Part 12

My Friends, I must confess that it is somewhat difficult for me to address you on a subject on which I have been talking for the last, I don't know how many days. I am somewhat tired of making speeches. When I came to Bankipore I thought I would simply listen to speeches and that I shall have no trouble to address you. But I was prevailed upon to address you. I have been reading several newspapers lately just to understand the criticism against the policy of Non-co-operation. I read speeches of public men and of Government, non-officials, and of Governors. So I thought it might be hardly necessary for you to deal with those things but it might be useful to clear the grounds of principle and policy of the congress. I want to speak to you about the principle of Nationalism. We have heard the word Swaraj so much that we probably do not realise its full meaning. The principle of Nationalism is also the principle of Swaraj. Swaraj is a convenient expression for adopting a cause which would be of Nationalism. Long before this policy of non-co-operation was started by Mahatma Gandhi, in fact in the year 1917, I remember what I spoke from the Congress platform at Calcutta. You remember in those days there was a great deal of controversy as to what would be the precise scheme of self-government. Bombay spoke the one way and Bengal the other. There were many differences of opinion as to what scheme of self-government there should be. Then I said it is useless to discuss the policy; we want to govern our own country, namely to govern ourselves and regulate our own conduct and develop the nation in the light of our own experiences. I say we want to realise that cause of nationalism. The moment we realise that, the moment we realise the right that God has given us, that moment the bureaucracy will be crushed under feet. The criticism which has been levelled against the Congress is this, namely, that the Congress has not defined what Swaraj is. Many people at Calcutta have taken this objection. My answer to that is very simple. The very nature of Swaraj is such that it is impossible to define it. Swaraj is that which you realise in your heart to-day. How can you then define what sort of Swaraj you will get. Realise your right, and the moment you realise that right, the moment what you realise will become fact. If you realise less right you will have less fulfilment, if you realise in complete and absolute right, Swaraj you are bound to get. You cannot define it. India wants that and the moment India realises that whole heartedly, I say that moment Swaraj is ours. I care not whether you have Parliamentary councils, whether legislative councils divided into so many compartments whether you have upper house and lower houses in order to govern the country. I want India to say in one voice that we will govern ourselves. That is the right we have. No Government can deprive us of that right. The moment you discover that, you will get Swaraj. Therefore, before you think what kind of self-government we should have I want to tell you that you should concentrate your mind, day in and day out over the attainment of Swaraj. My justification for that is nationalism. Do you understand what nationalism is? Many people, very genuine and intelligent people say that they would not have nationalism because it is antagonistic to humanity. They forget that in this God's creation there are various nations and that India to-day pleads for her own nationalism. Indian nationalism does not and cannot hurt humanity. I understand by humanity several races that are inhabitants of this earth, Indians, Europeans, Americans, Russians, and others that are inhabitants of the globe and if I am pleading for nationalism of India to-day how I am going against humanity and nationalism of the earth. India's nationalism is according to her own traditions and principle, "Live and let live" according to your right. We have no quarrel with you but when you cut away our nationality and right, it is then we say that we will not co-operate with you. You develop your nation in your own way. You, Americans, you develop your nationalism in your own way. But if you say that Indian nationalism must be fashioned in your own way, killing our nationalism, that cannot be tolerated. Therefore you find nationalism and Swaraj to be absolutely the same thing. Here I give you an example. Take a garden. You see the beauty and glory of God's creation all round the garden. But if a flower says to another flower that it should not grow in its own way, is that possible? I say that so far as the law of hidden nature is concerned it should go in its own way. Each has got its own individuality, own nationality. This nation has got an absolutely distinct individuality. Is this nation to live according to European ideals? Do you think that an Indian can live according to English traditions? Indian nation must grow according to its own temperament in the light I have described. We have been trying to build our own nation for the last 35 years, but we have discovered to day that throughout the history of British rule every attempt made for the development of nationality was crushed by the bureaucracy. Wherever you strive for freedom there is every obstacle from the officials. Therefore what happened in the Punjab became possible. There was a Rowlat Act. It was to kill your nationalism and for that whole of India protested. No Nationality can prosper which has got a Government by bureaucracy of that character. Whatever you do they will come and check you, and ruin that line for ever. Therefore it is that the Congress has declared that every method which we had hitherto applied has failed. At the Amritsar Congress Mahatma Gandhi was for co-operation. I must confess I did not agree with that proposal. He is a good-hearted gentleman.

He told me is it not better to follow faith while co-operation has given such large promises. He thought that bureaucracy would change its angle of vision. I said that we cannot do so. And few months passed that Mahatma Gandhi was convinced that I was right. Congress has declared now, having regard to what happened in the Punjab, what happened to our Mohamedan brethren, and the passings of many oppressive laws from time to time. Congress has declared with one voice, and all provinces have accepted this time unanimously that the only method which remains is that of non-co-operation. It has been explained over and over again. Many people have asked me about that. I found it easy to explain in Bengal. The other day I had to address a large assembly of labourers of a mill near Calcutta. I told them that you work at mills, you have seen machinery, well, who is it that drives the machinery. Who is it that makes the machinery work and produce articles and manufacture things. It is not that Burra Saheb who sits in a chair lording over the whole business. It is you who move the machinery. So many bags of papers come out because you move the machinery. I told them that the huge Government is nothing but a machinery. Who drives that machinery? It is ourselves. It is the students who read in colleges, it is the pleaders who practice in courts, it is the police officers, it is the Deputy Magistrates who decide cases, it is the judges who administer laws. So in every way it is the Indian that drives this machinery. A history of last 160 years shows explicitly that your objects are not our objects. Our object is to foster our development, your object is to crush our manhood. Therefore there is a complete difference between the object of bureaucracy and ours. Think what happened in Punjab and I cannot forget Khilafat either. These instances you cannot forget. You remember there was a non-official committee appointed by the Congress. Last year we all met at Benares and we signed the joint report as non-official commissioners. The report was drafted by Mahatma Gandhi. We examined that report and we discussed the matter. We purposely put our demands very low. In fact we put it so low that some of our countrymen were very angry. They asked much more than that. And now I tell you, it is no more a secret. We had made up our minds that we would put forward our demand and it ought to be no more a pious resolution and we must insist upon the Government to act up to our recommendation. Our legitimate demands were so low. Even these demands were treated with scorn and the offenders were left scot free. Subscriptions were raised for those villans. Ladies danced, I am informed, to collect money for the upkeep of those villanous offenders. We entered into a contract there in the holy city of Benares. It is for this blunder that Mahatma Gandhi has started this non-co-operation. His object is that their hands are polluted, therefore, whatever their institution, no self respecting Indian can remain there. Every Indian should take his hands off from that Government. No Indian who has got any self-respect should go forward to help this bureaucracy. Mahatma Gandhi started it and after that my friend Mr. Moti Lall Nehru joined it. In Calcutta Congress I did not join it because there was great difference of opinion. Few read my speech because I was against non-co-operation at Calcutta. It is not a fact that I opposed that resolution on the very ground of non-co-operation. Once I have made up my mind to accept it, I must follow up to it. Afterwards I made up my mind that this Non-Cooperation must be more complete from the national point of view. I wanted to bring a more effective resolution. So far as my practice is concerned I have not accepted a single new case after the Calcutta Congress. I drafted another resolution. I specially went to Benares and there discussed the resolution with Mahatma Gandhi, with my friend Madan Mohan Malaviya, with my friend Lall Lajpat Rai, I met again Mahatma Gandhi at Dacca and discussed with him again and he agreed to it. Those who knew of the inner working of Nagpur Congress might have known how I worked from morning till night for that resolution and I tell you I succeeded. It made clear that Non-Co-operation is that everybody should take his hands away from the machinery of Government and that until the whole country is not prepared for that we must go on stage by stage. That resolution is fully satisfactory. Mr. Jayakar of Bombay opposed it. He did not join us before. I do not know why. But I am glad to say that only the other day he declared that he has given up his practice as a lawyer and has become a non-co-operator. Therefore, every one who met at Benares and took that vow in the holy city of Benares have become non-co-operators. I have arrived at the conclusion that this life is not worth living and I would rather much sooner die than lead a life of a slave in this country. This country is ours given by God. We have to realise that day and night. I say again that the moment you realise that right that very moment Swaraj is ours. What is Swaraj? It is a right to carry on your own right in your own way. There is another thing before I have done. Mahatma Gandhiji's Charkha has caused much laughter before the officials. People who are saying so are totally ignorant of our slavery. Our slavery is more economic than political.

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I was telling you something about Charkha, I have been asked in several places as to how Charkha could improve matters. How could Charkha bring Swaraj. Do you know what the facts are. Swaraj means that we must live within ourselves. We must be self-contained. I tell you that we are great slaves to-day. Our economic slavery is greater than political slavery. Exploitation is carried on by the bureaucracy. The Non-officials and officials so far as Europeans are concerned constitute the bureaucracy. One helps the other, so exploitation and administration are the two chief policies of the Government. I say our economic slavery is very great indeed and constitute the main factor of our dependence. The facts at present are that if Manchester and Lancashire stop sending cloth our women will have to go naked. That was not the case in India before this bureaucracy came here. Our system was not this. I speak of Bengal because I claim to know more about Bengal. The system obtained in India was, that so far as our necessaries were concerned we were self-contained. We never depended on any body in India. We made our own clothes and were independent of any race in the world. Now just consider what Charkha can do for you. From Manchester comes 60 crores of rupees worth of cloth every year. You will not have to pay these 60 crores of rupees which go out of India. If a householder works by Charkha for one or two hours a day at the end of the year he will find himself with all the necessaries of his family. For a clerk who gets 40 or 50 rupees per month, and who weaves his own cloth every day, it is a great deal of saving for him. It is very easy. One ordinary tree will yield one to 3 seers of cotton, and 1/4th of a seer is quite enough for one Dhoti. If you use Charkha only for limited hours daily you will get sufficient cloth for a Dhoti. This Dhoti that I am wearing to-day will last 4 times longer than that which comes from Manchester. I tell you, you will solve it very easily. If the work is carried on all this year by every student and every householder, we will see the economic independence of India to-day. Along with it you will achieve your political independence. It is only for one year that we are asking for Charkha and after that you can regulate your methods. You do not want any mills. It is only for one year. Many ask, what about ship-building, what, about navy etc., I say for God's sake, I do not want any thing for one year. If you once secure economic independence, I venture to say that India's economic development cannot be prevented by any power in the world. It will grow better and better every year. I know there is a great deal of discussion about it and personally I can tell you that I cannot for one moment be in favour of European industrialism at all. I shall not at all be sorry if some of the things that are manufactured in England are not made here. Do what you should do, work a Charkha and you will realise the result. If you do that you will without doubt get independence. Now, gentlemen, one word more and I have done. I have told you that non-co-operation is the only method to achieve freedom. I have also told you that the work of non-co-operation is very difficult. It will be destroyed if it is not kept by non-violent method. The whole work will be impeded if it is not carried on non-violently. Every kind of violence mental or physical is detrimental to the method of non-co-operation. Therefore every non-co-operator's work must be strictly non-violent. He has to face danger after danger. Every non-co-operator will be inculcated, beaten, outraged but he should strictly maintain non-violence. You know the ways and methods of bureaucracy in this country. They have got so many sections in their Penal Code which they can use against any preacher of non-co-operation. I do not for one moment, think that these methods can ever root out non-co-operation. They know that the moment non-co-operation succeeds that very moment bureaucracy will be crushed. I know they will try to destroy the method of non-co-operation by using their penal sections. They may go on using section after section. But a non-co-operator should never indulge in violence.

Continuing Mr. Das said that he knew that proceedings have been started against certain workers in the district of Muzaffurpur under sections 107 and 144 of the C. P. C for delivering violent speeches. They should not give any excuse like that to the bureaucracy. But now that they have been served with the notices they must comply with the section. Let the action of the bureaucracy be as autocratic, as autocratic can be. Let them break the law, and not the non-co-operators. If they found that the authorities were using section after section unjustly without any justification then the congress would have to declare civil disobedience. Time would then arrive to break the law. But that moment had not arrived yet. Their mission was the mission of law-abiding citizens.

If violence is used you will go against the Indian National Congress and destroy this sacred method. You must know in your heart of hearts the secret of Swaraj and that you will gain only by Non-co-operation. The only feeling, the only intense desire which a Non-co-operator should cherish, his only prayer to God, should be for the achievement of Swaraj. Gentlemen, now I am tired. I wish our movement a success in the province of Bihar.

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Transcriber's note:

Inconsistencies in punctuation and spelling are as in the original.