, 74, 87

Dublin, welcomes the Restoration, 3; riots there, 106; agitators there, 111; qualifications for a Lord Mayor of, 129; recruiting there, 160; welcomes James II., 208; Parliament there, 223; riotous winter there, 272; brass money there, 274-276; state of Protestants there, 284-286; James II. there after the Boyne, 302; William III. welcomed there, 306; population of, 110, 316

Duffy, Hugh, 135

Duleek, 296, 299, 305

Duley, Bishop James, 329

Dun, Sir Patrick, 313, 314

Dunbar, 189

Dunboyne, 35, 302

Duncannon Fort, 46, 105, 149, 196, 304

Dundalk, 68, 143, 232, 264; sufferings of army there, 268-270, 288, 291-293

Dundee, John Graham, Viscount, 280

Dungan or Dongan, Walter, Lord, 272, 298

Dungannon, 212, 214, 251

Dunleary, 151

Duplessis, a mock Huguenot, 267

Ellis, William, Secretary to Tyrconnel, 167, 172

-- Bishop Philip, 168, 169

Enniscorthy, 304

Enniskillen and the Enniskilleners, determine to resist, 188, 191, 194, 239; successful defence, 250-257, 264, 271, 274; at the Boyne, 297-298

Erne, lough and river, 194, 252

Essex, Arthur Capel, Earl of, 65, 108; Lord Lieutenant, 112-123; saves the Phoenix Park, 112; leaves Ireland, 124; wishes to return, 132, 133, 134, 138, 139, 260, 311, 325-328

Eustace, Sir Maurice, Lord Chancellor, 4-6, 20, 67

Evelyn, John, 1, 43, 53, 150, 164, 166, 311

Fane river, co. Louth, 266

Farlow, Captain, 292, 303

Fell, John, Bishop of Oxford, 124, 220

Filmer, Sir Edmund, 150, 179

Finch, Sir Heneage, afterwards 1st Earl of Nottingham, 23, 24, 44, 45, 72, 97, 98, 103

-- Daniel, 2nd Earl of Nottingham, 138, 182, 295

Fingall, Luke Plunkett, 3rd Earl of, 56

Finglas, 306

Fitton, Sir Alexander, Lord Chancellor, 164, 167, 175, 176; titular Baron of Gosworth, 224, 229, 302, 314

Fitzgerald, David, 133, 138, 139

-- Edmund, 97, 98

-- John, Knight of Kerry, 47-49

-- Hon. Robert, 124, 306, 307

Fitzharris, Sir Edward, 96

-- Edward, 139

Fitzjames, Henry, second son of James II. by Arabella Churchill, 206, 218, 272; _see_ Berwick

Fleurus, battle of, 300, 302

Forbes, Sir Arthur: _see_ Granard

Forstall, Bishop Mark, 329

Fox, Sir Stephen, 53

Franciscans, 57, 62, 63, 135, 207, 283

French, Bishop Nicholas, 23, 52, 55, 61, 64, 84

Fuller, William, Bishop of Lincoln, 8, 9

Galmoy, Pierce Butler, 3rd Viscount, 156, 251, 256, 312

Galway, 127, 149, 186, 312

-- Lord, _recte_ Galmoy _q.v._

George of Denmark, 291, 293

Gerard, Lord: _see_ Macclesfield

Goldsmith, Oliver, 323

Gookin, Vincent, 76

Gore, Hugh, Bishop of Waterford, 223

Gormar, Paul, 138

Grace, Colonel Richard, 150

Granard, Arthur Forbes, 1st Earl of, 100, 110, 132, 147-149, 180, 211, 225, 310

Greatrakes, Valentine, 310

Groomsport, 262

Gwyn, Eleanor, 105, 112

Hacket, Thomas, Bishop of Down, 321

Halifax, George Savile, 1st Marquis of, 108, 118, 131, 132, 142, 146, 147, 157, 178, 179, 180, 220, 222, 270

Hamilton, Anthony, author of the 'Memoires de Grammont,' 89, 161, 167, 179, 222; before Enniskillen, 254, 303

-- George, 222

-- Gustavus, Governor of Enniskillen, 191, 192, 212, 253

-- -- afterwards Lord Boyne, 212

-- Captain James, 213

-- John, 179, 303

-- Richard, 156, 160, 167; deceives William III., 187, 193, 212-214, 222, 239, 246-248, 250, 256, 282; at the Boyne, 296, 298

-- Sir Robert, 177

-- William, called 'Tory,' 143, 160-162, 278

-- the six brothers, 222, 274

Hampden, Richard, 133

Harbord, William, 260, 290

Harold, a Franciscan, 283

Hartstonge, Standish, Baron of Exchequer, 154

Henrietta Maria, Queen, 40, 43

Herbert, Arthur, afterwards Earl of Torrington, 217

-- Sir Edward, titular Earl of Portland, 283, 302

Hetherington, William, informer, 133, 134, 139

Hill, an outlaw, 91

Hillsborough, 193, 291

Hobbes, Thomas, 320

Hoguette La, French field officer, 273, 282, 302-304

Holyhead, 27, 59, 136, 152

Hopkins, Ezekiel, Bishop of Derry, 189

Hoquincourt, Marquis de, 303

Hounslow, 132

Howard of Escrick, William, 3rd Baron, 132

Howard, Sir Robert, 97

Howth, 27, 93

Hoylake, 290

Hughes, Margaret, 163

Huguenots, 267, 268, 271, 297

Huntingdon, Robert, Provost of Trinity College, 231, 286

Inchiquin, William O'Brien, 2nd Earl of, 202

Ingleby, Sir Charles, 155

Ingoldsby, Sir Henry, 36

Inniskilling Dragoons and Fusiliers, 257

Innocent XI. (Odescalchi), Pope, 199

Ireton, Henry, 66, 112

Iveagh, Magennis, Viscount, 293

James II., Duke of York, 24, 26, 74, 80, 98, 122, 133, 146; proclaimed in Dublin, 148; has no intention of disturbing the Settlement, 152; turns out Protestant judges and officers, 154-158; hard cases, 159-162; throws over Clarendon, 162-166; meditates an Irish Parliament, 169; at Chester, 172; his Declaration of Indulgence, 178; brings Irish troops to England, 180; his flight or abdication, 190; his separatist plans, 195; an exile in France, 198; his appeal to foreign powers, 199; reaches Ireland, 206; his reception in Dublin, 208; does not care for Ireland, 210; despises Londonderry, 213; goes to Ulster, 214; repulsed from Londonderry, 216; his chief supporters, 219-222; opens Parliament, 224; forced to repeal the Settlement, 224-228; gives up his power to pardon, 229; not his own master, 281; profits little by confiscations, 236; flouted by Rosen, 245-247; thinks of deserting Dublin, 255; parts with Melfort, 265; tries to gain Schomberg's men, 266; his vacillating character, 272; unwillingly seeks French help, 273-275; issues brass money, 276-278; prefers Lauzun to Avaux and Rosen, 280-282; his treatment of Trinity College, 285; joins his army, 292; his flight from the Boyne, 299; his ungracious speech, 302; his flight to France, 304; final ruin of his cause, 307; his notion of toleration, 200, 233, 330

Jamestown, 61, 271

Jeffreys, George, Lord Chancellor, 138, 182

-- Colonel, 36

Jennings, Fanny, 222

Jephson, Alexander, 35-38

Jermyn: _see_ St. Albans and Dover

Jesuits, 326, 327

Johnson, Robert, judge, 154

-- a Jesuit, 172

Jones, Henry, Bishop of Clogher and Meath, 8

-- General Michael, 184

-- Richard: _see_ Ranelagh

-- Sir Theophilus, 16, 19, 36, 37, 337

Kaunitz, Austrian diplomatist, 199

Keating, John, Chief Justice of Common Pleas, at Wicklow Assizes, 184-186; slighted by James, 211; opposes violent legislation, 225, 226; commits suicide, 230

-- Mr., 162

Kells, co. Meath, 252

Ken, Thomas, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 217

Kendal, Duchess of, 111

Kenmare, 81; siege of, 202-206

Keogh, Bishop Thady, 329

Keroualle: _see_ Portsmouth

Kerry, 117, 118, 144

-- Knight of: _see_ Fitzgerald

Kilcullen, 208

Kildare, 315

-- Wentworth Fitzgerald, 17th Earl of, 19, 20

Kilkenny, 47, 85, 116, 144, 208; coal there, 234, 315

-- Castle robbed by Tories, 143; establishment and library, 311, 312

Killigrew, Harry, 105

Killowen, 205

Kilmallock, 143

-- Sarsfield, Viscount, 274

Kilmore: _see_ Bedell

King, Dr. William, Dean of St. Patrick's, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin, 175, 181, 197, 233, 306, 314

-- John King, 1st Baron, 19, 20, 99

Kingston, Robert King, 2nd Baron, 186; holds Sligo for William III., 192-194, 201, 250, 252

Kinsale, 81-83, 149; James II. lands there, 206-209, 214; James sails from, 305, 313

Kirke, General Percy, 237, 239; ordered to relieve Londonderry, 243, 248, 249, 253, 254, 256, 257, 259

Lane, Sir George, afterwards Lord Lanesborough, Secretary of State, 17

Lanier, General Sir John, 268, 279

Laud, Archbishop, 319, 322

Lauderdale, John Maitland, 1st Duke of, 118, 130, 188, 325

Lauzun, Count and afterwards Duke De, chosen to command in Ireland, 274; his unfitness for the task, 281, 282, 292; at the Boyne, 295; and after, 299; his account of it, 300, 302-305

Leake, John, Captain and afterwards Admiral, at Bantry, 217; at Londonderry, 243, 249, 250

Lecky, Rev. William, 38

Leighton, Archbishop, 99

-- Sir Elisha, 99-101, 107, 108, 110, 111, 167

Leinster, 149

Leixlip, 302

Leopold I., Emperor, 199

Lestrange, Roger, 142

Lillibullero, 164, 263

Limavady, 190

Limerick, 127, 149, 186, 284, 303, 307, 313

-- William Dungan, Earl of, 218

Lingard, Richard, 322

Lisbellaw, 192

Lisburn, 262, 279, 291

-- Adam Loftus, Viscount, 267

Lisle, John, 39

Lismore, 251, 254

Lisnaskea, 251, 254

Lloyd, Colonel Thomas, 194, 252, 253 271

Locke, John, 95, 331

Loftus, Dudley, 110

-- of Rathfarnham: _see_ Lisburn

Londonderry, 38, 149; charter forfeited, 173; left by Tyrconnel without a garrison, 188, 189; the gates shut, 190, 191-193, 196; the siege, 239-250, 257-259, 261, 264, 301

Londeriad, poem on the siege, 259

Longford, Francis Aungier, Earl of, 20, 91, 122, 124, 145

--, 91

Lorraine, Duke of, 61

Loughbrickland, 191-193, 264

Louis XIV., 121, 273-275, 280-282, 289

Louth, 266

Louvois, French minister, 197, 218, 237, 274, 302

Lucan, 19, 36

Lucas, Lieutenant, 143

Ludlow, Edmund, 2, 35, 37, 39, 83

Lundy, Robert, Governor of Londonderry, 181, 191, 193, 194, 212-216, 240, 251

Luttrell, Henry, 271

-- Simon, Governor of Dublin, 285, 302, 303, 305

Lynch, Bishop Andrew, 62, 64

-- Sir Henry, Baron of the Exchequer, 176, 186

Lyndon, John, judge, 161, 162

Macaulay, Lord, 239, 249, 258, 309, 313, 323

MacCarthy, General Justin, titular Viscount Mountcashel, 149, 156, 174, 176, 202, 208; account of, 220; at Newtown Butler, 254-256, 274, 313

-- Charles, 263

-- Owen, 263

-- Phelim, 205

-- Rev. Teague, 286

Macclesfield, Charles Gerard, 2nd Earl of, 176

MacCormick, Andrew, 38

MacDermot, Daniel, 203

MacDonnell, Major, 160

MacGeohegan, Bishop Anthony, 54

Mackenzie, Rev. John, 259

MacLane, John, 136

Macmahons in the French service, 308

MacMoyer, John, Franciscan, 135-137

Magdalen College, Oxford, 124

Magennis, Daniel and Murtagh, 161-162, 178

Magill, Captain John, 47-49

Maginn, Rev. Patrick, 59

Maguire, Connor, 2nd Baron, 134, 136

-- an officer, 251, 252

-- Primate Dominic, 176

Maguire's Bridge, 192

Mainwaring, Sir Philip, 6

Mallow, 82, 186

Manor Hamilton, 250, 253

Margetson, James, Primate, 100, 101, 320-322, 327

Marly, 281

Marsh, Francis, Archbishop of Dublin, 187, 283

Marvell, Andrew, 73, 99, 111, 220

Mary of Modena, Queen, 163, 195; procures Lauzun's appointment, 273, 275, 280, 281, 305

Massé, French engineer officer, 240

Massereene, Sir John Clotworthy, 1st Viscount, 5, 12, 17, 19, 20, 22, 38, 39, 85

-- -- Skeffington, 2nd Viscount, 19, 123

Matthew, George, 313

Maumont, French field officer, 206, 239, 241

Maxwell, Thomas, Jacobite Brigadier, 262

-- Mr., 161

Maynard, Sir John, serjeant-at-law, 97, 98, 138

Mayo, 193

Meath, 35, 54, 59, 85

-- William Brabazon, 3rd Earl of, 87, 317

Melfort, John Drummond, 1st Earl and titular Duke of, 199, 200; secretary to James II. in Ireland, 209-211; forced to leave Ireland, 265, 266; generally hated, 280; his absolutist ideas, 301

Menai Straits, 151

Mervyn, Sir Audley, 6, 17; Speaker, 18-20, 26, 27, 32; a specimen of his oratory, 33, 38, 67

Michelburne, John, Governor of Londonderry, 250, 256

Milton, John, 316

Modena, 300, 301

Moira, 310

Molyneux, Adam, 66

Monaghan, 160, 209

Monck: _see_ Albemarle

Monmouth, James, Duke of, 122, 149

Montesquieu, 304

Montgomery: _see_ Mount Alexander

Montrose, James Graham, 1st Marquis of, 39

Moore, Lord, 40

-- Dr. Michael, 286

Morrison, James, 216

Mossom, Robert, Bishop of Derry, 322

Mount Alexander, Hugh Montgomery, 1st Earl of, 17, 19

-- -- -- 2nd Earl of, 188, 193

Mountcashel, _see_ MacCarthy, Justin

Mountgarret, Viscount, 242

Mountjoy, Charles Blount, created Earl of Devonshire, 288

-- William Stewart, 1st Viscount, 160, 180, 189; treacherously imprisoned in France, 190, 196, 197, 298

Mountrath, Charles Coote, 1st Earl of, 1, 3-6, 9, 16, 17, 21, 24, 54, 55, 98

Moyry pass, 264, 292

Muggeridge, town clerk of Londonderry, 216

Mullingar, 136

Munster, 38, 49; Presidency suppressed, 112, 113

Murphy, Edmund, false witness, 135-137

-- Owen, 136

Murray, Adam, defender of Londonderry, 216, 240, 241, 244, 259

Muskerry, 220

Nagle, Sir Richard, Attorney-General and Secretary for War to James II., 156, 157, 163; his Coventry letter, 168-170, 172, 224, 266, 267, 283

Nangle, Edward, 91

Nantes, edict of, 152

Naul, co. Dublin, 298, 305

Neagh, Lough, 288

Neston, 151, 168

Netterville, Lord, 40

Newry, 264, 268, 278, 279, 292

Newtown Butler, 250; battle of, 255, 256, 262

Nicholas, Sir Edward, 27

Nihill, James, 174, 175

Nimeguen, 129

North, Roger, 100

Northumberland, Percy, Earl of, 73

Nottingham, Earls of: _see under_ Finch

Nugent, Nicholas, Chief Justice and titular Lord Riverston, 149, 155, 150, 161, 162, 177, 178, 208, 224, 230

-- Brigadier, 279

Oates, Titus, 126, 133, 165, 327

O'Brenan clan, 143

O'Brien, William, Lord, 94

O'Brien's Bridge, 186

O'Connolly, Owen, 16

O'Dempsy clan, 28, 29

O'Donnell, Neal, 161

O'Donnells in Spain, 308

Oglethorpe, Fanny, 308

O'Hanlon, Redmond and Loughlin, 142, 143

Oldbridge, 293-296

Omagh, James II. at, 214, 215, 252, 253

O'Molony, Bishop John, 115, 238, 328-330

O'Neill, Daniel (died 1664), 5

-- Captain Daniel, 202

-- Felix, 175

-- Henry, 136

-- Hugh, 11

-- Sir Neill, 295

-- Neill, 136

O'Phelan, Bishop James, 329

O'Regan, Sir Teague, 289

O'Reilly, Archbishop Edmund, 54, 56, 59-62, 64

Ormonde, James Butler, 1st Duke of, Lord Lieutenant 1661-1669 and 1677-1685 ... 6-8, 12, 15, 16, 22-24; reaches Ireland, 27; dealings with Parliament and Court of Claims, 32-45 and appendix; brings over the Bill of Explanation, 46; sees it through Parliament, 47-50; plots against him, 35-37; his dealings with the Hierarchy chapter, 43; dissolves Parliament, 66; his financial difficulties, 67; puts down a mutiny, 68; opposes the Irish Cattle Bills, 69-80; his precautions during war, 82, 83; suffers from Clarendon's fall, 85; recalled, 87; his opinion of Buckingham, Orrery and others, 87; active against Tories, 90-92; abortive attempts to impeach him, 96, 97; attempt to kidnap him, 101; good friends with Essex, 116; Charles II. ashamed of neglecting him, _ib._; gives Irishmen degrees at Oxford, 124; his disputes with Orrery and Shaftesbury, 129-132; his relations with the 'Popish Plot,' 132-135; his opinion of the evidence, 138-140; attacked by Anglesey, 140-142; active against Tories, 142-145; finally recalled and leaves Ireland, 146-148; increased the revenue, 166; on the panic caused by Tyrconnel, 174; death and character, 182-185, 323

-- Duchess of (Elizabeth Preston), 47, 93

-- James Butler, 2nd Duke of, 228, 293, 306

Ormsby, Mr., 92

Orpen, Richard, 202-206

Orrery, Roger Boyle, 1st Earl of, President of Munster and Lord Justice, 1-6; manages elections, 16-18, 22, 24, 38, 44; controls Munster representation, 49, 52, 81; helps Dutch prisoners, 83, 85; intrigues against Ormonde, 86, 89, 92; his impeachment voted and abandoned, 96-98; his presidency abolished, 112, 117-119; the 'Charlatan of Munster,' 129; Charles II.'s opinion of him, 130, 132

Ossory, Thomas Butler, Earl of, Lord Deputy in 1664 and 1667, his perfect manners, 44; challenges Buckingham, 74, 90, 93; disputes with Orrery and Shaftesbury, 129-131; his death, 182

-- Lady, 28, 47, 93

O'Toole, Colonel, 184

Otway, Thomas, Bishop of Killala and Ossory successively, 123, 233, 326

Oxford, Ormonde and, 123, 124, 182

Palmer, Barbara: _see_ Cleveland

-- Rev. Thomas, 204-206

Pargiter, Lieutenant, 160

Paris, Irish mission to, 190, 273; reputation of James II. there, 198, 301; rejoicings for the Boyne there, 300

Parker, Captain Robert, 294

-- John, Bishop of Elphin, 19

-- Colonel John, 298

Parsons, Lord Justice in 1641 ... 53

-- Sir Lawrence, 208

Passage, co. Waterford, 304

Peake, Rev. Mr., 168

Pemberton, Sir Francis, Chief Justice, 138

Penmaenmawr, 124, 151

Penn, William, 179

Pepys, Samuel, 70, 72, 88, 100, 104

Petre, Edward, S.J., James II.'s confessor, 157, 163

Petty, Sir William, 17, 25, 30, 70, 78, 125, 202, 206; on Irish population, 314-317, 322, 330

Philips, George, 190

Phoenix Park, 111, 112

Pigott, Colonel Thomas, 20

Pilkington, Sir Thomas, 232

Plattin, 298

Plunket, Archbishop Oliver, 63, 100, 101, 115; his trial and execution, 134-139, 327-329

-- Sir Nicholas, 7, 12, 20, 23, 43, 45, 59

-- Bishop Patrick, 55, 59, 62, 64, 134

-- an outlaw, 91

Pointis, French artilleryman, 196, 197, 211, 250

Ponce, John, 53

Portarlington, 29

Porter, Sir Charles, Lord Chancellor, 154, 155, 174-176

-- James, Endymion's son, 199

Portglenone, 212

Portland, William Bentinck, 1st Earl of, 260, 261, 290

Portsmouth, Louise de Keroualle, Duchess of, 112, 122, 145

Power, James, 186

-- Colonel Milo, 337

-- Richard: _see_ Tyrone

-- -- an outlaw, 143, 144

Powis, William Herbert, 1st Marquis and titular Duke of, 163, 178, 206

Presbyterians, 241, 325 _sqq._

Price, John, 184

Pujade, Captain La, 303

Pusignan, French field officer, 206, 213, 214, 239

Rainsford, Sir Richard, a Commissioner of Claims, 30, 43, 46, 48

Ramsay, Brigadier-General, 241

Ramsey, 261

Randall, Francis, 304

Ranelagh, Richard Jones, 1st Earl of, 121, 122, 125, 130, 145, 321

Rapin, Paul, 288

Rapparees, 225, 227

Rathfarnham, 257

Rathfriland, 193

Rathgogan, 310; _see_ Charleville

Rathkeale, 186

Ravensdale, 292

Rawdon, Sir Arthur, 212, 213

-- Sir George, 16, 25, 112, 118, 309, 310

Redhill, 252

Reynell, Sir Richard, judge, 154

Rice, Sir Stephen, Chief Baron under James II., 155, 156, 169, 172, 173, 176-178, 215, 229, 255

Richards, Colonel Solomon, 215

Rinuccini, papal nuncio 1645-1649, 39, 51-53

Riordan, a bravo, 39

Roan, John, Bishop of Killaloe, 223

Robartes, John, 1st Earl of Radnor, Lord Lieutenant 1669 ... 5, 89, 90, 93-96, 100, 104, 323, 325, 327

Roche, Captain James, 248

Rochester, Laurence Hyde, 1st Earl of, 146, 147, 150, 156, 157, 161

Rome, news of the Boyne at, 301

Rooke, George, afterwards admiral, 217, 243, 249, 250

Roscommon, 3, 193

-- Wentworth Dillon, 4th Earl of, 29

-- Cary Dillon, afterwards Earl of, 116, 160

Rosen, De, French general, with James II. in Ireland, 206, 211, 214-216, 239, 240; disagrees with James, 245-248, 272; disliked by the Irish, 280; approved by Louis XIV., 281

Rospigliosi, James, internuncio at Brussels, 51, 61, 62

Rossnaree, 295

Rostellan, 98, 99

Roth, Captain Michael, 196

Routh, Dr. Martin Joseph, of Burnet's History, 258

Rumbold, Richard, 139

Rupert, Prince, 104, 114, 163

Russell, William, Lord, 133

Rust, George, Bishop of Dromore, 310

Ryan, William, 128

Rye House plot, 139, 146

St. Albans, Henry Jermyn, 1st Earl of, 40, 43

St. John's Well, Dublin, 160

St. Patrick's Cathedral, 283, 306

St. Sauveur, French officer, 271

Sancroft, Archbishop, 151, 154, 182, 217

Sandwich, Edward Montagu, 1st Earl of, 64

Sankey, Sir Jerome, 30

Santry, Sir James Barry, created Lord Chief Justice, 5, 6, 18

Sawyer, Sir Robert, 137, 138

Sarsfield, Patrick, titular Earl of Lucan, General, 19, 36, 57, 181; regains his estate, 221; Avaux's high opinion of him, 222, 250, 253, 256, 274, 293, 294; his estimate of the rival kings, 299, 307

Scanderbeg, 143

Schomberg, Frederick, Duke of, commands William III.'s army in Ireland, 232, 236; his order saves Londonderry, 243; reaches Ireland and takes Carrickfergus, 260-265; refuses battle, 266; sufferings of his arms, 267-271, 274, 275; holds Ulster, 279; takes Charlemont, 288-291; killed at the Boyne, 295-297, 299

-- Meinhard, 3rd Duke of, son of the preceding, commands extreme right at the Boyne, 295, 296

Scilly Islands, 281

Scravenmore, Dutch field officer, 293

Sedley, Catherine, 157, 312

Seignelay, Colbert, Marquis de, 195-198, 304

Sévigné, Madame de, 198, 222, 274

Seymour, Sir Edward, 97

Shaen, Sir James, 125, 132, 145

Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of, favours exclusion of Irish cattle, 73, 74; bolsters up the 'Popish Plot,' 130-133, 139

Shales, John, 260, 261, 270, 290

Shannon river, 271, 298

Shapcote, Robert, 35

Shelburne, Lady, 206

Sheldon, Colonel Dominic, 184, 298

Sheridan, Thomas, 134, 158, 162-164; secretary to Tyrconnel, 167, 168, 172, 175, 177, 178, 180, 219, 308

-- Dennis, 134

Sidney, Henry, afterwards Earl of Romney, 120, 293

Skeffington, Sir John: _see_ Massereene

Skerries, 95

Sligo, 188, 192, 193, 196, 201, 256, 271, 289

Smith, Sir Edward, Chief Justice, 30, 44

Solms, Count, 269, 293, 294

South, Dr. Robert, 124

Southampton, Thomas Wriothesley, 4th Earl of, 85

Southwell, Sir Robert, 82, 124, 131, 146

-- Sir Thomas, 186, 207

Stafford, William Howard, Viscount, 140

Stanley, city-major, 64

Staples, Major Alexander, 38

Stapleton, Sir Miles, 140

Steenkirk, battle, 190, 298

Stevens, John, 216-218, 272, 296

Stone, Primate, 319

Story, George, military chaplain and historian, 263, 265, 268, 289, 297

Strabane, 250

Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of, 6, 18, 42, 67, 97, 175, 180, 220, 311, 312, 317, 319, 322

Strype, Rev. John, 284

Suarez, 128

Suir river, 304

Sullivan, Owen, 202

Sunderland, Robert Spencer, 2nd Earl of, 131, 146, 147, 150, 154, 162, 163, 165, 168, 172, 195, 200

Sutherland, Colonel Hugh, 253

Sweden, 281

Swift, Jonathan, 111, 164, 258, 308, 323, 330

Swilly, Lough, 243, 253

Swiney, Bishop Eugene, 54

Synge, Edward, Bishop of Limerick, 82

Taaffe, Theobald, Lord, afterwards 1st Earl of Carlingford, 40

-- a priest called Lord Abbot, 162

Talbot, Archbishop Peter, 101, 113-115, 127, 134, 328

-- Richard: _see_ Tyrconnel

-- Sir Robert, 25

-- Sir William, 167

Taylor, Jeremy, Bishop of Down and Connor, his Restoration sermon, 8; preaches to Parliament, 18; his troubles in Ulster, 9, 310, 320, 322

Temple, Sir John, Master of the Rolls and historian, 25

-- Sir William, son of the last, 19, 45, 72, 78, 131, 132, 315, 316

-- Sir John, brother of the last, solicitor and afterwards Attorney-General, 19, 20, 25, 40

Thomastown, co. Tipperary, 313

Thompson, Captain, 38

Thornhill, Captain, 141

Thynne, Thomas, 102

Tiffen, Colonel, 255, 257, 258

Tipperary, 143

Tonge, Israel, 126

Totty, Sir John, 106-108, 111

Townley Hall, co. Louth, 294

Trant, Sir Patrick, 304

-- Olive, 308

Trillick, 252, 253

Trim, 239

Trinity College, Dublin, 231, 285

Tuam, 18

Tullyesker, 293

Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, Earl and titular Duke of, 27, 28, 43; agent for Irish Recusants, 102; attacked by the English Parliament, 113, 114; allowed to go abroad, 128, 134, 144, 145; his contest with Clarendon, chap. xlviii.; Lord Deputy, chap. xlix.; welcomes James II. at Cork, 207; account of him, 219, chap. li., 237-238, 255, 266, 273, 277, 280-285; at the Boyne, 298, 302, 305, 306, 329

Ulster, 101, 117, 160

Upton, Archer, 49

Usher, Captain Ignatius, 218

Ussher, Archbishop, 319

Vauban, Marshal of France, 198, 275

Vecchiis, Jerome de, 57, 58

Vernon, Colonel, 35, 39

Vesey, John, Bishop of Tuam, 232

Walker, George, raises a regiment, 212, 215; Governor of Londonderry, 241 and all chap. lii.; controversy about his 'True Account,' 257; welcomes King William at Belfast, 290; killed at the Boyne, 297

Wall, Richard, Spanish minister, 308

Walsh, Peter, Franciscan, author of the Remonstrance, all chap. xliii.; defeat of his party, 100, 127, 326, 327

Ward, Peter, Lord Mayor, 129

Warren, Colonel Edward, 38

Waterford, 47, 127, 133, 149

-- county, 117, 144, 310

Wattle bridge, 254

Wauchop, Colonel Francis, 303

Welshpool, 217

Westmeath, 85

Weston, Baron, 134

Wetenhall, Edward, Bishop of Cork, 223, 329

Wexford, 85, 127; the spa there, 314, 315

Weyer, Florence, 136, 137

Wharton, Thomas, 1st Marquis, 164, 337

Whitehouse, 290

Whitlow, Rev. Mr., 215

Wicklow, 35, 304

Wight, Isle of, 181, 187, 301

William III., 130; proclaimed at Enniskillen, 192, 198; Londonderry swears allegiance to him, 213, 270, 278; Whig opposition to Irish journey, 289; lands near Belfast, 290; at the Boyne, 293 and all chap. liv.

Williamson, Sir Joseph, 94

Wincanton, 181

Wogan, Sir Charles, 308

Wolseley, William, General, victorious at Newtown Butler, 253-256, 278, 279

Worth, Baron William, 176

Wren, Sir Christopher, 291

Würtemberg, Ferdinand, Duke of, commands Danish contingent, 266, 288

Xerxes, 218

York, Duke of: _see_ James II.

Youghal, 21, 127

Young, Arthur, 284

Zurlauben, Colonel, 303

THE END

AT THE BALLANTYNE PRESS PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE, BALLANTYNE AND CO. LTD. COLCHESTER, LONDON AND ETON, ENGLAND

TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES:

General: No attempt has been made to standardise capitalization on names such as FitzJames and MacDonald Page 6 [Footnote]: Jluy corrected to July Page 9, 151: Variable hyphenation of non(-)conformists as in the original Page 28, 29, 347: Inconsistent spelling of O'Dempsey/O'Dempsy as in the original Page 38, 346: Inconsistent spelling of McCormick/MacCormick as in the original Page 54, 346: Inconsistent spelling of McGeohegan/MacGeohegan as in the original Page 58: Vechiis standardised to Vecchiis Page 58 [Footnote]: Roxburgh corrected to Roxburghe Page 85: Masserene standardised to Massereene Page 88 [Footnote]: 1568 corrected to 1668 for letter to Archbishop Boyle Page 120, 212, 254: Variable hyphenation of field(-)pieces as in the original Page 121: 1881 corrected to 1681 Page 136, 137, 351: Inconsistent spelling of Wyer/Weyer as in the original Page 139: Rye-house standardised to Rye House Page 143, 347: Inconsistent spelling of O'Brennan/O'Brenan as in the original Page 162: Nangles' as in the original Page 180 [Footnote]: 1887 corrected to 1687 Page 188 [Footnote]: 1889 corrected to 1689 Page 213, 340: Inconsistent spelling of Blaney/Blayney as in the original Page 255: reconnaisance corrected to reconnaissance Page 268, 288, 351: Inconsistent spelling of Wirtemberg/Würtemberg as in the original Page 276 [Footnote]: 1889 corrected to 1689 Page 279: drections corrected to directions Page 279 [Footnote]: Opening parenthesis added before Addenda to balance closing parenthesis Page 288, 341: Inconsistent spelling of Castleblaney/Castleblayney as in the original Page 289: 1889 corrected to 1689 Page 293 [Footnote]: June 26/July 4 as in the original Page 312 [Sidenote]: progess corrected to progress Page 317: Chapelziod corrected to Chapelizod Page 333: Inconsistent spelling of BENNET/Bennett as in the original Page 341: Caillemotte standardised to Caillemote Page 349: Ryehouse standardised to Rye House; Sevigne standardised to Sévigné